BANCROFT 
LIBRARY 

<> 

THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 


PHOTOGRAPHED  BY  TRONE,  SHERIDAN,  WYO. 


THE 


LIFE  AND  ADVENTURES 


OF 


FRANK  GROUARD, 

Chief  of  Scouts,  U.  S.  A., 


BY 


JOE  DE  BARTHE. 


ST.  JOSEPH,  MO. 

COMBE  PRINTING  COMPANY, 

315  and  317  Felix  St. 


4 


TO  THE 
JOURNALISTS  OF  AMERICA 

THIS  VOLUME 
IS   AFFECTIONATELY 

SUBSCRIBED1 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1394  by  Joe  De  Barthe, 

in  the  office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress 

at  Washington. 


CONTENTS. 


PART  FIRST. 

PAGE. 
Preface 13-19 

X 

CHAPTER  I. 
Family  History — Ancestry— Birth  and  Boyhood 21-26 

CHAPTER    II. 

''The  Silent  Man  of  the  Plains"— Some  Curious  Errors— From  the  Village 

of  the  Redman  to  the  Camp  of  the  Frontier  Army 27-34 

CHAPTER  III. 

Preliminary  Observations— Recalling  the  causes  of  the  Indian  Troubles, 

the  Phil  Kearney  Massacre  and  the  Black  Hills  Stampede 35-57 

CHAPTER   IV. 

Grouard's  Own  Story— Starts  Out  as  a  Mule  Skinner,  and  Goes  to  Helena 

in  1865— Some  Characteristic  Incidents 58-64 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Helena  Flour  Famine— How  One  Man  Made  a  Fortune— Plenty  of  Gold, 

but  Nothing  to  Eat 65-66 

CHAPTER    VI. 

"Liver  Eating  Johnson ''—The  Montana  Militia— Establishing  the  Pony 
Express  from  Musselshell  to  Forts  Peck  and  Hall— Captured  by  the 
Blackfeet — An  Awful  Experience 67-72 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Grouard's  First  Indian  Fight— Giving  Assistance  to  the  Besieged  Wood- 
Choppers—  Eleven  u  Good  "  Redskins. 73-74 


Ti  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VIII.  PAGE. 

Caj-tured  by  the  Sioux— Sitting  Bull  Gives  an  Evidence  of  Good  Intentions 

—A  Hard  Trip  to  the  Indian  Village 75-77 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Taken  to  the  Hostile  Camp— Silence  of  the  Captors— Grouard's  Second  Meet 
ing  with  Sitting  Bull— The  Great  Chief's  Notable  Speech  Before  the 
Council,  and  Its  Effect 78-84 

CHAPTER  X. 

The  Kindness  of  White  Cow— Attacked  by  a  Strange  Sickness— Visions  of 

Bread— The  Realization 85-88 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Grouard  Makes  a  Ten-Strike— The  Old  Flint-lock  Does  Noble  Execution 
and  Astonishes  the  Natives— The  Beginning  of  a  New  Life  for  the 
Captive ^...  89-94 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Indian  Courtship — Some  of  the  Means  Employed  to  Secure  a  Life  Partner 

— Possession  not  Always  Ownership 95-102 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Sitting  Bull  Leads  a  Desperate  Charge— How  a  Band  of  Crow  Horse  Thieves 
Were  Driven  Into  the  Rocks  and  Slaughtered— The  Courage  of  the 
Uncapapa  Chief 103-105 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

An  Indian  Jambouree— The  "  Invisible  Spirit  of  Wine"— Everybody  Drunk, 
and  Murder  the  Order  of  the  Day— Grouard  Seeks  Safety  in  Flight 
—Mourning  for  the  Slain— A  Harrowing  Recital 10G-108 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Sitting  Bull  Tries  to  Kill  Grouard— The  Captive's  Endeavor  to  Bring  the 
Half  breed  Miscreant  to  Justice— His  Trip  to  Frenchman  Creek  and 
Its  Result 109-113 

CHAPTER   XVI. 

Sees  Custer  and  Hears  "  Garryowen  "—Grouard  Witnesses  a  Fight  Between 

the  Troops  and  Indians,  and  Has  a  Narrow  Escape  from  Death 114-116 


CONTENTS.  vii 

CHAPTEIt   XVII.  PAGE. 

Grouard  Meets  Crazy  Horse— Leaves  the  Village  of  the  Uncapapas  and 
Begins  Life  In  the  Village  of  the  Ogallalas— Something  About  Crazy 
Horse  and  His  Family 117-118 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Torturing  the  Captive— The  Manner  in  Which  the  Indians  Proved  Grou- 
ard's  Nerve— Four  Hours  of  Unceasing  Pain— Pronounced  "  Good 
Medicine." 119-123 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

In  a  Rattlesnake  Den— An  Experience  Grouard  Remembered  Vividly  and 

Often  Dreamed  of  Afterward— Millions  of  Reptiles 124-126 

CHAPTER    XX. 

Indian  Characteristics  and  Customs— Many  of  the  Aborigine's  Traits  of 

Character,  and  Something  About  His  Religion — Ceremonials 127-148 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Saved  by  a  Pony — Strayed  from  the  Band  and  Nearly  Cut  Off  by  Marauding 
Crows— A  Number  of  the  Sioux  Hunting  Party  Killed  During  a 
Buffalo  Hunt 149-151 

CHAPTER    XXII. 

Establishing  a  Reputation— Grouard  Goes  on  a  Hunt  and  Saves  the  Village 

from  Starvation— Slaughtering  Elk  by  the  Score 152-156 

CHAPTER   XXIII. 

"  The  Way  of  the  Transgressor  " — Breaking  a  Law  of  the  Council  and  Nar 
rowly  Escaping  Death  in  Consequence— Safety  Found  in  a  Narrow 
Washout 156-158 

CHAPTER    XXIV. 

Factional  Differences— TTow  an  Old  Feud  Started  a  Murderous  Row  in  the 
Village  of  the  Minneconjoux— Sitting  Bull  Acts  as  Peacemaker  and 
Steals  His  Own  Ponies 159-1G2 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

Fasting  for  Eight  Days— One  of  the  Very  Worst  Experiences  Grouard  Had 
While  in  Captivity— Two  of  His  Indian  Companions  Die  After 
Reaching  Camp 163-166 


viii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   XXVI.  PAGE. 

Massacre  of  the  Gros  Ventres— An  Entire  Village  Wiped  Out  by  the  Black- 
feet.  Their  Bodies  Left  for  the  Wolves  to  Prey  Upon 167-168 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

One  Way  of  Cooking  Meat— Grouard  Takes  His  First  Lesson  in  Indian 

Cooking- Shooting  Life  and  Light  Into  the  Sun 169-171 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Grouard  Regains  His  Freedom— He  Joins  a  Raiding  Party  and  Steals  His 
Way  to  the  Red  Cloud  Agency— His  Efforts  to  Aid  the  Making  of  the 
Black  Hills  Treaty 172-176 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Grouard  Meets  Gen.  Crook  and  Accepts  an  Offer  to  Enter  the  Government 

Service 177-181 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

Looking  for  Indians — The  Spring  Campaign  of  1876 — Leading  Crook's  Com 
mand  Into  the  Indian  Fastnesses— Finding  the  First  Hostile  Village  182-188 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

The  Battle  with  Crazy  Horse— Crook's  Order's  Disobeyed— Destroying 
Enough  Provisions  to  Supply  a  Large  Army— Suffering  of  the  Troops 
— Crook's  Anger 189-201 

CHAPTER    XXXII. 

Close  of  the  Spring  Campaign— How  the  Indians  Compute  Distances— Re- 
shaw's  Jealousy  of  Grouard's  Knowledge  of  the  Indians— Starting 
Scandalous  Stories 202-204 

CHAPTER    XXXIII. 

Working  Off  Bile— Grouard  Attends  a  Half  breed  Dance— Big  Bat  Gives  Evi 
dence  of  His  Friendship  and  a  Knowledge  of  Fisticuffs 205-207 

CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

In  a  Tight  Place— Surrounded  by  Hostiles  and  Outwitting  Them— Dummies 

Used  to  Good  Advantage 208-211 

CHAPTER  XXXV. 

Through  the  Hostile  Country— Shooting  a  Herder— Accidental  Shooting  of 

aSoldier 212-213 


CONTENTS.  ix 

CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

A  Perilous  Journey—"  Left  Hand  "—Finding  Friends  When  Preparing  to 

Meet  Enemies— A  Hand-Shaking  Tournament , -214-222 

CHAPTER    XXXVII. 

Battle  of  the  Rosebud — Wounding  of  Col.  Guy  V.  Henry— Heroism  of  Ute 
John— Both  Hands  Shot  Away— The  Trap  to  Catch  the  Command  in 
the  Rosebud  Canyon— Crook  Unwillingly  Gives  Up  the  Chase  of 
the  Hostiles 223-242 

CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

The  Custer  Massacre— Some  Startling  Facts— Length  of  the  Battle— Only 

Seven  Indians  Killed— How  Custer  Died -Who  Was  the  Officer 243-2G5 

CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

A  Miraculous  Escape— The  Famous  Sibley  Scout— Grouard's  Account- 
Lieut.  Sibley's  Version— Hon.  John  F.  Finerty's  Story— Crazed  by 
Excitement  and  Fatigue— Saving  the  Entire  Party 26C-292 

CHAPTER  XL. 

Something  About  Scouting— Trying  to  Stampede  the  Mules  and  Horses- 
Hunting  for  the  Hostile  Trail— Capt.  Jack  Crawford— Bill  Hamil 
ton's  Adventure 293- 2«9 

* 

CHAPTER  XLI. 

The  Slim  Buttes  Fight— Grouard  Appropriates  Two  Fine  Horses— Lieut. 
Lieuttewitz  Wounded— McClinton  Recaptures  One  of  Custer's  Gui 
dons—Killing  of  Buffalo  Chips— Big  Bat  Takes  a  Scalp— Death  of 
American  Horse— Burning  the  Village 300-311 

CHAPTER   XLII. 

A  Wonderful  Ride— One  Hundred  and  One  Miles  in  Four  Hours  and  Ten 
Minutes— How  Grouard  "Scooped"  a  Newspaper— The  Official  Dis 
patches—Lifted  from  the  Saddle  and  Forced  to  Remain  in  Bed  Three 
Days 312-319 

CHAPTER  XLIII. 

The  "  Hearty  Laugh  Cure  " — Strange  Manner  in  Which  Grouard  Was  Sud 
denly  Cured  of  a  Serieus  Sickness— The  Laramie  School  Girls 320-322 

CHAPTER   XLIV. 

Battle  of  the  Red  Fork — Gen.  Crook  Determines  to  Teach  the  Cheyennes  a 
Lesson— Grouard  Kills  Chief  Little  Wolf— Dull  Knife's  Defeat  and 
His  Ineffectual  Appeal  to  Crazy  Horse  for  Assistance 323-332 


x  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    XLV. 

California  Joe— Accused  of  a  Crime  He  Never  Committed— Murdered  in 
Cold  Blood  at  Robinson  by  Thomas  Newcomb— Ouster's  Description 
of  the  Noted  Plainsman 333-336 

CHAPTER  XLVI. 

Surrender  and  Death  of  Crazy  Horse— Plot  of  the  Ogallala  Chief  to  Massa 
cre  the  Whites  at  Red  Cloud  Agency— Breaking  Faith— Killing  of 
the  Chief— His  Manly  Qualities  and  Bravery— Some  Reminiscences 
—The  Closing  Scene 337-351 

CHAPTER   XLVII. 

After  Horse  Thieves  and  Holdups— Grouard  Has  a  Varied  Experience  with 

the  Knights  of  the  Road— Trying  to  Capture  Frank  James 352-307 

CHAPTER  XLVIII. 

Caught  in  a  Blizzard— The  Fresh  Young  Man  From  West  Point— Grouard 
Pilots  the  "  Sage  Brush  Expedition "  Safely  through  an  Awful 
Storm— Gratitude  of  the  Soldiers 358-361 

CHAPTER  XLIX. 

The  Nez  Perces  War— The  Most  Remarkable  Campaign  on  Record— Capture 

of  Chief  Joseph  and  Band  at  Bear  Paw  Mountain 362-368 

CHAPTER    L. 

Midnight  Stampede— Frank  James— How  a  Commanding  Officer  Prevented 
a  Meeting  Between  the  Noted  Highwayman  and  Grouard— Frank 
James  Afterwards  Saves  Grouard's  Life 369-372 

CHAPTER  LI. 

Capturing  a  Road  Agent— Merchant  Tillotson's  Luck— Llewellyn  Plays  a 
Cute  Dodge  and  Grouard's  Life  Comes  Near  Paying  the  Forfeit— 
"Holdup  Hall"  and  the  Scout's  Early  Morning  Visit 873-381 

CHAPTER  LII. 

The  Killing  of  McGloskey— One  of  the  Most  Noted  of  Herse  Thieves  At 
tempts  to  Shoot  Grouard  and  is  Killed  by  the  Scout— Cursing  with 
His  Last  Breath 382-384 

CHAPTER  LIII. 

Sitting  Bull— Some  of  the  Great  Chief's  Leading  Characteristics— No  Lag 
gard—The  Last  of  all  the  Sioux  to  Surrender.. ,  .  385-392 


CONTENTS.  xi 

CHAPTER  LIV.  PAGE. 

The  "  Sword  Bearer  "  Trouble  on  the  Crow  Reservation— Medicine  that 

Proved  Disastrous— A  Tempest  in  a  Teapot 393-395 

CHAPTER  LV. 

The  South  Dakota  Outbreak— Responsibility  for  It— Much  Light  Through 
Government  Reports— The  Killing  of  Sitting  Bull— Destroying  Big 
Foot  and  His  Band— End  of  the  War 896-475 

CHAPTER  LVI. 

Grouard's  Life  Up  to  Date— His  Love  of  Animals— Something  About  His 

Famous  Horse— His  Last  Services 476-482 


PART  SECOND. 


CHAPTER  I. 

General  George  Crook — His  Military  Services,  His  Methods  and  Success- 
Equal  to  Every  Emergency— "  This  Was  a  Man." 483-486 

CHAPTER  II. 

General  George  A.  Custer— Army  Record— A  Dashing,  Daring  Officer  Who 

Had  Never  Been  Introduced  to  Fear 487-488 

CHAPTER  III. 

John  F.  Finerty— "  The  Fighting  Correspondent."— His  Career  as  a  Jour 
nalist—Honored  by  the  People— His  Book,  "  Warpath  and  Bivouac."  490-494 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Wyoming  Indians  of  Today— Something  A-bout  Grand  Old  Chief 
Washakie — Sharp  Nose,  Head  Chief  of  the  Arapahoes— Black  Coal, 
the  War-Chief 495-503 

CHAPTER   V. 

Multuni  in  Parvo — Ben  Clarke,  Whose  Reputation  as  a  Scout  Does  Not  Rest 

Upon  Fiction— A  Characteristic  Letter E04-50-~> 

CHAPTER  VI. 

An  Old-Timer's  Story— Some  of  the  Stirring  Events  in  the  Life  of  O.  P. 

Hanna,  Who  Broke  the  First  Sod  in  Sheridan  County— Anecdotes.. .   506-519 


xii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VII.  PAGE. 

A  Sample  One-Horse  Holdup— How  the  Highwaymen  Enjoyed  Themselves 
at  the  Expense  of  T.  J.  Foster  and  Family— The  Friendship  of  Frank 
James 520-524 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Battle  of  Horse  Shoe  Creek— Seven  Settlers  Against  Three  Score  Sioux 
and  Minneconjou  Indians— Terrible  Experience  of  Seven  Brave 
Men— Crazy  Horse  M  akes  a  Treaty 525-540 

CHAPTER  IX. 

"Battle  of  By  Gripes."— Story  Related  by  One  of  the  Participants— "Pap" 

Conant's  Predicament — How  the  Skirmish  Received  Its  Name 541-543 

CHAPTER  X. 

Scouts— A  Few  Words  About  Some  of  the  Noted  Plainsmen  Who  Figure  in 

the  Grouard  Narrative .   544-545 


PREFACE 


I  first  met  Frank  Grouard  at  Fort  Washakie,  Wyom 
ing,  in  1887,  being  introduced  to  him  by  Nelson 
(Charlie)  Yarnell,  then  a  scout  in  the  government  ser 
vice.  •'  I  remember  that  meeting  very  distinctly.  I  was 
prepared  to  meet  a  man  who,  at  one  period  of  his  life, 
had  been  forced  through  capricious  circumstances  to  not 
only  abandon  but  partly  forget  his  native  tongue;  but 
I  imagined  that  he  would  not  be  loth  to  speak  of  his 
life  among  the  Indians ;  that,  having  been  freed  from 
the  bonds  of  captivity,  and  dwelt  among  his  own  people 
for  the  past  thirteen  years,  ample  time  had  been  given 
him  to  acquire  familiarity  with  his  native  tongue.  In 
short,  I  supposed  that  he  would  be  glad  of  an  oppor 
tunity  to  open  his  lips,  sealed  for  so  long  a  time,  and 
recount  some  of  the  experiences  and  adventures  which 
had  made  his  life  of  so  much  interest  to  people  generally. 

As  a  newspaper  correspondent  I  was  more  than 
anxious  to  get  from  Grouard  the  story  of  his  life, 
snatches  of  which  had  come  to  me  from  various  sources 
and  divers  places;  and  I  did  not  imagine,  successful  as 


14  PREFACE. 

I  had  been  on  many  occasions  in  securing  interviews 
from  men  who  bore  the  reputation  of  being  impregnable 
to  "pen  pushers,"  that  I  would  have  any  great  difficulty 
in  securing  the  data  I  wanted  from  this  noted  scout. 

How  delusive  were  my  imaginings  as  a  matter  of 
fact.  I  found  the  man  a  veritable  sphynx.  He  made  a 
few  signs,  which  I  did  not  understand,  but  which  Mr. 
Yarn  ell  kindly  interpreted  (on  the  side)  as  indicating 
that  Grouard  did  not  care  to  talk  for  publication.  I 
discovered  later  that  I  had  been  more  successful  than 
any  of  my  newspaper  brethren  in  an  attempt  to  inter 
view  this  man,  inasmuch  as  he  had  made  signs  to  me, 
while  the  others  had  utterly  failed  to  get  this  much 
from  him. 

I  spent  the  next  three  years  in  an  almost  constant 
endeavor  to  make  this  man's  acquaintance,  and  I  am 
free  to  confess  that  I  was  as  much  astonished  as  grati 
fied  when,  in  the  spring  of  1891,  at  Fort  McKinney, 
Wyoming,  he  informed  me  that  if  I  would  wait  until  he 
returned  from  a  duck-hunting  trip  which  he  was  then 
preparing  to  take  with  some  of  the  officers  of  the  Post, 
accompanied  by  a  party  of  gentlemen  from  Chicago 
(among  them  Mr.  Charles  E.  Nixon,  musical  critic  of 
the  Chicago  Inter-Ocean  ),  and  which  would  occupy  some 
three  weeks'  time,  he  would  meet  me  at  his  home  and 
listen  to  what  I  had  to  say  to  him. 

In  conversation  in  1890  with-  Gen.  James  S.  Brisbin 
(since  deceased),  an  officer  in  the  service  whose  writings 
cover  many  volumes  and  have  interested  thousands  of 
readers,  that  gentleman  told  me,  when  I  broached  the 


PREFACE.  15 

subject  of  procuring  in  detail  the  life  and  adventures  of 
Grouard  for  publication,  that  it  was  time  thrown  away 
to  attempt  to  get  anything  of  the  kind.  He  stated  that 
he  himself  had  made  an  offer  to  Grouard  several  years 
previous  of  quite  a  sum  of  money  for  papers  and  informa 
tion  which  the  scout  had  in  his  possession,  and  which 
he  (Gen.  Brisbin)  desired  to  get  for  use  in  a  history  he 
contemplated  writing  of  the  Sioux  nation.  He  stated  to 
me  that  Grouard  had  flatly  told  him  that  he  was  not 
ready  at  that  time,  and  did  not  know  that  he  ever  would 
be  ready,  to  give  the  facts  concerning  his  life  and  adven 
tures  to  any  man,  under  any  circumstances,  for  any  con 
sideration,  for  publication.  The  General  also  informed 
me  that  although  he  had  learned  enough  concerning 
Grouard  to  write  a  thousand-page  volume  of  his  adven 
tures  while  with  the  Indians  and  of.  the  services  he 
had  rendered  the  government  since  his  escape  from  the 
Sioux,  it  would  not,  when  completed,  be  such  a  history 
as  would  bear  the  stamp  of  authenticity  without  the  aid 
and  assistance  of  Grouard  himself  in  compiling  it. 

General  Brisbin  said  he  knew  from  personal  knowl 
edge  that  Grouard  had  in  his  possession  at  the  time  he 
attempted  to  secure  the  facts  relating  to  the  scout's  life, 
a  complete,  unbroken  record  or  history  of  the  Sioux  na 
tion,  covering  a  period  of  over  eight  hundred  years;  but 
that  since  that  time,  Grouard's  house  at  Fort  .McKinney 
had  been  consumed  by  fire,  and  that  all  this  document 
ary  evidence  had  been  destroyed  by  the  hungry  flames, 
the  scout  saving  nothing  but  his  dog  and  revolver.  With 
the  assistance  of  this  record  the  general  had  hoped,  could 


16  PREFACE. 

he  have  secured  Grouard's  individual  assistance,  to  have 
written  such  a  history  of  the  redmen  as  would  have  at 
once  and  forever  set  at  rest  the  constantly  recurring 
controversies  touching  the  origin  of  the  aborigine.  These 
records  were  kept  in  hieroglyphics  which  Grouard  could 
readily  have  interpreted ;  but  his  want  of  disposition  to 
talk,  coupled  with  his  total  indifference  to  acquiring  a  com 
petency  through  the  medium  of  the  Sioux  records  which 
chance  had  made  him  the  possessor  of,  stood  as  a  bar 
to  the  laudible  ambition  of  Gen.  Brisbin,  and  lost  to  the 
reading  world  one  of  the  most  unique  chapters  in  the 
history  of  the  universe. 

I  must  confess  that,  from  my  previous  endeavors  and 
inability  to  in  any  way  secure  Grouard's  friendly  atten 
tion,  this  conversation  with  Gen.  Brisbin  gave  to  ray 
hopes  a  terrible  backset,  but  it  in  nowise  dampened  my 
ardor.  Having  started  in  to  win,  I  proposed  to  overcome 
every  obstacle. 

Suffice  it  to  say  Grouard  went  upon  the  duck  hunting 
expedition  previously  referred  to,  and  was  gone  nearly 
three  weeks.  Upon  his  return  I  met  him  in  the  trail 
between  the  Post  and  his  house,  whereupon,  without  the 
formality  of  a  hand  shake,  a  nod  of  the  head  or  a  "How", 
he  asked  me  what  I  wanted  with  him.  I  told  him  that 
I  was  anxious  to  secure  a  history  of  his  life  for  publi 
cation  in  book  form.  He  wanted  to  know  what  good 
that  would  do  anybody.  He  said  a  dozen  other  men 
had  told  him  they  wanted  the  same  thing,  but  that  he 
could  not  see  what  use  the  story  of  his  life  would  be  to 
anybody,  except  to  make  a  pauper  of  the  man  who  at- 


PREFACE.  17 

tempted  to  have  it  published.  It  probably  took  half  an 
hour  to  get  this  much  out  of  him,  when  he  informed  me 
that  if  I  would  come  to  the  Post  on  the  following  day 
he  would  -have  had  time  to  think  the  matter  over  and 
would  orive  me  an  answer  then.  It  is  almost  needless  to 

O 

say  that  I  was  at  the  Post  on  the  following  day.  We 
met  in  the  old  commissary  building  (since  destroyed)  and 
his  tirst  words  to  me  were,  UI  will  give  you  the  story  of 

mv  life." 

« 

Thereupon  we  entered  into  a  written  agreement  and 
appointed  a  day  to  begin  the  work.  From  that  time 
to  the  present  day  I  have  labored  as  steadily  as  I  could 
to  write  the  history  and  adventures  of  this  strange,  taci 
turn,  wonderful  man — a  man  whose  life  began  'neath  the 
tropical  sun  on  the  island  of  Tihiti  in  1850;  whose  child 
hood  was  passed  in  the  home  of  those  who  were  stran 
gers  to  his  blood  and  curious  disposition;  whose  youth 
was  spent,  mid  those  frontier  scenes  which  the  epoch  of 
the  '50"s  record  as  strangely  grotesque -and  terribly  real 
istic,  and  the  dawn  of  whose  manhood  was  darkened  bv 

9f 

the  bonds  of  captivity. 

Without  memoranda  of  any  kind  to  guide  him,  re 
lying  wholly  upon,  what  everyone  must  concede  to  be, 
his  wonderful  memory,  Grouard  has  given,  as  detailed 
in  the  pages  of  this  book,  the  most  minute  history  of 
his  adventurous  career. 

The  object  of  the  author  of  these  pages  has  been 
and  is,  first,  last  and  always  to  "nothing  extenuate  nor 
set  down  aught  in  malice.*'  The  hero  of  this  volume 
has  been  permitted  to,  recall  his  adventures  in  his  own 


18  PREFACE. 

way;  to  employ  his  own  method  in  detailing  his  army 
service. 

Nothing  has  been  shaded  to  suit  a  purpose,  establish 
a  truth  or  raise  a  doubt.  Grouard  has  told  a  plain,  un 
varnished  tale,  and  his  words  have  been  preserved  in 
shorthand  as  they  fell  from  his  lips. 

In  my  relations  with  him,  he  has  never  given  me 
occasion  to  doubt  a  single  statement  he  has  ever  made, 
and  I  can  thoroughly  appreciate  the  confidence  reposed 
in  him  by  Gen.  Crook,  who,  in  18T6,  referring  to 
Grouard  in  his  official  correspondence  with  the  War 
Department,  said: 

"I  would  sooner  lose  a  third  of  my  command  than 
Frank  Grouard!" 

.No  greater  compliment,  no  higher  tribute,  could  be 
paid  any  man,  and  Gen.  Crook  has  never  been  ac 
cused  of  flattery.  Above  all  the  scouts  in  his  command. 
Crook  held  Grouard  highest  in  his  esteem.  He  had 
weighed  him  in  the  balance,  and  found  him  not  wanting. 

The  jealousies  of  other  scouts,  the  outcome,  in  part, 
of  the  General's  preference,  counted  liaught  with  Crook. 
When  Grouard  first  joined  the  command  he  had  but  re 
cently  escaped  from  captivity  among  the  Sioux,  and  ad 
vantage  was  taken  of  this  latter  fact  by  some  of  the 
scouts  to  poison  the  General's  mind  against  Grouard.  It 
was  even  told  Crook  that  Grouard  had  come  among  the 
troops  to  carry  out  a  well  laid  plan  to  lead  them  into 
the  hands  of  the  Indians  for  the  purpose  of  destroying 
them.  But  Crook  looked  beyond  these  scandalous 
stories.  He  was  a  good  character  reader,  and  he  knew 


JOE  DEBARTHE. 


PEE  FACE.  19 

"  the  silent  man"  (as  he  was  fond  of  calling  Grouard) 
possessed  a  wise  head  and  a  brave  heart.  His  confi 
dence  in  Grouard  was  never  shaken  nor  betrayed,  and, 
up  to  the  day  of  his  death.  Gen.  George  Crook  was  a 
firm  and  steadfast  friend  to  the  hero  of  this  volume. 
Nor  was  this  friendship  unreciprocated.  Grouard  would 
have  dared  any  danger,  faced  any  contingency,  in  the 
performance  of  a  service  for  the  man  who  had  won  his 
affection  by  confidence  and  kindness. 

In  giving  to  the  world  this  volume  of  adventure,  I 
may  be  permitted  to  say  that  no  effort  has  been  spared 
to  reach  truthful  ends.  The  years  of  labor  I  have  de 
voted  to  the  work  have,  indeed,  to  me  been  a  labor  of 
love;  and  no  reader  of  these  pages  will  be  more  fasci 
nated  by  Grouard's  recitals — more  interested  in  the  stir- 
«/ 

ring  events  narrated   by  him — than  I  have  been. 

Enjoying  as  I  have,  and  do,  the  confidence  and 
friendship  of  Frank  Grouard,  I  can  pay  him  no  higher 
tribute  than  to  say  I  have  never  known  him  to  prove 
faithless  to  a  promise,  recreant  to  duty  or  false  to  a 
friendship. 

True  to  himself,  how  could  he  be  anything  but  true 
to  other  men  ! 


PHOTOGRAPHED  BY  TRONE,  SHERIDAN,  WYO. 
B.  F.  GROUARD.     (FATHER  OF  FRANK.) 


PART  FIRST. 


CHAPTER  I. 


FAMILY     HISTORY. 

Early  in  the  Seventeenth  Century  Francis  Grouard, 
a  French  Huguenot  refugee,  the  great  grandfather  of 
Frank  Grouard,  carne  from  France  and  settled  in  New 
Hampshire,  near  Portsmouth,  where  Frank 's  grandfather 
and  father  were  born.  They  were  nained  respectively 
Francis  and  Benjamin  F.  Grouard.  The  great  grand 
father  of  the  hero  of  these  pages,  served  on  board  a 
privateer  during  the  war  between  the  American  colonies 
and  Great  Britain  in  1812,  while  the  grandfather  of 
Frank,  touched  with  the  same  fire  that  burned  within 
the  breast  of  his  ancestors,  took  early  to  the  sea,  and 
did  service  on  the  frigate  Brandy  wine,  under  Commo 
dore  Wodsworth,  on  the  coast  of  Peru,  during  the 
second  term  of  General  Jacksoirs  presidency. 

In  the  year  1843  Frank's  father,  then  a  young  man 
of  twenty  years,  went  to  the  Paumoto  Islands  in  the 


22  FAMIL  Y  HIS  TOR  Y. 

South  Pacific  Ocean  as  a  missionary.  These  islands  lie 
about  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles  east  of  the  Tahiti,  of 
the  Friendly  Group. 

Becoming  very  much  attached  to  the  natives  of 
these  islands,  and  looking  forward  to  a  life  work  among 
them,  in  1846  Mr.  Grouard  married  the  daughter  of  a 
high  chief  of  the  island  of  Ana— the  principal  one  of 
the  group.  The  issue  of  that  marriage  was  three  sons- 
Frank,  born  on  September  20th,  1850,  being  the 
second. 

The  French  in  the  meantime  having  taken  posses 
sion  of  this  group  of  Islands,  and  making  it  so  unpleas 
ant  for  foreigners,  in  the  year  1852  the  elder  Grouard 
brought  his  family  to  California  and  settled  in  San  Ber 
nardino.  But  the  rigors  of  the  climate  proving  to  se 
vere  for  the  mother,  she,  in  1853,  with  her  oldest  and 
youngest  children,  returned  to  the  islands. 

The  elder  Grouard  finding  it  impossible  to  accom 
pany  his  wife  and  children  to  their  home  in  the  South 
Pacific,  took  charge  of  his  second  son  and  remained  in 
San  Bernardino  for  some  years.  He  finally  placed  the 
boy  in  the  family  of  Addison  Pratt,  shortly  after  which 
event  the  Pratt  family  moved  to  Beaver,  Utah.  Frank 
\vas  then  five  years  of  age,  and  never  looked  again  upon 
his  father's  face  until  the  month  of  April,  1898.  The 
elder  Grouard,  who  had  long  mourned  his  son  as  dead, 
during  the  winter  of  1893  read  an  item  in  a  California 
paper  about  the  compilation  of  "The  Life  and  Adven 
tures  of  Frank  Grouard,  Chief  of  Scouts,  U.  S.  A",  and 
at  once  set  about  getting  into  communication  with  the 


MRS.  LOUISA  B.  PRATT.    (GROUARD'S  FOSTER  MOTHER.) 


FAMIL  Y  HIS  TOR  Y.  2:5 

man  who  bore  his  son's  name.  To  the  author  Mr, 
Grouard,  Sr.,  told  the  story  about  as  follows: 

"I  had  heard  of  Frank  as  being  in  the  employ  of 
the  Government,  but  was  unable  to  locate  him.  It  must 
have  been  at  the  time  he  was  carrying  the  pony  express 
from  Mnsselshell  to  Fort  Hall  that  rumors  concerning 
him  reached  me.  Then  followed  news  of  his  capture  by 
the  Indians.  Long  years  came  and  went  before  I  again 
heard  of  my  son.  The  Sioux  campaign  of  1876  was  on, 
and  it  was  immediately  after  the  published  account  of 
the  Custer  Massacre  that  I  read  of  the  'Sibley  Scout,' 
the  paper  giving  details  of  the  capture  and  death  by 
torture  of  Frand  Grouard.  I  never  learned  the  untruth- 
fulness  of  that  report  for  many  years,  and  had  about 
given  up  the  last  hope,  when  I  read  an  item  in  my 
home  paper  about  a  book  that  was  soon  to  be  issued, 
the  title  being  the  uLife  and  Adventures  of  Frank 
Grouard." 

"I  immediately  put  myself  in  communication  with 
the  war  department,  and  was  in  turn  referred  to  the 
department  of  the  Platte,  the  officials  at  Omaha  giving 
me  my  son's  address  at  Fort  McKinney,  Wyoming. 
Imagine  my  surprise  and  joy  upon  receiving  an  answer 
to  my  last  letter  from  Frank  himself.  I  took  no  time 
in  coming  to  Wyoming,  and  am  anxiously  awaiting  my 
son's  arrival  here." 

This    conversation    occurred    in    the  City  of  Sheridan 

»/ 

in  the  spring  of  1893,  and  in  the  evening  of  that  same 
day  the  writer  witnessed  the  reunion  of  father  and 
son — one  tottering  on  the  threshold  of  eternity,  the  other 
in  the  prime  of  magnificent  manhood. 


24  FAMIL  Y  HIS  TOR  Y. 

Thirty-seven  years  had  come  and  gone  since  these 
two  beings  had  looked  upon  each  other's  faces.  All 
the  love  the  human  heart  is  capable  of  feeling  for  its 
own  flesh  and  blood  beamed  in  the  eyes  of  the  gray- 
haired  man  who  held  his  long-lost  son  to  his  throbbing 
breast.  The  picture— the  memory  of  that  meeting — is 
ineffaceable.  Not  a  word  was  spoken — silence  was  more 
eloquent  than  words — while  these  two  men  remained  in 
each  other's  embrace.  And  when  they  drew  apart,  the 
father  held  his  son  at  arm's  length,  and  through  his 
tears,  smiled  and  said: 

"I  would  know  you    among  ten  thousand." 

Mr.  Grouard  remained  in  Wyoming  with  his  son  for 
something  over  a  month.  On  his  way  into  the  state  he 
was  seriously  affected  by  the  high  altitude,  and  while  at 
his  son's  home  at  Fort  McKinney  suffered  a  stroke  of 
paralysis,  from  which  IIB  never  fully  recovered.  Upon 
his  return  to  his  California  home  his  health  failed  rapid 
ly,  and  on  the  28th  day  of  March,  1894,  while  passing 
from  his  garden  to  his  house,  the  messenger  of  death 
met  and  overcame  him. 

Some  years  after  the  death  of  his  first  wife,  Mr. 
Grouard  married  again,  five  children  being  born  to  him. 
He  was  engaged  for  a  number  of  years  in  mercantile 
pursuits  in  Illinois  and  California,  and  left  a  fine  estate. 
lie  was  very  highly  esteemed  by  the  people  of  Santa 
Ana,  where  he  spent  the  last  years  of  his  life,  and  the 
following  tribute  to  his  memory  was  paid  by  one  of  the 
local  papers  of  his  adopted  city: 

"On    last    Sunday    morning,    about    8    o'clock,   B.    F. 


CHARLES  E.  GROUARD.    (BROTHER  OF  FRANK.) 


FA  MIL  Y  HIS  TOR  Y.  25 

. 

Grouard,  an  old  and  well-known  resident  of  this  city, 
dropped  dead  from  heart  disease  while  returning  to  the 
house  from  a  short  walk  in  his  door-yard.  His  sudden 
death  was  not  unexpected,  as  his  family  had  been 
warned  by  several  physicians  that  such  an  end  might 
occur  at  any  moment.  In  April,  1893,  Mr.  Grouard 
made  a  trip  to  Wyoming,  and  while  there  was  stricken 
with  paralysis  of  the  left  side,  which  naturally  aggra 
vated  the  disease  of  the  heart  with  which  he  had  been 
afflicted  in  some  degree  for  several  years.  The  De 
ceased  was  aged  75  years,  2  months  and  15  days.  The 
funeral  services  were  held  Tuesday  morning,  at  10 
o'clock,  from  the  home  place,  Rev.  Edw.  T.  Fleming 
officiating.  The  Congregational  choir  furnished  several 
beautiful  and  appropriate  selections  for  the  occasion,  and 
with  the  eloquent  and  well-chosen  words  of  the  pastor, 
formed  a  ceremony  well  fitted  to  close  the  long  and 
eventful  life. 

"In  the  death  of  Mr.  Grouard,  .Santa  Ana  loses 
one  of  the  most  picturesque  figures  in  its  history.  Born 
of  Puritan  parents  in  New  Hampshire,  he  grew  tired  of 
the  rigid  exactions  then  in  vogue  and  ran  away  to  Bos 
ton  when  fourteen  years  of  age,  from  whence  he  em 
barked  on  a  whaler  and  left  the  old  home  for  good. 
Many  voyages,  embracing  nearly  all  lines  of  ocean  ser 
vice,  followed  this  one,  and  the  world  lost  some  of  its 
mystery  to  him  when  he  had  circumnavigated  it  several 
times.  His  adventurous  spirit  finally  landed  him  on  the 
Society  Islands,  where,  with  the  assistance  of  the  natives 
and  their  crude  implements,  he  constructed  a  vessel  of 


j,;  FAMIL  Y  HISTORY. 

comfortable  size  and  traded  among  the  natives  of  the 
fertile  islands  of  that  region  for  six  or  seven  years. 
His  ship  met  the  fate  of  many  a  good  craft,  and  was 
totally  wrecked  in  a  terrible  storm  in  which  the  sturdy 
navigator  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life. 

"Mr.  Grouard  first  came  to  California  in  1852,  and 
joined  the  great  ranks  of  the  gold  miners,  but  with  poor 
success.  He  settled  in  Los  Angeles  a  few  years  later, 
and  often  told  of  the  first  orange  trees  that  were 
planted  in  Southern  California,  and  of  the  curiosity  they 
excited.  From  the  Golden  State  he  removed  to  Illinois, 
but  the  recollections  of  this  good  land  were  so  tempting 
that  he  again  came  to  California  fourteen  years  ago, 
when  he  settled  at  Santa  Ana,  which  has  since  been  his 
home. 

"A  complete  history  of  his  life  would  fade  most  of 
the  fictitious  stories  of  adventure.  He  was  always  a 
great  reader,  and  possessing  a  most  retentive  memory, 
his  mind  was  stored  with  a  knowledge,  the  vastness  and 
variety  of  which  was  scarcely  realized  except  by  his 
most  intimate  acquaintances.  For  many  years  Mr.  Grou 
ard  had  conducted  a  successful  business  as  brickrnaker, 
contractor  arid  builder,  with  his  son  Charles.  Being 
naturally  of  an  impulsive  disposition,  he  did  many  things 
which  were  heartily  regretted ;  but  inside  the  gruff  and 
hearty  exterior  of  the  man  there  beat  a  heart  always 
warm  for  those  in  poverty  and  distress,  and  dwelt  a  na 
ture  which  was  sympathetic  to  the  highest  degree,  as 
many  a  recipient  of  his  generosity  can  testify." 


CHAPTER   II. 


"THE  SILENT  MAN  OF  THE  WESTERN  PLAINS." 

Grouard  has  been  well  named  "The  silent  man  of 
the  western  plains."  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  by  the 
reader  that  his  term  of  captivity  among  ^the  Sioux 
Indians  covered  a  period  of  nearly  six  years,  and  six 
teen  months  of  that  time  were  spent  under  the  strictest 
surveillance.  Unacquainted  with  the  language  of  the 
Sioux,  and  not  knowing  for  a  long  time  what  disposi 
tion  would  eventually  be  made  of  him,  he  had  no  in 
centive  to  learn  the  red  man's  manner  of  speech,  and 
satisfied  himself  by  closely  watching  the  signs  made  by 
the  Indians  in  communicating  with  each  other,  for  In 
dians  will  rarely  be  found  conversing  audibly,  even 
among  themselves,  when  they  can  so  conveniently  make 
themselves  understood  through  the  language  of  signs. 

Numerous  writers  have  claimed  to  have  had  long 
talks  with  Grouard,  and  have  printed  at  various  times  a 
great  deal  of  fiction  regarding  the  noted  scout.  ^.  But  the 
author  wishes  to  emphatically  enter  his  protest  against 
the  mode  .adopted  by  the  aforesaid  writers  in  fashioning 
history  to  their  own  liking,  without  any  tangible  facts 
upon  which  to  build  a  truthful  structure. 


28  « '  THE  SILENT  MAN. ' » 


An  amusing  instance  of  the  manner  in  which 
Grouard's  name  has  been  mixed  up  with  matters  he  was 
never  connected  with  came  to  the  writer's  attention  dur 
ing  the  past  summer.  A  correspondent  of  an  eastern 
paper  visited  Wyoming,  and  was  introduced  to  the  scout. 
He  attempted  to  "interview"  Grouard,  and,  finding  he 
would  not  talk  if  he  could  make  himself  understood  by 
a  sign,  the  correspondent  gave  up  the  job  and  fell  back 
upon  his  imagination  for  a  long-winded  special  to  his 
paper  on  Grouard's  nativity,  age,  captivity  and  adventures. 

The  correspondent  informed  his  readers  that  the 
scout  was  "part  Sioux  and  part  something  else,"  he 
could  not  exactly  tell  what,  as  Grouard  had  been  "cap 
tured  by  the  Indians  when  only  three  years  old."  It 
was  pretty  generally  conceded,  however,  explained  the 

correspondent,   that    Grouard    was    some    "kin    to    Sittino- 

?) 

Bull,"  and  that  "his  mother  was  a  Cheyenne  or  Slio- 
shone  squaw."  When  the  battle  of  the  Big  Horn  was 
fought,  this  writer  went  on  to  explain,  Grouard  was  one 
of  the  party  making  the  attack  upon  the  Ouster  force, 
41  his  object  being  to  work  the  destruction  of  the 
Sioux."  He  had  purposely  drawn  the  attacking  party 
"away  from  Reno  in  order  to  rush  it  against  CusUr, 
believing  the  latter  had  numerical  strength  enough  to 

o  o 

wipe  the  entire  Sioux  and  Cheyenne  nations  off  the  face 
of  the  earth."  "But  he  made  a  miscalculation,"  ob 
serves  this  astute  writer.  Reno,  contrary  to  Grouard's 
expectations,  "never  left  the  entrenched  position  he  had 
occupied  when  the  first  attack  had  been  made  upon 
him,"  and  all  the  Indians,  some  five  thousand  in  num- 


"THE  SILENT  MAN."  29 

her,  drew  off  down  the  Little  Big  Horn  to  meet  the 
charge  made  by  the  Ouster  force,  and  one  of  the  great 
est  of  massacres  was  the  result.  Immediately  after  the 
battle,  goes  on  the  history  maker,  Grouard  fled  the  In 
dian  village,  and  stole  his  way  to  Gen.  Crook's  command, 
then  located  at  the  mouth  of  Little  Goose  creek  canyon, 
where  he  informed  that  officer  of  the  fate  of  the  gallant 
Caster  and  his  brave  followers,  and  l'from  that  day  on 
became  an  invaluable  scout  to  the  government." 

Thus,  is  history  made  !  But  the  space  writer  must 
earn  his  daily  bread,  and  the  **  truthful  chronicler "  must 
be  permitted  to  sing  his  song  for  the  plaudits  of  the 
same  public  that  Barnum  said  would  rather  be  hum 
bugged  than  not. 

Even  so  good  an  authority  as  Captain  John  G. 
Bourke--a  writer  than  whom  there  is  none  more  fas 
cinating  and  whose  graphic*  pen-pictures  are  preserved 
so  faithfully  in  his  latest  book,  "On  the  Border  with 
Crook,"-  -who  had  a  more  intimate  knowledge  of  Frank 
Grouard  than  any  man  outside  of  General  Crook  him 
self  (and  perhaps  John  F.  Finerty,  the  Chicago  Times 
correspondent  who  campaigned  with  the  scout  during  the 
year  1876,)  remembers  Grouard  as  "a  native  of  the 
Sandwich  Islands,  who  for  some  years  was  a  mail  rider 
in  northern  Montana,  and  was  there  captured  by  the 
forces  of  Crazy  Horse ;  his  dark  skin  and  general  ap 
pearance  gave  his  captors  the  impression  that  Frank 
was  a  native  Indian  whom  they  had  recaptured  from  the 
whites  ;  consequently,  they  did  not  kill  him,  but  kept 
him  a  prisoner  until  he  .could  recover  what  they  believed 


;>,,  "77/1;  SILENT  MAN." 

to  be  his  native  tongue  — the  Sioux.  Frank  remained 
several  years  in  the  household  of  the  great  chief  Crazy 
Horse,  whom  he  knew  very  well,  as  well  as  his  medi 
cine  man  —  the  since  renowned  Sitting  Bull. 

That  Grouard  was  a  mail  rider  goes  without  ques 
tion ;  but,'  as  to  his  place  of  birth,  his  capture  and  the 
reason  of  his  life  having  been  spared  by  the  Sioux, 
the  line  is  dra\vn  altogether  to  carelessly,  as  is  explained 
further  on.  Captain  Bourke,  however,  gives  ample  evi 
dence  of  his  appreciation  of  Grouard  in  the  following 
glowing  words  : 

11  Grouard  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  wood 
men  I  ever  met ;  no  Indian  could  surpass  him  in  his 
acquaintance  with  all  that  pertained  to  the  topography, 
animal  life  and  other  particulars  of  the  great  region  be 
tween  the  head  of  the  Piney,  the  first  affluent  of  the 
Powder  on  the  west,  up  to  and  beyond  the  Yellowstone 
on  the  north  ;  no  question  could  be  asked  him  that  he 
could  not  answer  at  once  and  correctly.  His  bravery 
and  fidelity  were  never  questioned  ;  he  never  flinched 
under  fire,  and  never  growled  at  privation." 

From  his  appearance  Grouard  is  often  mistaken  for 
a  full  blooded  Sioux  Indian.  He  stands  six  feet  in 
height  and  weighs  two  hundred  and  thirty  pounds.  His 
massive  head  and  neck  rest  upon  broad,  square  shoulders, 
the  head  being  surmounted  by  a  heavy  growth  of 
black  hair,  now  slightly  tinged  with  gray.  His  forehead 
is  broad  and  high,  and  his  eyes,  which  are  very  large 
and  expressive,  have  that  peculiar  appearance  so  notice 
able  and  distinctive  in  persons  born  in  the  tropics.  The 


'  <  THE  SILENT  MAN. ' '  31 

cheek    bones    are    very    prominent.     The    nose    is    large, 
though  none  too  large  for   his    full,    round  face.      He  has 
a  very  kindly  mouth.      The  chin  is    broad    and    firm,   and 
evinces  one  of    the   man's  most    striking    characteristics- 
determination. 

Many  are  the  stories  told  of  Grouard's  origin,  none 
of  which,  so  far  as  the  writer  has  been  able  to^discovef, 
bear  any  resemblance  to  the  real  facts.  Nor  is  there  any 
truth  in  the  stories  that  parties  bearing  the  name  of 
Grouard  and  living  in  the  Dakotas  are  in  any  way  re 
lated  to  him.  His  two  brothers,  born  in  the  tropics, 
were  brought  from  the  Friendly  Islands  to  San  Francisco 
in  1852;  but  the  climate  not  agreeing  with  his  mother's 
health  and  she  falling  into  a  decline,  these  children,  with 
their  mother,  were  taken  back  to  the  land  of  their  na 
tivity,  and  neither  Grouard  nor  his  father  have  ever  dis 
covered  what  became  of  them.  The  elder  Grouard  made 
many  unsuccessful  attempts  to  place  himself  in  communi 
cation  with  the  wife  of  his  youth  and  the  children  she 
had  borne  him.  He  received,  through  the  medium  of 
sea-faring  men,  news  that  his  wife  had  died  shortly  after 
her  return  to  the  Island  of  Tihiti,  and  that  her  children 
had  been  taken  in  charge  by  her  people  ;  but  neither 
Grouard  nor  his  father  have  ever  been  able  to  discover 
their  whereabouts. 

Grouard  was.  two  years  old  when  he  arrived  in  San 
Francisco  in  company  with  his  father,  mother  and  two 
brothers.  When  the  other  children  were  sent  back  to 
their  island  home,  Frank  was  kept  in  San  Francisco  by 
his  father,  whose  business  'at  that  particular  time  did  not. 


32  "THE  SILENT  MAN." 

permit  him  to  accompany  his  family  to  Tilriti.  Frank 
was  finally  entrusted  to  the  care  of  a  family  by  the  name 
of  Pratt,  and  while  he  was  still  a  very  small  child,  this 
family  removed  from  California  to  southwestern  Utah, 
where  the  boy  remained  until  his  fifteenth  year,  when, 
tiring  of  the  monotony  of  the  wilderness,  he  ran  away 
and  began  life  for  himself. 

The  elder  Grouard  visited  his  son  off  and  on  until 
the  boy  arrived  at  the  age  of  five  years,  at  which  time 
the  Pratt  family  moved  to  Utah.  From  that  time,  1855, 
father  and  son  never  met  again  until  April,  1893,  when 
they  were  reunited  at  Sheridan,  Wyoming. 

Grouard  was  captured  by  the  Sioux  Indians  when 
nineteen  years  of  age  and,  to  all  intents  and  purposes, 
became  a  full-fledged  Indian.  When  he  knew  for  certain 
that  his  captors  did  not  intend  to  destroy  him  (a  dis 
covery  he  did  not  make  until  he  had  been  in  the  village 
of  the  hostiles  sixteen  months)  he  made  the  best  of  his 
situation,  and  entered  into  the  spirit  of  savagery  with  a 
zest  that  astonished  even  those  who  had  been  friendly 
toward  him  —  none  more  so  than  Sitting  Bull,  who  was 
very  proud  of  his  adopted  brother.  The  torture,  the 
dances,  the  sweats,  the  hunts  and  ceremonials  were  par 
taken  of  by  the  captive  as  they  presented  themselves. 
'Civilized  dress  gave  place  to  the  breech-clout  and  moc 
casin  ;  the  demands  of  society  to  the  customs  of  the 
aborigine.  Young,  hardy  and  superbly  built,  he  became 
an  object  of  pride  among  his  captors.  He  outplayed 
them  in  their  games  and  outran  them  in  their  races. 
His  marksmanship  became  phenomenal.  No  Indian  in 


"THE  SILENT  MAN.11  33 

the  nation  could  outride  him  ;  he  bore  the  fatigue  of 
travel  better  than  the  best;  he  gloried  in  the  chase; 
was  successful  in  the  hunt.  The  summers  heat  and  the 
winter's  cold  he  bore  with  stoical  indifference.  In  the 
eyes  of  his  savage  brethren  he  was  an  ideal  Indian. 

But  Grouard  had  "  method  in  his  madness."  He 
knew,  instinctively,  that  the  redman's  sway  could  not 
endure  forever  ;  that  the  halcyon  days  of  savagery  were 
passing.  He  looked  beyond  the  present  into  the  future; 
saw  that  the  knowledge  he  was  acquiring  of  the  red 
man's  customs  and  habits  would  be  of  use  to  others  as 
well  as  himself.  He  learned  that  the  Indian's  cunning 
was  but  the  study  of  tradition — handed  down  —  taught 
and  learned.  A  riper  intelligence  —  the  mind  of  the 
Caucasian  which  could  grasp  all  the  wealth  from  the 
fountain  of  savage  knowledge — could  better  on  the  in 
struction  from  Indian  tradition.  So  he  become  con 
tent  to  bide  the  time  of  his  deliverance,  feeling,  be 
lieving,  knowing  there  was  no  loss  in  his  transitory 
transformation. 

For  nearly  six  years  he  watched,  and  studied  and 
waited.  And  when  the  hour  of  departure  from  the 
tepi  and  the  tribe  was  at  hand,  he  stepped  forth  eagle- 
plumed  to  do  his  fellow-man  service.  From  the  village 
of  the  redman  to  the  camp  of  the  frontier  army!  And 
back  again,  with  vengeance  in  his  wake,  over  those  old, 
familiar  trails,  into  the  mountain  fastnesses,  across  the 
sun-scorched  plains,  driving  his  former  captors  from  the 
lands  of  their  fathers  into  the  circumscribed  sections  set 
apart  by  government  for  their  use,  or  into  the  great  and 


84  "THE  SILENT  MAN." 

fathomless  Beyond!  The  Uncapapa,  the  Mirmeconjou, 
the  Ogallalla,  the  Sisseton,  the  Yankton,  the  Sans  Arcs, 
the  Assiniboine,  the  Brule,  the  Blackfoot,  the  Cheyenne, 
the  Arapahoe,  the  Shoshone,  the  Yankton nais,  the  Ban 
nock,  the  Crow  and  Nez  Perces  fled  before  the  host  lie 
led  against  them,  stopping  in  their  course  to  give  battle 
against  the  conquering  army --the  riper  intelligence  - 
now  striking  a  blow,  like  on  the  Little  Big  Horn,  that 
sent  a  shudder  through  civilization,  then  meeting  alrnost 
total  annihilation  beneath  the  shadows  of  the  Bear  Paw. 
Grouard  had  suffered  everything  but  death  at  the 
hands  of  the  savages  during  the  term  of  his  captivity. 
He  was  now  the  avenging  sprite,  and  the  Indians  feared 
and  hated  him.  Revenge  was  not  his  controlling  mo 
tive,  however.  He  was  righting  myriad  wrongs. 


O 
O 
O 

CD 
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W 
O 
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- 

Cfl 

a 
- 


5 


CHAPTER   III. 


PRELIMINARY    OBSERVATIONS. 

The  policy  of  the  government  toward  the  Indian, 
up  to  a  very  recent  date,  has  been  one  of  vacillation 
and  uncertainty.  There  has  always  been  manifested  a 
desire  to  ;' handle  the  red  men  with  gloves.''  To  this 
steadily-pursued  policy  may  safely  be  attributed  all  the 
perplexities  and  uncertainties  that  have  existed  in  our 
relations  with  the  Indians  on  the  western  frontier. 
Treaty  after  treaty  was  made  by  the  government  on  one 
side  and  the  Indians  on  the  other  only  to  be  broken 
ore  the  seals  were  secure  and  the  ink  of  the  signatures 
dry. 

This  was  notably  the  case  with  the  agreements  en 
tered  into  at  Fort  Laramie  by  the  United  States  Peace 
Commission  and  the  Sioux  and  Cheyennes  in  the  year 
1866.  In  fact,  it  was  well  known  at  the  time  the  con 
ference  was  held  that  but  few  of  the  head  chiefs  of 
either  the  Sioux  or  Cheyenne  nations  were  present  at 
that  conference,  and  history  records  the  fact  that  when 
the  Commission  sent  trusted  agents  out  to  treat  with  the 
head  chiefs  of  these  nations,  several  of  those  agents  suf 
fered  great  indignities  at  the  hands  of  the  savage  lead- 


36  PRELIMINARY    OBSERVATIONS. 

ers,  and  were  sent  back  to  the  Commission  with  answers 
that  never  found  their  way  into  print  as  part  of  the 
report  made  by  the  members  of  that  august  body. 
Like  most  of  its  predecessors,  the  Commission  of  1S66 
accomplished  nothing  that  lent  any  additional  security  to 
the  emigrant  or  the  settler.  On  the  contrary,  its  labors 
but  tended  to  confirm  a  long-standing  belief  among  the 
savages  that  the  Great  Father  was  afraid  to  attempt  a 
conques-t  by  arms. 

In  the  very  face  of  the  work  of  the  Peace  Commis 
sion  of  1866,  the  Phil  Kearney  massacre  occurred,  and, 
as  if  to  establish  more  firmly  the  belief  among  the  red 
men  that  the  government  was  afraid  to  u  carry  the  war 
into  Africa,"  the  posts  of  defense  in  the  heart  of  the 
Indian  country  were  abandoned  by  the  government 
through  one  of  the  most  compromising  treaties  ever 
made  between  the  government  and  the  aborigine,  thus 
closing  the  country  from  the  Laramie  river  to  the  Brit 
ish  line,  and  giving  to  the  warlike  Sioux  arid  Cheyennes 
complete  possession  of  the  vast  domain  from  the  Platte 
to  the  Missouri  river  on  the  north,  and  from  the  Da- 
ko-ta  Black  Hills  on  the  east  to  the  Wind  range  of 
mountains  on  the  west  (one  of  the  richest  mineral  and 
agricultural  sections  in  the  United  States,  if  not  in  the 
world ). 

In  fact,  while  the  government  was  assured  that  the 
Indians  had  patched  up  a  lasting  peace  through  the  ef 
forts  of  the  Commission  of  1866,  and  was  congratulating 
itself  upon  the  success  of  its  latest  overtures,  the  Sioux 
were  covertly  making  preparations  to  carry  on  a  war  of 


PRELIMINARY    OBSERVATION'S.  37 

extermination  in  the  region  they  had  secured  by  con 
quest  from  the  Crows;  and  it  was  under  just  such  con 
ditions  that  Colonel  Carrington  and  his  brave  little  gar 
rison  faced  the  heavy  task  of  building  Forts  Phil  Kear 
ney  and  C.  F.  Smith  at  points  where  savage  assaults 
were  of  daily  and  deadly  occurrence.  »•• 

Two  years  after  the  butchery  of  the  Fort  Phil  Kear 
ney  command,  the  posts  that  menaced  the  Indians  and 
afforded .  some  protection  to  the  emigrant  and  settler 
were  dismantled  and  abandoned. 

The  Indian,  once  more,  held  arrogant  and  undis 
puted  sway  over  one  of  the  finest  scopes  of  country  in 
the  United  States — what  to-day  is  the  great  commercial 
gateway  to  and  from  the  land  of  the  setting  sun.'  But 
savagery  could  not  long  withstand  the  encroaching  foot 
steps  of  advancement  and  civilization.  What  the  gov 
ernment  would  not  concede  to  frontier  settlement,  was 
wrested  from  the  Indian  by  the  hardy  pioneer  and  the 
fearless  adventurer. 

Some  slight  show  was  made  in  the  Black  Hills  by 
the  government  to  remove  the  gold-seekers;  but  the  de 
mand  for  the  opening  of  that  section  to  settlement  was 
stronger  than  the  language  of  the  treaty  with  the  In 
dians  to  keep  it  closed,  and  in  the  fall  of  1875  the 
Hills  echoed  and  re-echoed  with  the  victorious  shouts  of 
a  newer  race. 

Stories  of  fabulous  wealth  hidden  beneath  the  sur 
face  of  the  Dakota  hills  and  under  the  majestic  Big 
Horn  mountain  peaks  had  reached  the  hungering  adven 
turers  of  the  east,  and  nothing  could  beat  back  the 


38  PEELIMINAEY   OBSERVATIONS. 

wave  of  advancing  humanity.  The  promised  harvest  was 
golden,  and  many  were  the  reapers. 

In  this  unequal  battle  for  gold  all  hazards  were 
scoffed  at ; '  all  dangers  were  dared.  Anticipation,  like 
gome  beckoning  angel,  lighted  up  the  dreary  western 
wastes  over  which  men  must  travel  to  the  land  of  Real 
ization.  Strangers  became  brothers  in  their  new-found 
acquaintanceships  ;  and  brothers,  alas,  rushing  madly  for 
ward  to  secure  a  promised  prize,  became  strangers  to 
each  other's  love. 

The  Sioux,  the  Cheyenne,  the  Arapahoe  and  the 
Blackfoot  disputed  possession  with  this  horde  of  incom 
ing  humanity.  Their  rights,  resting  on  the  parchment 
^iven  them  by  the  Great  Father,  made  sacred  through 
the  promises  that  were  fashioned  only  to  be  broken,  like 
dicer's  oaths,  were  suffering  annulment,  and  the  white 
man's  government  permitted  it. 

Right  or  wrong,  the  Indian  stood  his  ground. 
Faith  in  treaties  made  with  the  Great  Father  was  shat 
tered.  Sitting  Bull  and  Crazy  Horse,  one  a  diplomat, 
the  other  a  warrior,  were  yet  fashioned  in  the  same 
mould.  Both  hated  the  white  race  with  a  hatred  born 
of  savage  blood.  The  overtures  of  government  fell 
like  funeral  dirges  upon  their  unwilling  ears.  The 
agency  to  them  was  a  prison.  Like  Macbeth  (with 
physic),  they'd  "none  of  it."  They  knew  no  methods 
of  conciliation,  but  studied  all  means  to  crush.  There 
was  no  happy  medium  with  these  men.  They  steadily 
and  persistently  maintained  that  the  hope  of  the  Indian 
was  in  war.  They  realized  that,  little  by  little,  the  seep- 


PRELIMINARY    OBSERVATIONS.  39 

tre  of  savagery  was  being  wrested  from  the  hand  of  the 
redman.  Annihilation,  striding  like  a  Colossus  over  the 
western  empire  they  had  called  their  home,  had  already 
planted  its  iron  heel  on  the  southwestern  slope  of  the 
continental  divide.  The  shadows  of  everlasting  silence 
were  gathering  for  the  aborigine  over  the  valleys  where 
their  fathers  had  held  undisputed  sway.  Nothing  was 
longer  secure  to  them.  A  newer,  riper,  alien  race  was 
driving  the  buffalo  from  its  wallow,  the  deer,  the  elk, 
the  an' elope  from  mountain  and  plain.  The  steamboat 
and  iron  horse  had  formed  a  magic  link  between  the 
lands  of  the  rising  and  setting  sun.  The  savage  had 
nothing  to  concede.  His  safety,  the  safety  of  his  race, 
was  to  be  found  nowhere  if  not  in  pitiless,  unrelenting, 
never-ending  war.  This  was  the  creed  of  Sitting  Bull, 
and  Crazy  Horse  echoed  the  sentiment. 

li  There  is,  indeed,  in  the  fate  of  these  unfortunate 
beings,"  says  a  learned  writer,  "much  to  awaken  our 
sympathies  and  much  to  disturb  the  sobriety  of  our 
judgment;  much  that  may  be  urged  to  excuse  their  own 
atrocities.  What  can  be  more  melancholy  than  their 
history  ?  We  see  by  the  law  of  their  nature  the}r  are 
destined  to  a  slow  but  sure  extinction.  Everywhere  at 
the  approach  of  the  white  man  they  fade  away.  We 
hear  the  rustling  of  their  footsteps  like  that  of  the 
withered  leaves  of  autumn,  and  they  are  gone  forever. 
They  pass  mournfully  by  us  and  return  no  more.  Two 
centuries  ago  the  smoke  of  their  wigwams,  the  fires  of 
their  councils,  rose  in  ever}'  valley  from  the  Hudson  Bay 
to  the  furthest  Florida.  •  From  the  ocean  to  the  Missis- 


40  PEELIMINARY    OBSERVATIONS. 

sippi  and  the  lakes,  the  shouts  of  victory  and  the  war- 
dance  rang  through  the  glades  ;  the  thick  arrows  and 
the  deadly  tomahawk  whizzed  through  the  forest.  The 
warriors  stood  forth  in  their  glory.  The  young  listened 
to  the  songs  of  other  days.  The  aged  sat  down,  but 
they  wept  not.  They  would  soon  in  the  far  region  be 
at  rest  where  the  Great  Spirit  dwelt  in  a  home  prepared 
for  the  brave  beyond  the  western  skies.  Braver  men 

never,  lived  ;    truer  men   never  drew  the  bow.     They  had 

• 

courage  and  fortitude  and  sagacity  and  perseverance  be 
yond  most  of  the  human  race.  They  shrank  from  no 
danger;  they  feared  no  hardship.  If  they  had  the  vices 
of  a  savage  life,  they  had  the  virtues,  also.  They  were 
true  to  their  country,  their  friends  and  their  homes.  *  If 
they  forgave  not  injury,  neither  did  they  forget  kindness. 
If  their  vengeance  was  terrible,  their  fidelity  and  gen 
erosity  was  unconquerable,  also.  Their  love  like  their 
hate,  stopped  not  this  side  of  the  grave. 

"But  where  are  they?  Where  are  their  villages, 
their  warriors  and  youth?  The  sachem  and  his  tribe; 
the  hunters  and  their  families?  They  have  perished! 
They  are  consumed!  The  wasting,  pestilence  has  not 
alone  done  the  mighty  work;  no,  nor  famine,  nor  war! 
There  has  been  a  mightier  power;  a  moral  cancer  which 
has  eaten  into  their  heart  core;  the  plague  which  the 
hand  of  the  white  man  communicated;  a  poison  which 
has  betrayed  them  into  a  lingering  ruin.  Already  the 
winds  of  the  Atlantic  fan  not  a  single  region  they  may 
now  call  their  own." 


PEELIMINABY    OBSERVATIONS.  41 

u  I  saw  the  last  feeble  remnant  of  the  race  prepare 
for  their  long  journey  beyond  the  Mississippi.  I  saw 
them  leave  their  miserable  homes;  the  aged,  the  help 
less,  the  women  and  the  warriors.  Few  and  faint,  yet 
fearless  still.  The  ashes  have  grown  cold  on  their  native 
hearth;  the  smoke  no  longer  curls  around  their  lonely 
cabins;  they  move  on  with  a  slow,  unsteady  step.  The 
white  man  is  upon  their  heels,  but  they  heed  him  not. 
They  turn  to  take  a  last  look  at  their  deserted  villager, 
they  cast  a  last  glance  over  the  graves  of  their  fathers; 
they  shed  no  tears;  they  utter  no  cries;  they  heave  no 
groans.  There  is  something  in  their  looks,  not  of  venge 
ance  nor  submission,  but  hard  necessity,  which  stifles 
both  and  has  no  method;  it  is  courage  absorbed  in  de 
spair.  They  linger  but  for  a  moment.  Their  look  is 
onward.  They  have  passed  the  fatal  stream.  It  shall 
never  be  repassed  by  them,  ah,  never;  yet  there  lies  n<-t 
between  us  and  them  an  impassable  gulf.  They  know 
and  feel  there  is  for  them  one  removal  further,  not  dis 
tant  nor  unseen  !  It  is  the  general  burying-ground  ot 
the  race!" 

kiThe  policy  of  the  American  people  has  been  to 
vagadondize  the  Indian,  and  throttle  every  ambition  he 
may  have  for  his  own  elevation;  and  we  need  not  hug 
the  delusion  that  the  savage  has  been  any  too  anxious 
for  work,  unless  stimulated,  encouraged  and  made  to  see 
that  it  meant  his  immediate  benefit  and  advancement." — 
Oapt.  John  G.  Bourke's  u  On  the  Border  with  Crook." 

After  the  Fort  Phil  Kearney  massacre  congress  ap 
pointed  a  special  commission  to  "investigate''  the  causes 


42  PRELIMINARY    OBSERVATIONS. 

leading  up  to  it.  The  report  of  this  commission  is 
known  in  history  as  Senate  Document  No.  1-3,  and  is 
dated  1867.  It  is  as  fair  and  impartial  an  account  of  the 
labors  of  the  United  States  Peace  Commission  which  met 
at  Lararnie  in  1866  and  the  subsequent  slaughter  of  Col. 
Fct  term  an  and  party  as  could  possibly  have  been  made; 
and  as  it  is  in  itself  a  summarization  of  the  tragic 
events  following  the  attempt  to  open  a  highway  through 
the  heart  of  the  Indian  country — the  particular  section 
of  country  which  became  the  field  of  operation  during 
the  Custer,  Crook  and  Miles  campaigns  ten  years  later- 
it  is  given  here  to  better  illustrate  the  "  kid-glove 
policy"  of  the  government  toward  the  Indians: 

The  main  object  sought  to  be  secured  by  the  treaty 
of  Laramie  of  July,  A.  D.  1866,  was  the  opening  of  a 
new  route  to  Montana  from  Fort  Laramie,  via  Bridger's 
Ferry  and  the  head  waters  of  the  Powder,  Tongue  and 
Big  Horn  Rivers.  This  country  was  occupied  by  the 
Ogallalla  and  Minneconjou  bands  of  Sioux  Indians  and 
the  northern  Cheyenne  and  Arapahoe  tribes,  and  the 
mountain  Crows. 

The  region  through  which  the  road  was  to  pass 
find  does  pass  is  the  most  attractive  and  valuable  to  In 
dians.  It  abounds  with  game,  flocks  of  mountain  sheep, 
droves  of  elk  and  deer;  and  herds  of  buffalo  range 
through  and  live  in  this  country,  and  the  Indians  with 
propriety  call  it  their  last  best  hunting  grounds.  All 
these  Indians  were  reluctant  to  allow  the  proposed  road 
to  pass  through  these  hunting  grounds,  but  all  would 
reluctantly  assent  to  this  for  so  liberal  an  equivalent 


PRELIMINAKY   OBSERVATIONS.  43 

as  the  government  was  ready  to  give.  The  Indians 
were  required  further  to  stipulate  that  the  government 
should  have  the  right  to  establish  one  or  more  military 
posts  on  this  road  in  their  country.  All  the  Indians 
occupying  it  refused  thus  to  stipulate,  and  through  the 
chiefs,  headmen  and  soldiers  protested  against  the  estab 
lishment  of  any  military  post  on  their  hunting  grounds 
along  the  road  north  of  Fort  Reno. 

While  negotiations  were  going  on  with  Red  Cloud 
and  their  leading  chiefs  to  induce  them  to  yield  to  the 
government  the  right  to  peaceably  establish  these  mili 
tary  posts,  which  they  persistently  refused  to  yield,  say 
ing  it  was  asking  too  much  of  their  people  —  asking  all 
they  had  —  for  it  would  drive  away  all  the  game,  Col. 
H.  B.  Carrington,  18th  United  States  Infantry,  with 
about  seven  hundred  officers  and  men,  arrived  at  Lara- 
mie,  en  route  to  this  country  to  establish  and  occupy 
military  posts  along  the  Montana  road,  pursuant  to  Gen 
eral  Orders  No.  33,  Headquarters  Department  of  the 
Missouri,  March  10,  1866,  Major-General  Pope  com 
manding.  The  destination  and  purpose  of  Col.  Carring 
ton  and  his  command  were  communicated  to  their  chiefs. 
They  seemed  to  construe  this  as  a  determination  on  the 
part  of  the  government  to  occupy  their  country,  by  mili 
tary  posts,  even  without  their  consent  or  that  of  their 
people,  and  as  soon  as  practicable  withdrew  from  the 
council  with  their  adherents,  refusing  to  accept  any 
presents  from  the  commission,  returned  to  their  country, 
and  with  a  strong  force  of  warriors  commenced  a  vigor 
ous  and  relentless  war  against  all  whites  who  came  into 
it,  both  citizens  and  soldiers. 


4  4  PEELIM1NAE  Y  OB  SEE  VA  TIONS. 

Quite  a  large  number  of  Indians,  who  did  not  oc 
cupy  the  country  along  this  road,  were  anxious  to  make 
a  treaty  and  remain  at  peace.  Some  of  this  class  had 
for  a  long  time  resided  near  Fort  Laramie.  Others 
(Brules)  occupied  the  White  Earth  River  valley  and  the 
sind  hills  south  of  that  river. 

The  commissioners  created  and  appointed  several  of 
the  leading  warriors  of  these  Indians,  chiefs,  viz.,  Big 
Mouth,  Spotted  Tail,  Swift  Bear  and  Two  Strikes.  A 
portion  of  these  Indians  have  remained  near  Fort  Lara 
mie,  and  a  portion  of  them  on  the  Republican  fork  of 
the  Kansas  river,  and  have  strictly  complied  with  their 
treaty  stipulations. 

The  number  of  Sioux  Indians  who  considered  them 
selves  bound  by  the  treaty  and  have  remained  at  peace 
is  about  two  thousand,  while  the  Minneconjou  and  a 
portion  of  the  Ogallalla  and  Brule  bands,  the  northern 
Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  with  a  few  Sans  Arcs,  num 
bering  in  the  aggregate  about  six  hundred  lodges,  re 
mained  in  their  old  country  and  went  to  war  under  the 
auspices  of  their  old  chiefs. 

We  therefore  report  that  all  the  Sioux  Indians  occu 
pying  the  country  about  Fort  Phil  Kearney  have  been 
in  a  state  of  war  against  the  whites  since  the  20th  day 
of  June,  A.  D.  1866,  and  that  they  have  waged  and 
carried  on  this  war  for  the  purpose  of  defending  their 
ancient  possessions  and  the  possessions  acquired  by  them 
from  the  Crow  Indians  by  conquest  after  bloody  wars, 
from  invasion  and  occupation  by  the  whites. 

This  war  had  been  carried  on    by    the    Indians  with 


PRELIMLtfAR  Y  OB  SEE  VA  TIONS.  45 

tbe  most  extraordinary  vigor  and  unwonted  success. 
During  the  time  from  July  26th,  the  day  on  which 
Lieutenant  Wand's  train  was  attacked,  to  the  21st  day 
of  December,  on  which  Brevet  Lieutenant -Colonel  Fet- 
termun,  with  his  command  of  eighty  officers  and  men, 
was  overpowered  and  massacred,  they  killed  ninety  -  one 
enlisted  men'"*  and  five  officers  of  our  army,  and  killed 
fifty -eight  citizens  and  wounded  twenty  more,  and  cap 
tured  and  drove  away  three  hundred  and  six  oxen  and 
cows,  three  hundred  and  four  mules,  and  one  hundred 
and  sixty -one  horses.  During  this  time  they  appeared 
in  front  of  Fort  Phil  Kearney,  making  hostile  demon 
strations  and  committing  hostile  acts,  fifty -one  differei.t 
times,  and  attacked  nearly  every  train  and  person  th;  t 
attempted  to  pass  over  the  Montana  road. 

General  Orders  No.  33,  Headquarters  Department 
of  Missouri,  dated  March  10,  1866,  directed  that  two 
new  military  posts  should  be  established  011  this  new 
route  to  Montana --one  tknear  the  base  of  the  Big 
Horn  mountains,"  the  other  "  on  or  near  the  Upper  Yel 
lowstone,"  and  designated  the  2d  battalion  of  the  18th 
Infantry  to  garrison  the  three  posts  on  this  route,  and 
created  the  Mountain  District,  Department  of  the  Platte, 
and  directed  the  colonel  of  the  regiment  (Colonel  H.  B. 
Carrington )  to  take  post  at  Fort  Reno  and  command 
the  district,  which  included  all  the  troops  and  garrisons 
on  this  route. 

General  Orders  No.  7,  Headquarters  Department  of 
fche  Platte,  June  23,  Is66,  directed  that  the  2d  bat 
talion,  18th  Infantry,  should  take  post  as  follows:  Two 


40  PRELIMINARY  OBSERVATIONS. 

companies  at  Fort  Reno,  on  Fowder  river,  two  compan 
ies  about  eighty  miles  nearly  south  of  Reno,  on  the 
waters  of  Powder  or  Tongue  river,  which  Post  should 
be  known  as  Fort  Philip  Kearney,  and  two  companies 
at  the  crossing  of  the  Big  Horn  river  on  the  same  road, 
and  about  seventy  miles  beyond  Fort  Phillip  Kearney, 
to  be  known  as  Fort  C.  F.  Smith,  and  directed  that  the 
colonel  of  the  regiment  should  take  post  at  Fort  Philip 
Kearney,  and  command  the  "Mountain  District." 

The  orders  above  referred  to  were  issued  with  the 
express  understanding,  apparently,  that  this  road  to  Mon 
tana  was  to  be  opened  through  the  Indian  country  by 
compact  or  treaty  with  the  Indians  occupying  it,  and 
not  by  conquest  and  the  exercise  of  arbitrary  power  on 
the  part  of  the  government.  Hence  Col.  Carrington's 
instructions  looked  mainly  to  the  duty  of  selecting  and 
building  the  two  new  forts,  Philip  Kearney  and  C.  F. 
Smith,  and  the  command  assigned  was  only  sufficient 
for  this  purpose  and  properly  garrisoning  the  posts. 
This  command  numbered  in  all  about  seven  hundred 
men,  five  hundred  of  whom  were  new  recruits,  and 
twelve  officers,  including  district  commander  and  staff. 
The  commanding  officer,  Col.  Carrington,  could  not  and 
did  not  fail  to  see  at  once  that,  although  his  command 
was  entirely  sufficient  to  erect  the  new  forts,  build  the 
barracks,  warehouses,  and  stables,  and  make  preparations 
for  winter,  and  properly  garrison  his  posts,  and  could 
protect  emigration  from  the  small  thieving  parties  of  In 
dians,  it  was  still  entirely  inadequate  to  carry  on  sys 
tematic  and  aggressive  war  against  a  most  powerful 


PRELIMINARY  OBSERVATIONS.  47 

tribe  of  Indians,  fighting  to  maintain  possession  and 
control  of  their  own  country,  in  addition  to  those  othtr 
duties.  This  officer  carried  the  orders  above  referred  to 
into  effect  with  promptness  and  zeal,  organizing  the 
mountain  district  June  28th,  1866,  establishing  Foit 
Philip  Kearney  on  the  15th  of  July,  and  Fort  CL  F. 
Smith  on  the  3d  day  of  August,  and  as  early  ae  the 
31st  day  of  July  informed  Gen.  P.  St.  George  Gooke, 
the  department  commander,  that  the  status  of  Indians 
in  that  country  was  one  of  war,  and  requested  reinforce 
ments  sent  to  him,  and  two  days  previously  had  tele 
graphed  the  adjutant-general  of  the  army  for  Indian 
auxiliaries  and  additional  force  for  his  own  regiment. 

On  the  9th  of  August,  General  Cooke,  command 
ing  department  of  the  Phitte,  informed  Colonel  Car- 
rington  that  Lieutenant -General  Sherman  ordered  the 
posts  in  his,  Colonel  Carrington's  district,  supported  as 
much  as  possible,  and  announced  a  regiment  coming 
from  St.  Louis. 

No  auxiliaries  were  assigned,  and  no  reinforce 
ments  came  until  November,  when  company  C,  2d 
United  States  cavalry,  reached  Fort  Kearney,  sixty 
strong,  armed  with  Springfield  rifles  and  Star  carbines. 
In  December,  about  ninety  recruits  joined  the  battalion 
in  the  mountain  district,  a  portion  of  whom  were  avS- 
signed  to  a  company  stationed  at  Fort  Phil  Kearney. 
No  other  reinforcements  were  sent  to  the  district.  Ap 
proved  requisitions  for  ammunition  were  not  answered. 
The  command  at  Fort  C.  F.  Smith  was  reduced  to 
ten  rounds  per  man  ;  the  command  at  Fort  Phil  Kear- 


48  PRELIMINARY    OBSERVATIONS. 

ney  to  forty -five  rounds  per  man,  and  the  command 
at  Fort  Reno  to  thirty  rounds  p.-r  man.  Recruits  could 
not  practice  any  in  firing.  Little  time  could  be'  allowed 
from  fatigue  duty  or  drill,  and  with  but  twelve  offi 
cers  and  three  posts  little  could  have  been  done  in 
drilling  recruits,  if  time  could  have  been  allowed. 

The  result  of  all  this  was  that  the  troops  were  in 
no  condition  to  fight  successful  battles  with  Indians  or 
other  foes,  and  this  from  no  fault  of  Colonel  Carring- 
ton  ;  and  I  am  astonished  at  the  zeal  with  which  they 
fought,  and  the  damage  they  inflicted,  December  21st. 

The  numerous  demonstrations  and  attacks  made  by 
Indians  prior  to  the  6th  of  December  seemed  to  have 
been  made  for  the  sole  purpose  of  capturing  stock, 
picket  posts,  and  small  parties  of  soldiers  who  might 
venture  beyond  the  cover  of  the'  garrison,  and  of  an 
noying  and  checking  the  wood  train  constantly  draw 
ing  material  for  the  new  forts. 

On  the  morning  of  December  6th  the  wood  train 
was  attacked,  a  common  occurence,  about  two  miles  from 
the  fort,  and  forced  to  corral  and  defend  itself.  Brevet 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Fetterman,  with  a  command  of  sev 
enteen  mounted  infantry  and  thirty-five  cavalry,  moved 
out  to  relieve  the  wood  train,  and  drive  off  the  Indians, 
and  Col.  Carrington,  with  twenty-five  mounted  infantry, 
moved  out  for  the  purpose  of  cutting  off  the  Indians 
from  retreat,  and  destroying  them.  On  this  clay,  at  a 
point  on  Peno  Creek,  about  five  miles  from  the  fort, 
the  Indians,  the  second  time  after  the  fort  was  estab 
lished,  made  a  stand  and  a  strong  resistance,  and 


PRELIM IXARY  OBSER VA TIONS.  40 

nearly  surrounded  Col.  Fetterman's  party.  The  infan 
try  obeyed  orders  and  behaved  well.  The  cavalry, 
with  the  exception  of  ten  enlisted  men,  disobeyed 
the  orders  of  Col.  Fetterman,  and  fled  with  great  pre 
cipitancy  from  this  portion  of  the  field.  -  As  the  cavalry 
retreated,  the  Indians  made  a  great  display  and  effort 
to  create  a  panic  with  the  infantry,  but  Col.  'Fetterman, 
Lieut.  Wands,  and  Lieut.  Brown  succeeded  in  keeping 
this  small  body  of  infantry  cool,  and  by  reserving  their 
fire  for  proper  range,  rescued  it  from  annihilation,  and 
m.ade  a  junction  with  Col.  Carrington's  party,  on  the 
east  side  of  Peno  Creek.  Lieut.  Bingham,  after  leaving 
Col.  Fetterman's  party,  with  Lieut.  Grummond,  a  sergeant 
from  Col.  Carrington's  command,  and  two  men  from  his 
own,  without  the  knowledge  or  orders  of  any  of  his 
superiors,  pursued  into  an  ambuscade,  more  than  two 
miles  from  the  main  party,  a  single  Indian  who  wras  on 
foot  in  front  of  their  horses,  and  Lieut.  Bingham  and 
the  sergeant  were  there  killed.  The  results  of  this  day's 
fighting,  although  not  of  a  decidedly  successful  charac 
ter  to  the  Indians,  were  such  as  naturally  to  induce  the 
belief  on  their  part  that  by  proper  management  and  ef 
fort  they  could  overpower  and  destroy  any^_  force  that 
could  be  sent  out  from  the  fort  to  fight  them,  and  no 
doubt  at  this  time  resolved  to  make  the  effort  the  first 
auspicious  day,  and  postponed  their  proceedings  from  the 
new  to  the  full  mooa.  In  the  meantime  everything  was 
quiet  about  the  fort,  although  they  often  appeared  on 
the  surrounding  hills. 

On  the  morning  of  December  21st  the  picket  at  the 


50  PRELIMINARY  OBSERVATIONS. 

signal  station  signaled  to  the  fort  that  the  wood  train 
was  attacked  by  Indians,  and  coralled,  and  the  escort 
fighting.  This  was  not  far  from  11  o'clock  a.  m.,  and 
the  train  was  about  two  miles  from  the  fort,  and  mov 
ing  toward  the  timber.  Almost  immediately  a  few  In 
dian  pickets  appeared  on  one  or  two  of  the  surrounding 
heights,  and  a  party  of  about  twenty  near  the  Big 
Piney,  where  the  Montana  road  crosses  the  same,  within 
howitzer  range  of  the  fort.  Shells  were  thrown  among 
them  from  the  artillery  in  the  fort,  and  they  fled. 

The  following  detail,  viz.,  fifty  men  and  two  officers 
from  the  four  different  infantry  companies,  and  twenty- 
six  cavalrymen  and  one  officer,  was  made  by  Col.  Car- 
rington.  The  entire  force  formed  in  good  order  and 
was  placed  under  command  of  Brevet  Lieut. -Col.  Fetter- 
man,  who  received  the  following  orders  from  CoL  Car- 
rington :  "Support  the  wood  train,  relieve  it,  and  report 
to  me.  Do  not  engage  or  pursue  Indians  at  its  ex 
pense  ;  under  no  circumstances  pursue  over  Lodge  Trail 
Ridge."  These  instructions  were  repeated  by  Col.  Car- 
rington,  in  a  loud  voice,  to  the  command  when  in  mo 
tion,  and  outside  the  fort,  and  again  delivered  in  sub 
stance  through  Lieut.  Wands,  officer  of  the  day,  to 
Lieut.  Grummond,  commanding  cavalry  detachment,  who 
was  requested  to  communicate  them  again  to  Col.  Fetter- 
man. 

Colonel  Fetterman  moved  out  rapidly  to  the  right 
of  the  wood  road,  for  the  purpose  no  doubt  of  cutting 
off  the  retreat  of  the  Indians,  then  attacking  the  train. 
As  he  advanced  across  the  Piney  a  few  Indians  ap- 


PRELIMINARY  OBSERVATIONS.  51 

pearcd  in  his  front  and  on  his  flanks,  and  continued 
flitting  about  him,  beyond  rifle  range,  till  they  disap 
peared  beyond  Lodge  Trail  Ridge.  When  he  was  on 
Lodge  Trail  Ridge,  the  picket  signaled  the  fort  that  the 
Indians  had  retreated  from  the  train;  the  train  had  broken 
corral  and  moved  on  toward  the  timber. 

The  train  made  the  round  trip,  and  was  not  again 
disturbed  that  day. 

At  about  fifteen  minutes  before  12  o'clock  Colonel 
Fetterman's  command  had  reached  the  crest  of  Lodge 
Trail  Ridge,  was  deployed  as  skirmishers,  and  at  a  halt, 
without  regard  to  orders,  for  reasons  that  the  silence  of 
Colonel  Fetter  in  an  now  prevents  us  from  giving,  he,  with 
the  command,  in  a  few  moments  disappeared,  having 
cleared  the  ridge,  still  moving  north.  Firing  at  once 
commenced,  amd  increased  in  rapidity  till,  in  about  fif 
teen  minutes  and  about  12  o'clock  M.,  it  was  a  continu 
ous  and  rapid  fire  of  musketry,  plainly  audible  at  the 
fort.  Assistant  Surgeon  Hines,  having  been  ordered  to 
join  Fetterman,  found  Indians  on  a  part  of  Lodge  Trail 
Ridge  not  visible  from  the  fort,  and  could  not  reach  the 
force  there  struggling  to  preserve  its  existence.  As  soon 
as  the  firing  became  rapid  Colonel  Carrington  ordered 
Captain  Ten  Eyck,  with  about  seventy-six  men,  being  all 
the  men  for  duty  in  the  fort,  and  two  wagons  with  am 
munition,  to  join  Colonel  Fetterman  immediately.  He 
moved  out  and  advanced  rapidly  toward  the  point  from 
which  the  sound  of  firing  proceeded,  but  'did  not  move 
by  so  short  a  route  as  he  might  have  done.  The 
sound  of  firing  continued  to  be  heard  during  his  advance, 


52  PRELIMINARY  OBSERVATIONS. 

diminishing  in  rapidity  and  number  of  shots  till  he 
reached  a  high  summit  overlooking  the  battle-field,  at 
about  a  quarter  before  1  o'clock,  when  one  or  two  shots 
closed  all  sound  of  conflict. 

Whether  he  could  have  reached  the  scene  of  action 
by  marching  over  the  shortest  route  as  rapidly  as  pos 
sible  in  time  to  have  relieved  Col.  Fctterman's  com 
mand,  I  am  unable  to  determine. 

Immediately  after  Capt.  Ten  Eyck  moved  out,  and 
by  orders  of  Col.  Carrington,  issued  at  the  same  time 
as  the  orders  detailing  that  officer  to  join  Col.  Fetter- 
man,  the  quartermaster's  employes,  convalescents,  and 
all  others  in  garrison,  were  armed  and  provided  with 
ammunition,  and  held  in  readiness  to  reinforce  the  troops 
fighting,  or  defend  the  garrison. 

Capt.  Ten  Eyck  reported,  as  soon  as  he  reached  a 
summit  commanding  a  view  of  the  battlefield,  that  the 
Peno  valley  was  full  of  Indians;  that  he  could  see  noth 
ing  of  Col.  Fetterman's  party,  and  requested  that  a  how 
itzer  be  sent  to  him.  The  howitzer  was  not  sent.  The 
Indians,  who  at  first  beckoned  him  to  come  down,  now 
commenced  retreating,  and  Capt.  Ten  Eyck,  advancing 
to  a  point  where  the  Indians  had  been  standing  in  a 
circle,  found  the  dead  naked  bodies  of  Brevet  Lieut.- 
Col.  Fetterman,  Capt.  Brown,  and  about  sixty-five  of 
the  soldiers  of  their  command.  At  this  point  there 
were  no  indications  of  a  severe  struggle.  All  the 
bodies  lay  in  a  space  not  exceeding  thirty-five  feet  in 
diameter.  No  empty  cartridge  shells  were  ajpout,  and 
there  were  some  full  of  cartridges.  A  few  American 


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PRELIMINARY  OBSERVATIONS.  53 j 

horses  lay  dead  a  short  distance  off,  all  with  thsir 
heads  toward  the  fort.  This  spot  was  by  the  roadside, 
and  beyond  the  summit  of  a  hill  rising  to  the  east  of 
Peno  Creek.  The  road,  after  rising  the  hill,  follows 
this  ridge  along  for  about  half  or  three-quarters  of  a 
mile,  and  then  descends  abruptly  to  Peno  Creek.  At 
about  half  the  distance  from  where  these  bodies  lay  to 
the  point  where  the  road  commences  to  descend  to  Peno 
Creek  was  the  dead  body  of  Lieut.  Grummond;  and 
still  farther  on,  at  the  point  where  the  road  com 
mences  to  descend  to  Peno  Creek,  were  the  bodies  of 
the  three  citizens  and  four  or  five  of  the  old,  long-tried 
and  experienced  soldiers.  A  great  number  of  empty 
cartridge  shells  were  on  the  ground  at  this  point,  and 
more  than  fifty  lying  on  the  ground  about  one  of  the 
dead  citizens,  who  used  a  Henry  rifle.  Within  a  few 
hundred  yards  in  front  of  this  position  ten  Indian 
ponies  lay  dead,  and  there  were  sixty-five  pools  of 
dark  and  clotted  blood.  No  Indian  ponies  or  pools  of 
blood  were  found  at  any  other  point.  Our  conclusion, 
therefore,  is  that  the  Indians  were  massed  to  resist  Col. 
Fetterman's  advance  along  Peno  creek  on  both  sides  of 
the  road;  that  Col.  Fetterman  formed  his  advance  lines 
on  the  summit  of  the  hill  overlooking  the  creek  and 
valley,  with  a  reserve  near  where  the  large  number  of 
the  dead  bodies  lay;  that  the  Indians,  in  force  of  from 
fifteen  to  eighteen  hundred  warriors,  attacked  him  vigor 
ously  in  this  position,  and  were  successfully  resisted 
by  him  for  half  an  hour  or  more;  that  the  command 
then  being  short  of  ammunition,  and  seized  with  panic 


54  PRELIMINARY  OBSERVATIONS. 

at  this  event  and  the  great  numerical  superiority  of  the 
Indians,  attempted  to  retreat  toward  the  Fort;  that  the 
mountaineers  and  old  soldiers,  who  had  learned  that  a 
movement  from  Indians,  in  an  engagement,  was  ^equiva 
lent  to  death,  remained  in  their  first  position,  and  were 
killed  there;  that  immediately  upon  the  commencement 
of  the  retreat  the  Indians  charged  upon  and  surrounded 
the  party,  who  could  not  now  be  formed  by  their  offi 
cers,  and  were  immediately  killed.  Only  six  men  of  the 
whole  command  were  killed  by  balls,  and  two  of  these, 
Lieut. -Col.  Fetter-man  and  Capt.  Brown,  no  doubt  in 
flicted  this  death  upon  themselves,  or  each  other,  by 
their  own  hands,  for  both  were  shot  through  the  left 
temple,  and  powder  burnt  into  the  skin  and  flesh  about 
the  wound.  These  officers  had  also  often-times  asserted 
that  they  would  not  be  taken  alive  by  the  Indians. 

In  the  critical  examination  we  have  given  this  pain 
ful  and  horrible  affair,  we  do  not  find,  of  the  imme 
diate  participants,  any  officer  living  deserving  of  cen 
sure  ;  and  even  if  evidence  justifies  it,  it  would  ill  be 
come  us  to  speak  evil  of  or  censure  those  dead  who 
sacrificed  life,  struggling  to  maintain  the  authority  and 
power  of  the  government  and  add  new  lustre  to  our 
arms  and  fame. 

Of  those  who  have  been  more  remotely  connected 
with  the  events  that  led  to  the  massacre,  we  have  en 
deavored  to  report  so  specifically  as  to  enable  your 
self  and  the  President,  who  have  much  official  infor 
mation  that  we  cannot  have,  to  determine  where  the 
censure  must  fall.  The  difficulty,  "in  a  nutshell,"  was 


PRELIMINARY  OBSERVATIONS.  55 

that  the  commanding  officer  of  the  district  was  furn 
ished  no  more  troops  or  supplies  for  this  state  of 
Avar  than  had  been  provided  and  furnished  him  for  a 
state  of  profound  peace.  « 

In  regions  where  all  was  peace,  as  at  Laramie  in 
November,  twelve  companies  were  stationed  ;  while  in 
regions  where  all  was  war,  as  at  Phil  Kearney,  there 
were  only  five  companies  allowed. 

Following  the  massacre  of  Col.  Fetterman  and  his 
command,  came  the  treaty  of  1867,  which  gave  to  the 
Sioux  as  a  hunting  ground  all  the  lands  lying  be 
tween  the  Yellowstone  on  the  north  and  the  Platte  on 
the  south,  the  Black  Hills  (included)  on  the  east,  and 
the  Big  Horn  range  of  mountains  on  the  west.  Stipula 
tions  for  Indian  schools  were  also  made,  but  never 
kept,  and  this,  together  with  the  excitement  consequent 
upon  the  reported  rich  gold  fields  in  the  Black  Hills 
and  the  invasion  of  the  Hills  by  prospecters,  and  ad 
venturers,  led  the  Indians  to  believe  that  the  treaty 
of  1867  was  nothing  but  an  expedient  and  was  never 
made  to  be  kept.  In  1874  the  Sioux  and  Cheyennes 
began  acting  very  badly,  and  it  Avas  found  necessary 
to  establish  military  camps  at  the  Spotted.  Tail  and 
Red  Cloud  agencies,  while  Col.  Ouster  and  Col.  Guy 
Y.  Henry  were  sent  to  the  Black  Hills  to  drive  out 
-the  miners  who  had  gone  thither ;  but  nothing  of 
moment  was  ever  done.  The  following  year  the  gov 
ernment  decided  to  call  into  agencies  for  registration 
all  the  Indians  occupying  the  land  ceded  by  the 
treaty  of  1867 ;  but  Sitting  Bull  and  Crazy  Horse, 


I 
56  PRELIMINARY  OBSERVATIONS. 

with  their  following,  refused  to  comply  with  the  de 
mands  of  the  government.  To  the  request  sent  these 
chiefs  in  1875  to  report  at  Red  Cloud  agency  to  ne 
gotiate  a  treaty  for  the  opening  of  the  Black  Hills 
country,  they  sent  a  flat  refusal  to  come  in,  and  this 
led  to  the  heroic  measures  adopted  in  1876,  when  a 
force  sufficient  to  subdue  the  hostile  bands  was  sent 
into  the  Indian  country,  Gen.  Crook  entering  from 
the  south  to  form  a  junction  with  the  troops  under 
Generals  Terry  and  Gibbon,  whose  approach  was  from 
the  Yellowstone  and  Rosebud  on  the  north,  Crook's 
operations  beginning  in  the  early  spring,  entailing 
marches  over  ground  deeply  covered  with  snow,  and 
under  the  most  trying  conditions  imaginable. 

When  the  Indians  had  at  last  been  driven  to  the 
reservations  set  aside  for  them  and  were  kept  under 
the  watchful  eye  of  the  army,  the  renegade  whites,  - 
horse-thieves  and  hold-ups --began  to  prey  upon  the 
settlers.  No  line  of  travel  was  safe;  no  man's  life 
or  property  secure,  and  these  conditions  maintained 
until  the  United  States  authorities  took  the  "gentle 
men  of  the  road"  in  hand  and,  in  the  end,  suppressed 
them. 

To-day,  where  thirty  years  ago  the  savage  held  ab 
solute  sway,  a  thrifty,  energetic  people  are  cultivating 
the  soil  and  adding  to  the  material  wealth  of  the  na 
tion  ;  the  tepi  and  wickiup  l;ave  given  place  to  palace 
and  cottage  ;  cities  have  sprung  up  on  the  very  sites 
where  the  turbulent  and  bloodthirsty  Sioux  and  Chey- 
ennes  temporarily  located  their  villages;  the  hum  of 


WAH-KA-PAMANE  (ANNUITY),  OF  SPIRIT  LAKE  MASSACRE  FAME. 


PRELIMINARY  OBSERVATIONS.  57 

machinery  has  supplanted  the  savage  song  of  victory 
and  the  chant  of  death ;  the  children  of  the  white 
man  are  playing  on  the  green  where  once  the  living 
sacrifice  was  offered  at  the  burning  stake.  Civilization 
has  wrought  these  various  changes,  and  the  blood  of 
countless  forgotten  heroes  sanctified  the  soil  which  no\r 
the  plowman  turns  as  he  sings. 


CHAPTER    IV. 


GROUARD'S  OWN  STORY. 

I  left  school  and  hired  out  to  a  freighter  named 
McCartney,  in  the  Big  Square  at  old  San  Bernardino,  in 
1865.  I  hired  out  to  him  to  drive  team  from  there  to 
Helena,  Montana.  I  worked  for  him  for  three  and  one- 
half  years  as  mule  skinner.  The  train  I  first  started 
with  was  loaded  with  choice  liquors.  They  put  me  in 
charge  of  the  third  team.  The  drivers  go  by  rotation 
as  a  general  thing.  You  have  to  work  from  the  bottom 
up,  I  had  never  driven  anything,  but  had  done  a  little 
riding  and  could  handle  horses  first  rate,  and  I  don't 
recollect  that  anything  of  moment  happened  for  some 
time  after  we  left  Bernardino.  I  know  the  vvagonmaster 
rode  alongside  of  me  the  first  three  or  four  days,  teach 
ing  me  to  drive  mules.  There  were  twenty-four  mule- 
teams  in  the  train. 

It  took  eleven  months  to  make  the  trip  to  Helena. 
We  started  in  the  fall  from  San  Bernardino.  I  don't 
remember  anything  distinctly  until  we  got  to  the  Los 
Vegas  river.  There  is  where  1  first  came  in  contact 
with  the  Indians.  We  reached  the  lower  part  of  Utah 
early  in  the  spring,  and  passed  through  the  scene  of 


GROUARD'S  OWN  STORY.  59 

the  mountain  meadow  massacre.  The  bones  of  the  vic 
tims  were  still  bleaching  in  the  sun.  The  wagons  and 
wrecks  of  the  whole  train  were  lying  around  the  plain, 
and  showed  very  distinctly. 

From  there  we  came  to  old  John  D.  Lee's  place, 
the  leader  of  the  massacre.  We  camped  at  his  place 
some  time.  We  got  right  into  that  part  of  the  country 
in  the  rainy  season,  early  in  the  spring.  The  roads  be 
came  so  soft  that  the  wagons  sunk  deep  in  the  mire 
and  sand  along  the  road.  Some  were  in  the  mud  so 
deep  it  was  hard  to  get  them  out.  When  we  got  a 
wagon  mired  down  there  was  always  trouble.  Each  of 
the  drivers  had  a  bundle  of  straws  and  a  gimlet.  They 
would  draw  the  whisky  out  through  a  gimlet  hole,  and 
it  was  a  sure  thing  to  have  a  big  spree  or  drunk  when- 
over  the  wagons  got  stuck  in  the  mud.  I  saw  so  much 
of  the  mule  skinner's  drinking  and  fighting  that  I  took 
a  dislike  to  whisky,  and  made  up  my  mind  I  would 
never  drink  any  whisky  if  it  had  that  effect  on  a  per 
son.  I  have  never  touched  a  drop  of  whisky  from  that 
on  without  some  good  and  sufficient  reason. 

We  went  up  through  the  settlements  of  Utah  to 
Salt  Lake  City,  and  camped  there  a  month  or  more,  and 
learned  a  good  deal  while  there  from  and  about  the 
Mormons.  Met  old  Brigham  Young  there  Was  all 
through  his  house.  It  gave  me  a  pretty  good  insight 
into  the  life  of  the  Mormons  —  coming  through  the  set 
tlement.  From  Salt  Lake  City  we  went  to  Helena  ; 
we  were  about  a  month  on  the  road.  Nothing  of  mo- 


60  GROUAR&S  OWN  STORY. 

ment  occured.  Freighted  between  Helena  and  Salt  Lake 
all  that  summer.  It  was  at  the  former  place  I  first  met 
Bill  Bevins,  the  highwayman.  Helena  was  nothing  but 
a  mining  camp,  then.  The  biggest  part  of  the  mining 
was  done  in  the  lower  part  of  the  town.  -  The  town  was 
in  a  gulch  and  the  placer  mines  were  right  in  the  town. 
The  place  was  like  every  mining  camp,  full-  of  shacks, 
tents  and  some  very  good  buildings  at  that  time — lots  of 
open  saloons,  brothels  and  gambling  dens.  I  became 
acquainted  with  the  notorious  Bill  Bevins,  who  was  then 
in  the  height  of  his  career  at  Helena.  I  was  down 
town  with  him  the  night  of  a  big  shooting  scrape  in 
which  he  was  one  of  the  principals.  Of  course,  in  all 
the  places  there  was  gambling,  more  or  less  ;  but  he  had 
his  certain  place  to  gamble.  He  owned  the  best  claim 
in  the  gulch  and  ,was  supposed  to  be  worth  a  million 
dollars.  He  says  to  me  after  we  had  been  looking  over 
the  city  : 

"I  am  going  to  play  poker.     You  can  come  up  and 
watch,  if    you  want  to,  or  run  around  town." 

I  went  with  him  and  stayed  until  about  12  o'clock, 
when  I  left  him'.  I  never  heard  of  the  shooting  until 
the  next  morning.  They  told  me  that  Bevins  had  been 
shot  and  cut  up  pretty  bad,  and  had  won  a  good  deal  of 
money  in  the  bargain.  I  went  down  to  the  hospital 
where  he  was  lying,  and  he  told  me  the  circumstances. 
He  had  won  $120, 000  that  night.  Of  course,  as  quick 
as  he  won  this  he  got  on  a  spree,  and  a  row  with  other 
gamblers  followed,  naturally  enough.  He  got  shot  and 
cut  eighteen  times,  and  was  pretty  well  used  up  when  he 


GROUAR&S  OWN  STORY.  61 

got  through  with  it.  I  saw  him  more  or  less  that  whole 
summer,  after  he  had  recovered  from  his  wounds.  It  was 
all  card  playing  with  him.  He  was  a  regular  gambler, 
and  one  of  the  "leading  men  "  of  Helena  at  that  time. 
This  was  before  the  vigilant  committee  was  organized, 
and  that  was  how  he  came  to  go  away  from  there.  He 
got  broke  at  last  ;  lost  all  his  money.  The  next  time  I 
saw  him  was  in  1876,  at  Red  Cloud  Agency,  Nebraska. 
He  was  without  a  cent.  He  was  driving  a  stage  then, 
and  in  '76  he  started  for  the  Laramie  plains  with  two 
other  parties.  Their  names  were  Herman  Leslie,  who  is 
now  in  the  state  prison,  sentenced  for  ninety-nine  years, 
and  George  Hastings,  nephew  of  the  then  agent  at  Red 
Cloud. 

He  went  over  to  the  Laramie  Plains  and  jumped  an 
old  man  named  Robert  Foote,  and  I  think  he  tried  to  kill 
him  for  the  money  he  was  supposed  to  have.  He  didn't 
succeed  in  killing  him.  He  was  taken  up  for  it  and  sen 
tenced  for  three  years.  Herman  Leslie  -got  two  years, 
and  the  other  man,  this  nephew  of  the  agent,  got  clear. 
Bevins  was  taken  to  the  Laramie  jail,  and  when  I  got. 
back  to  Red  Cloud  Agency  in  the  fall,  I  received  a  tel 
egram  from  the  Sheriff  saying  that  Bevins  had  broken 
jail  and  started  over  our  way,  and  for  me  to  be  on  the 
lookout  for  him.  I  was  given  an  escort.  I  was  up  about 
six  miles  from  Fort  Larajnie,  and  was  stopping  with  Big 
Bat,  (Baptiste  Fourier).  I  directed  the  soldiers  to  come 
up  to  Bat's  place,  telling  them  I  would  go  ahead  and 
change  horses  and  clothing.  When  I  went  into  the  house 
somebody  was  lying  asleep  just  inside  the  door,  and  who 


62  GROUAR&S  OWN  STORY. 

should  it  be  but  Bevine,  with  a  gun  lying  across  his 
breast.  I  hallooed  at  him  as  soon  as  I  saw  who  it  was, 
and  said  : 

"Bevins,   you  ought  to  wake  up." 

He  got  up  ready  for  fighting;  but  as  quick  as  he 
woke  up  and  sa\v  who  it  was,  he  lays  his  gun  down 
and  says: 

"I  thought  it  was  somebody  else." 

I  says:      "  What  are  you  doing  here?" 

He  answered:  "Resting,  sleeping.  I  have  not  had 
any  sleep  for  three  or  four  nights." 

''Well,"  I  says,  "You  ought  to  get  out  of  here; 
you  are  in  a  pretty  hard  fix." 

He  says:      "I  know  it." 

"I  just  got  a  telegram  about  you,"  said  I. 

He  says:  4<  I  want  a  horse,  and  a  suit  of  clothes 
from  Bat." 

I  said  all  right.     I  gave  him  a  horse,   and  he  got  a 

suit  of  clothes  from  Bat.     There  was  not  enough    money 

\_ 

in  the  United  States  to  induce  me  to  take  him.  I 
would  rather  have  gotten  into  trouble  myself  than  to 
have  taken  him.  I  asked  him  which  way  he  was  going. 
He  said  on  to  Running  Water.  I  told  him  that  I  was 
going  up  the  river.  He  said  all  right,  and  started  out. 
That  was  about  all  there  was  said  at  this  time.  Of 
course,  I  went  up  the  river  and  stayed  there  the  next 
day  and  then  came  back.  When  I  returned  a  courier 
had  got  in  and  said  the  Running  Water  stage  had  been 
held  up  and  some  horses  had  been  stolen.  We  were 
just  on  the  point  of  going  to  Red  Cloud.  Gen.  Crook 


GROUARD'S  OWN  STORY.  63 

was  along.  The  latter  got  into  an  ambulance.  I  was 
on  horseback,  and  two  other  men  were  with  us.  We 
had  to  go  past  the  scene  of  the  robbery,  and  past  the 
ranch  where  the  horses  were  stolen.  We  passed  on, 
and  finally  saw  the  parties  who  had  stolen  the  horses, 
and  Bevins  was  with  them.  I  took  the  two  men  and 
started  after  them  to  overtake  them,  and  Bevins,  know 
ing  it  was  me,  pulled  up  his  horse  until  I  came  close 
to  him,  and  said: 

"What  do  you  want?" 

"I  want  those  horses,  and  am  after  you  fellows," 
I  replied. 

He  says,  pointing:  "There  are  the  horses;  you 
keep  on  after  us,  and  I  will  drop  the  horses." 

So  I  followed  until  I  overtook  the  horses  and 
turned  them  back,  and  that  was  the  last  I  saw  of 
Bevins  for  years.  I  heard  a  good  deal  about  his  work, 
and  finally  learned  he  had  been  caught,  tried,  sentenced 
and  served  his  term  out.  The  authorities  could  not 
bring  anything  against  him  about  this  stage  robbery. 
He  served  out  a  sentence  of  three  years,  and  I  never 
saw  him  again  until  1886,  when  we  met  at  Buffalo, 
Wyoming.  I  came  down  to  Buffalo  from  McKinney  one 
day  and  went  up  to  John  Fisher's  place.  I  went  to  the 
door  and  saw  somebody  sitting  at  a  table,  and  I  en 
tered  the  place.  The  door  was  on  a  direct  line  with  the 
man  at  the  table,  and  who  should  it  be  but  Bevins.  He 
had  his  back  to  me,  but  I  knew  Bevins.  I  sat  down  and 
ate  my  dinner,  and  I  looked  at  him,  but  he  never 
turned  to  look  at  me.  After  I  had  finished  my  meal  I 


04  GROUARD'S  OWN  STORY. 

went  out,  and  just  as  I  passed  through  the  door  Bevins 
came  after  me.  I  walked  slowly  down  the  street  and 

he  caught  up  with  me. 

I  said:      "When  did  you  come  here?'1 

UI  just  came  in,"  he  replied. 

"Where  are  you  going?' 

"To  the  Black  Hills,"  he  answered. 

"How  did  you  come?" 

He  said:      "Afoot." 

He  told    me    he    had  served    out    his    term,   and    was 

pretty  near  dead,  and  wanted  to  go  to  the  Black  Hills 
as  soon  as  he  could.  He  said  he  was  going  afoot.  I 
told  him  I  would  give  him  a  horse,  but  he  said  he  did 
not  want  it.  Then  I  told  him  to  go  by  stage;  but  he 
said  he  was  going  to  walk,  though  he  had  plenty  of 
money. 

"I  don't  want  any  one  to  know  I  am  here,"  he  said. 

"Anything  out  of  the  road?"  I  asked. 

"No,  I  just  want  to  get  through  to  the  hills  as 
quick  as  I  can,"  he  replied. 

I  walked  a  mile  with  him  and  offered  him  the  horse 
I  was  leading,  but  he  would  not  take  it.  He  went  on 
to  Spearfish  and  that  was  the  last  I  saw  of  him — on  the 
hills  the  other  side  of  Buffalo.  lie  said  if  he  'was  all 
right  when  he  reached  the  Hills  he  would  write  to  me. 
He  died  two  weeks  afterward  at  the  Spearfish  Hotel,  and 
that  ended  his  career.  He  was  between  forty-five  and 
fifty  years  old  at  the  time  of  his  death.  He  was  an  odd 
man,  any  way  you  could  take  him.  He  would  do  any 
thing  in  the  world  for  a  friend.  lie  was  a  perfect  type 
of  the  western  hard  man  of  his  time. 


CHAPTER  Y. 


THE  HELENA  FLOUR  FAMINE. 

The  flour  famine  in  Helena  was  in  '68,  the  last  year 
I  was  with  McCartney.  We  had  been  freighting  from 
Benton  to  Helena.  The  steamboat  was  running  up  the 
Missouri  to  Helena.  All  the  freighting  was  done  that 
way  that  year.  After  the  freighting  season  was  over, 
McCartney  sent  us  down  to  the  forks  of  the  Gallatiri  and 
Madison,  at  the  head  of  the  Missouri.  Sent  us  over  there 
to  winter.  I  was  in  charge  of  the  train  at  that  time. 
It  was  a  very  hard  winter.  We  did  not  know  anything 
about  the  suffering  for  food,  as  we  had  plenty  of  it. 

I  had  been  to  town  several  times  during  the  early 
part  of  the  winter,  but  as  the  snow  lay  very  deep  along 
about  Christmas,  I  could  not  get  to  Helena.  When  I  did 
get  in,  it  was  about  the  middle  of  February. '  There  was 
a  regular  famine  there.  Flour  would  have  sold  at  its 
own  weight  in  gold.  You  could  not  get  it  for  that. 
Everything  was  in  proportion.  There  was  nothing  to  eat 
in  the  town.  Everybody  was  crazy  for  something  to  eat. 
A  freighter,  a  Frenchman,  went  to  work  and  brought  a 
load  of  flour  from  Blackfoot  City,  Montana,  into  Helena. 
He  hired  thirty  men  and  gave  them  five  dollars  a  day  to 


66  THE  HELENA  FLOUR  FAMINE. 

tramp  snow  across  the  mountains.  There  was  one  load 
brought  in.  He  had  a  regular  old  prairie  schooner,  the 
tires  of  which  were  eight  inches  wide.  He  hired  these 

o 

men  to  tramp  and  shovel  snow,  and  got  this  flour  to 
Helena.  He  was  paying  five  dollars  a  day  for  the  men, 
but  when  he  did  get  the  flour  in,  it  went  as  fast  as  lie 
could  hand  it  out,  and  the  people  would  pay  any  price 
for  it.  He  never  sold  a  sack  of  the  entire  load  for  less 
than  five  hundred  dollars.  How  much  over  that  amount 
he  got,  we  never  knew. 

We  had  several  thousand  sacks  at  camp,  and  I 
brought  them  in  and  sold  them  for  two  hundred  and  fifty 
dollars  a  sack.  Of  course  it  was  nothing  in  my  pocket. 
McCartney  got  the  whole  benefit  of  it.  I  had  charge  of 
the  outfit.  There  were  four  of  us,  I  believe.  I  cleared 
quite  a  sum,  and  turned  it  over  to  the  bank  for  him. 


AN  INDIAN  RUNNER. 


CHAPTEK   VI. 

LIVER    EATING    JOHNSON. 

.  In  the  spring  of  '69  I  came  down  to  Seven  Mile 
creek,  seven  miles  from  Helena,  and  went  to  breaking 
horses  for  the  Hollidaj  Stage  Company.  I  broke  horses 
there  all  that  fall,  or  close  to  fall,  and  it  was  during 
this  time  that  the  Bhickfeet  Indians  commenced  to  get 
ugly.  The  people  had  to  do  something  to  protect  the 
outside  settlers.  It  was  at  this  time  that  the  Montana 
militia  was  organized.  I  came  down  with  them  into  the 
camp  about  forty  miles  from  Diamond  City.  Huntley 
had  got  the  contract  to  run  the  pony  express  from 
Diamond  City  to  Fort  Hall  on  the  Missouri  river,  and  I 
hired  out  as  carrier.  The  militia  went  into  camp  about 
forty  miles  from  Diamond  City  on  our  right,  on  the ; 
head  of  the  Mussellshell  river.  I  came  down  while 
they  were  getting  things  ready,  and  they  were  to  over 
take  us.  I  was  there  at  the  time  the  militia  were  in1 
camp,  and  camped  right  there  with  them.  I  was  wait-' 
ing  for  C.  C.  Huntley  to  come  down.  He  and  his  party 
were  to  come  on  into  camp,  and  we  were  to  start  out 
from  there,  and  some  of  the  militia  were  to  go  there 
with  us  as  an  escort.  I  was  there  about  a  month  with 


68  LIVER  EATING  JOHNSON. 

this  militia  before  the  Huntley  party  did  come  down. 
There  was  an  escort  of  twenty  men  ordered  to  go  with 
us. 

There  was  one  of  these  militiamen  who  afterwards 
became  quite  a  notorious  character,  and  is  so  at  the 
present  day,  being  known  by  the  cognomen  of  "  Liver 
Eating  Johnson."  At  present  he  is  marshal  of  Red 
Lodge,  Montana.  One  day  it  was  pretty  hot,  and 
an  antelope  came  close  to  us.  Johnson  says : 

"Wait  a  minute  ;    I  will  kill  that  antelope." 

He  shot  at  it  four  or  five*  times  and  missed  it,  and 
the  antelope  still  stood  there.  That  made  him  kind  of 
hot,  for  he  was  a  pretty  good  shot,  and  he  says  : 

"I  will  eat  your  liver  out  if  I  do  kill  you,"  and  he 
kept  his  word. 

After  he  killed  it  he  ate  its  liver.  He  was 
blood  from  one  end  to  the  other.  That  is  how  he  got 
his  name.  Everybody  called  him  "Liver  Eating  John 
son"  after  that.  Huntley,  I  think  it  was,  gave  him  the 
name. 

We  went  on  then  to  Fort  Hall  on  that  trip  arid 
fixed  everything  up,  and  turned  around  and  came  back 
over  the  same  road.  When  we  got  back  the  militia  had 
disbanded,  and  we  went  through  to  Diamond  City.  It 
1  was  about  a  week  afterwards  that  I  took  the  first 
mail  through,  leading  one  horse  packed  and  riding  an 
other.  The  distance  was  about  two  hundred  and  eleven 
miles  from  Diamond  City  to  Fort  Hall.  It  took  me 
four  days  and  nights  to  make  the  trip.  I  made  one  trip 
down  one  week  and  the  other  week  made  the  trip  back. 


LIVER  EATING  JOHNSON.  69 

Diamond  City  was  a  mining  camp  —  not  much  of  a 
place.  I  think  it  was  in  November  the  Blackfeet  cap 
tured  me.  I  had  not  made  many  trips.  I  was  going 
from  Diamond  City  to  Fort  Hall  when  the  redskins  got 
me. 


[Grouard  says  that  as  he  n eared  Judith  Springs  he  had 
to  pass  along  a  ridge,  with  little  points  of  rocks  standing 
here  and  there.  As  he  crossed  the  ridge  his  attention 
was  attracted  by  an  immense  herd  of  Buffalo  grazing  to 
his  left,  and  being  intent  on  watching  the  animals,  he 
had  paid  no  attention  to  the  trail  before  him.  Suddenly, 
and  without  a  moment's  warning,  he  was  surrounded  by 
almost  twenty  Blackfeet  Indians  in  full  war  costume,  one 
of  whom  yelled  to  him  in  good  English,  "Hold  up!" 

Grouard  says  he  was  incapable  just  then  of  doing 
anything  else.  It  was  his  first  experience  with  Indians, 
and  he  was  frightened  nearly  to  death.  In  a  scabbard 
on  his  horse  he  carried  an  eighty-dollar  Henry  rifle,  and 
had  two  revolvers  stuck  in  a  belt  about  his  waist ;  but 
the  possession  of  the  weapons  never  crossed  his.  mind. 
He  had  imagined  he  was  armed  well  enough  to  kill  all 
the  Indians  in  the  country;  but  matters  assumed  a  differ 
ent  light  when  he  sat  on  his  horse  in  the  midst  of  twenty 
of  the  worst  looking  cut-throats  he  had  ever  heard  of  or 
read  about.  The  redskins  seemed  to  enjoy  poor  Grouard's 
fright  and  discomfiture,  but  did  not  keep  him  lo.ig  in 
doubt  as  to  their  intentions  toward  him. 

They  partly  pushed  and  partly  pulled  him  off  his 
horse,  and  stripped  him  of  every  vestige  of  clothing. 


70  LIVER  EATING  JOHNSON. 

Then  they  pointed  in  the  direction  he  had  come  and  told 
him  to  go.  Emboldened  by  the  fact  that  they  were  not 
going  to  take  his  life,  Grouard  asked  them  to  give  him 
one  of  the  blankets  they  had  taken  from  him.  For  an 
answer  they  mounted  their  horses,  drew  their  quirts  and 
lashed  their  defenseless  victim  until  his  body  was  filled 
with  gaping  gashes,  from  which  the  blood  flowed  in 
streams.  Realizing  that  his  only  chance  of  escape  lay  in 
flight,  Grouard  struck  out  across  the  sandy  plain,  the  In 
dians  following  for  over  two  hundred  yards,  raining  blow 
after  blow  upon  his  bleeding  head  and  body. 

Darkness  was  settling  over  the  earth.  The  sun  had 
sunk  behind  the  western  hills  about  the  time  the  Indians 
captured  Grouard.  The  night  was  warm,  and  scarcely  a 
breath  of  air  wns  stirring.  It  was  nearly  seventy  miles 
by  the  nearest  known  route  from  Judith  Springs  to  Fort 
Hall. 

The  country  was  covered  with  patches  of  cactus  and 
prickly  pears.  Into  these  the  fleeing  man  rushed,  lost  to 
all  sense  of  pain  in  the  haunting  fear  of  death.  His 
imagination  peopled  the  semi-darkness  with  pursuing  sav 
ages  on  horseback.  He  had  no  hope  but  the  present 
chance  of  escape. 

On  he  spedj  and  on,  covering  mile  after  mile  of  the 
distance  he  must  travel  to  find  safety  at  the  fort.  He 
realized  nothing  but  fear  of  pursuit,  and  that  fear  lent 
wings  to  his  feet. 

If,  during  that  awful  flight,  he  stopped  for  breath, 
he  does  not  remember  it.  He  had  tasted  no  food  since 
the  previous  morning,  yet  he  knew  not  a  pang  of  hunger. 


LIVER  EATING  JOHNSON.  71 

No  liquid  had  passed  his  lips  since  the  preceding  noon, 
but  he  would  not  have  slackened  his  pace  to  slake  his 
thirst  if  the  purest  of  springs  had  invited  him. 

Onward  into  the  cruel  cacti,  over  the  prickly  pear 
vines,  fled  Grouard,  the  phantom  horsemen  lashing  their 
steeds  into  a  foam  in  a  vain  endeavor  to  overtake  him. 

Suddenly  he  stops. 

Like  a  flash  through  the  heavens  the  black  veil  of 
night  had  been  lifted. 

He  could  not  tell  at  first  whether  he  were  waking 
from  a  horrid  dream  or  had  lost  his  reason. 

One  hundred  yards  ahead  of  him  stood  Fort  Hall, 
and  as  he  gazed  the  heavy  gates  swung  open  and  a  man 
appeared. 

"  In  that  single  moment,"  says  Grouard,  UI  realized 
all." 

At  his  side  flowed  the  river ;  behind  him  were  the 
familiar  cottonwoods  and  willow  groves. 

A  trembling  sensation  seized  upon  the  muscles  of  his 
body. 

His  brain  was  in  a  whirl;  it  was  getting  dark  again. 
He  raised  his  arms  high  above  his  head  and  tried  to 
shout. 

He  knew  no  more. 

Four  days  later  Grouard  opened  his  eyes.  The  first 
face  he  recognized  was  that  of  " Liver  Eating  Johnson." 
His  condition  was  pitiful.  His  body  was  covered  with 
festering  sores,  and  his  feet  were  swollen  twice  their 
natural  size.  His  limbs  were  so  stiff  and  heavy  that  he 


72  LIVER  EATING  JOHNSON. 

could  not  raise  them,  and  he  had  not  the  power  to  utter 
an  audible  sound. 

For  three  long  months  he  lay  upon  his  bed  of  furs, 
suffering  the  tortures  of  hell  itself.  "Liver  Eating  John 
son"  nursed  him  with  all  the  care  and  solicitude  of  a 
mother.  The  needles  from  the  cacti  which  had  entered 
his  ftesh  as  he  had  rushed  through  them  in  his  efforts 
to  escape  the  Blackfeet,  worked  their  way  out  of  his 
limbs  through  the  festering  sores,  some  of  them  appear 
ing  at  the  surface  of  the  flesh  as  high  up  as  the  knees. 
— AUTHOE.] 


CHAPTER    VII. 


GROUARD  S    FIRST    INDIAN    FIGHT. 

After  I  had  recovered  from  the  sickness  which  fol 
lowed  my  experience  with  the  Indians,  prickly  pears  and 
cactus,  there  was  a  report  that  the  redskins  had  attacked 
a  white  camp  three  miles  above  Fort  Hall.  They  had 
the  camp  surrounded  and  had  the  men  corralled  in  a 
cabin.  The  men  in  the  cabin  had  dug  a  cellar  under 
the  structure  and  tunneled  from  there  to  the  bank  of  the 
river,  and  could  pass  out  from  the  cabin  to  the  river 
without  being  seen.  The  man  who  brought  the  news  to 
us  had  stolen  out  through  this  passageway  and  come 
down  the  river  three  miles  to  the  fort.  The  Indians  at 
tacked  the  cabin  at  daylight  the  following  morning. 

Part  of  us  went  with  the  help-seeker  and  rowed  up 
the  other  side  of  the  river,  keeping  tinder  the  bank  all 
the  way  so  that  the  Indians  could  not  see  us.  Crossing 

over  we  went  through  the  tunnel  and  got  into  the  cabin 
} 

before  daybreak,  and  when  the  Indians  attacked  the 
cabin  the  next  morning  there  were  over  twenty  of  us  in 
there.  When  they  did  attack  us  we  were  ready  for 
them.  We  killed  eleven  of  them.  There  were  not  over 
seventy  or  seventy-five  in-  the  attacking  party.  They 


74  GROUAR&S  FIRST  INDIAN  FIGHT. 

stayed  with  us  for  about  an  hour.  When  it  became 
known  to  them  that  there  was  a  large  number  of  us  in 
the  cabin,  they  began  to  try  to  tight.  We  tore  down 
the  bars  from  the  door  and  charged  on  them.  There 
was  not  a  man  of  our  party  hurt.  We  ran  them  up  the 
hills  as  far  as  we  could,  killing  the  eleven  spoken  of. 


WILD  HOG,  HIGH  CHIEF  OF  THE  CHEYENNES. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 


CAPTUKED    BY    THE    SIOUX. 

A  short  time  after  this  I  was  put  on  the  mail  line 
from  Fort  Hall  to  Fort  Peck,  at  the  mouth  of  Milk 
river.  Fort  Hall  is  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  from 
Fort  Peck,  up  the  river.  I  had  to  take  care  of  the 
mail.  Over  to  Milk  river  it  was  forty  miles,  and  down 
the  river  it  was  one  hundred  and  forty-five  miles.  I 
carried  mail  up  one  week  and  down  the  next.  They 
could  not  get  anybody  to  carry  this  mail  because  the 
Sioux  were  committing  depredations  down  at  the  mouth 
of  Milk  river ;  so  I  took  the  two  routes.  That  was  in 
the  spring.  I  carried  all  that  summer  and  next  fall, 
till  the  first  of  January.  It  was  about  the  second  of 
January,  and  I  was  making  my  last  trip.  It  took  me 
two  days  to  go  from  the  bend  of  Milk  River  to  the 
station,  and  generally  two  days  down.  This  station  was 
run  by  a  Frenchman  ;  a  trapper  and  hunter.  I  don't 
remember  his  name. 

I  went  from  Fort  Hall  to  the  bend  of  Milk  river. 
Between  that  point  and  Fort  Peck  there  is  a  big  open 
flat.  Through  the  center  of  this  flat  there  is  a  gulch. 
In  the  rainy  season  the  water  comes  through  there. 


76 


CAPTURED  BY  THE  SIOUX. 


There  are  large  trees  in  the  center  of  it,  and  right 
straight  down  and  up  again,  this  gulch  is  twenty  or 
twenty-five  feet  deep.  Anyhow  it  could  not  be  seen 
for  any  distance.  It  was  about  3  o'clock  in  the  after 
noon  when  I  reached  this  gulch.  The  snow  was  coming 
from  the  south  right  in  my  face.  I  had  on  a  big  buf 
falo  overcoat,  a  handkerchief  tied  around  my  throat,  and 
had  big  buffalo  mitts  on  my  hand  that  were  tied  on  at 
the  elbows,  and  had  on  buffalo  leggins  and  moccasins. 
I  was  riding  one  horse  and  leading  another.  There  had 
been  no  indication  of  Indians  at  all,  and  I  was  not  look 
ing  for  any.  When  I  was  in  the  gulch --just  as  my 
horse  started  up  the  other  side  —  the  animal  I  was  on 
jumped,  and  the  next  thing  I  knew  somebody  hit  me 
over  the  back.  That  was  the  first  indication  I  had  of 
Indians. 

They  had  waited  for  me  to  come  into  the  gulch  and 
catch  me  when  I  was  crossing.  Before  I  realized  what 
was  going  on,  they  had  secured  my  horses  and  pulled  me  to 
the  ground,  and  were  trying  to  take  my  coat  oft'.  They 
already  had  my  gun.  I  never  thought  of  having  a  gun.  I 
was  rattled,  or  something.  They  were  using  me  pretty 
hard.  I  had  not  come  in  contact  with  the  Sioux  before, 
and  could  not  understand  a  word  they  said.  One  Indian 
was  trying  to  get  my  coat  off,  and  another  one  was  try 
ing  to  shoot  rne.  I- was  keeping  the  Indian  who  was 
trying  to  get  my  coat  off  between  me  and  the  fellow 
who  carried  the  gun.  I  don't  know  how  long  the  strug 
gle  lasted.  It  was  but  a  short  time,  when  an  Indian 
rode  up  to  the  top  of  the  gulch  on  horseback.  We  were 


CAPTURED  BY  THE  SIOUX.  77 

on  top  of  the  gulch  by  this  time,  and  this  Indian  came 
up  on  horseback  and  said  something  to  the  Indian  I  was 
trying  to  keep  out  of  the  way  of — the  one  with  the  gun. 
I  couldn't  understand  what  he  said.  The  first  thing  I 
knew,  the  Indian  who  was  on  horseback  dismounted,  went 
ii])  to  the  one  who  had  the  gun,  and  knocked  him  down 
with  a  heavy  bow  he  carried  in  his  hand.  The  Indian 
who  had  hold  of  me,  as  quick  as  the  other  Indian  was 
knocked  down,  left  me  alone  and  went  off  to  one  side. 
There  were  fourteen  Indians  in  the  party,  I  think.  I  saw 
it  was  a  change  for  the  better  with  me.  They  talked 
among  themselves  for  some  time.  The  fellow  who  was 
knocked  down  seemed  to  give  up.  The  Indian  who  had 
been  on  horseback  was  talking,  but  I  couldn't  understand 
what  he  said.  The  fellow  who  was  doing  the  talking 
seemed  to  be  the  head  man.  The  one  with  the  gun 
went  off  towards  the  river.  After  he  went  away,  the 
leader  pulled  out  his  pipe  and  sat  down,  and  motioned 
for  me  to  be  seated.  I  obeyed,  and  after  lie  had  got 
through  smoking,  he  made  a  motion  to  me  that  he  was 
going.  I  could  understand  his  signs  first  rate.  He  made 
a  motion  for  me  to  get  on  a  horse,  and  we  started  for 
the  mouth  of  Milk  river.  On  our  way  to  the  Indian 
village  I  learned  his  name  was  Sitting  Bull.  He  told 
me  by  signs  who  he  was.  He  also  told  me  where  his 
village  Avas.  It  was  on  the  head  of  Bark  creek,  which 
stream  empties  into  the  Missouri  above  the  mouth  of 
Poplar  creek.  We  camped  on  Milk  river  the  first  night 
after  my  capture,  and  left  the  next  morning.  The  In 
dians  had  taken  everything  away  from  me  and  cut  the 
mail  sack  open  and  rifled  it.  We  were  traveling  contin 
uously  for  three  days  before  we  got  into  the  hostile  camp. 


CHAPTER    IX. 


TAKEN    TO    THE    HOSTILE    CAMP. 

Grouard's  entrance  into  the  Sioux  village  did  not 
have  a  very  soothing  effect  upon  his  nerves.  From  the 
moment  of  his  capture  he  had  been  constantly  looking 
forward  to  the  end  of  his  troubles  in  a  death  by  tor 
ture.  His  knowledge  of  the  Indians  had  been  somewhat 
limited,  it  is  true  ;  but  his  former  experience  as  a  cap 
tive  did  not  tend  to  lighten  the  terrible  load  that 
weighed  down  his  young  heart.  He  knew  that  he  had 
no  means  of  communication  with  his  captors ;  he  did 
not  even  understand  their  simplest  signs,  nor  compre 
hend  a  word  they  said.  His  position  was  a  terrible  one, 
but  his  fate,  whatever  it  might  be,  was  only  conjectural. 

Several  of  his  captors  escorted  him  through  the 
main  portion  of  the  village,  and  it  appeared  to  Grouard 
that  every  tepi  had  been  emptied  of  its  inmates  to  wit 
ness  his  arrival.  What  seemed  particularly  perplexing 
to  him  was  v  the  silence  maintained  by  -  the  redmen. 
They  crowded  about  the  animal  he  rode,  and  impeded 
its  progress  in  their  anxiety  to  look  into  the  captive 's 
face ;  but  they  gave  no  sign  of  anger,  and  raised  no 
shout  of  triumph. 


TAKEN  TO  THE  HOSTILE  CAMP.  79 

"  It  is  the  calm,"  thought  Grouard,  "that  precedes 
the  storm.  They  are  reserving  their  shouts  till  the  fires 
are  lighted  about  the  stake  to  which  they  intend  to 
burn  me." 

After  what  seemed  an  age  to  the  captive,  hi* 
guards  stopped  in  front  of  a  large  lodge,  and  he  was 
dismounted  and  led  inside.  Once  within  the  tepi,  he 
glanced  hastily  about  to  view  his  surroundings.  His 
eyes  were  sore  and  swollen  from  exposure, '  and  he  was 
nearly  dead  from  the  cold,  but  he  immediately  discov- 
ere.d  that  he  was  not  the  only  occupant  of  the  lodge. 
Almost  within  touching  distance  from  him,  his  eyes  riv 
eted  on  Grouard 's  face,  stood  the  savage  who  had 
struck  to  the  earth  the  Indian  who  was  making  an  at 
tempt  to  kill  him  when  his  capture  was  effected.  A 
bright  fire  burned  on  the  ground  in  the  middle  of  the 
lodge,  and  reflected  itself  upon  the  massive  face  of  the 
tcpi  's  owner.  For  the  second  time  in  his  life  Grouard 
stood  face  to  face  with  the  most  redoubtable  Sioux  war 
rior  of  the  age.  He  was  the  guest  of  no  less  a  person 
age  than  Sitting  Bull  himself. 

At  that  time  the  Sioux  chief  was  thirty-six  years 
old,  and  in  the  prime  of  a  magnificent  savage  manhood. 
His  head  was  crowned  with  a  profusion  of  long,  black 
hair,  which  he  wore  brushed  from  a  low  forehead.  His 
face  was  massive  and  swarthy.  His  eyes  were  large  and 
expressive,  while  the  mouth  was  large  and  the  lips  thin, 
indicating  cruelty.  His  shoulders  were  broad  and  heavy, 
and  his  body  tapered  symmetrically.  His  wearing  ap 
parel  consisted  of  breech-clout  and  leggins,  a  buffalo 


80  TAKEN  TO  THE  HOSTILE  CAMP. 

robe  doing    service  as  an  overcoat.      Grouard    states    that 

o 

in  all  the  years  of  his  enforced  residence  with  the  Sioux 
he  never  knew  Sitting  Bull  to  rise  to  the  dignity  of  a 
boiled  shirt,  although  photographs  said  to  have  be-n 
taken  of  the  chief  in  later  years  show  him  to  have 
grown  somewhat  aesthetic  and  particular  in  this  regard. 

The  only  bodily  defect  Grouard  noticed  about  Sit 
ting  Bull  was' a  well-defined  limp.  The  cause  of  this,  lie 
afterward  discovered,  was  a  wound  in  the  left  foot.  The 
story  of  his  receiving  it  is  short  and  not  out  of  place 
here: 

The  Sioux  and  Crows  were  constantly  at  war,  and 
the  latter  were  ever  on  the  watch  for  their  merciless 
and  raiding  enemy.  During  one  of  these  scalping  ex 
cursions,  two  war  parties  became  tangled  up  on  the 
banks  of  the  Porcupine.  The  Sioux  chief,  Sitting  Bull, 
ever  ready  to  set  an  example  to  the  young  braves  of 
his  tribe  and  keep  aflame  the  terror  the  Crows  asso 
ciated  with  his  name,  challenged  the  Crow  leader  to 
single  combat.  While  the  braves  on  both  sides  watched 
the  progress  of  the  battle,  the  two  chiefs  struggled  for 
the  mastery.  The  Crow,  at  last  convinced  that  he  was 
over-matched,  and  fearing  the  stigma  of  being  overcome 
by  Sitting  Bull,  seized  a  rifle  and  deliberately  shot  at 
the  latter.  In  his  rage  and  excitement,  the  Crow  warrior- 
took  the  worst  sort  of  aim  and  made  the  lowest  possible 
score,  as  the  ball  caught  the  Sioux  beneath  the  toes  and 
furrowed  its  way  on  a  straight  line  through  the  sole  of 
the  foot.  The  next  instant  Sitting  Bull  had  plunged  his 
knife  to  the  hilt  into  his  adversary's  breast,  and  the 


TAKEN  TO  THE  HOSTILE  CAMP.  81 

battle  was  ended.  When  the  Sioux  chief's  wound  healed 
the  bottom  of  the  foot  contracted,  and  Sitting  Bull,  al 
though  soon  recovering  his  wonted  health,  never  placed 
his  left  foot  on  terra  firma  afterward  without  limping. 
Sometime  previous  to  the  event  just  narrated,  Sitting 
Bull,  while  '  battling  against  the  forces  led  by  Gen. 
Harney  at  Lookout  Buttes,  on  the  Little  Missouri,  re 
ceived  a  terrible  wound  through  the  body,  and  although 
the  great  medicine  men  of  his  tribe  shook  their  heads 
and  twirled  their  thumbs  and  despaired  of  saving  the 
life  of  their  patient,  Sitting  Bull  pulled  through  and 
lived  to  fight  many  battles  afterwards. 

These  circumstances,  although  unknown  to  Grouard 
at  the  time  he  found  himself  face  to  face  with  Sitting 
Bull  in  the  latter's  lodge,  could  not  have  heightened  the 
captive's  terror  one  iota.  He  had  heard  enough  of  Sit 
ting  Bull  to  know  that  he  was  the  unrelenting  foe  of 
the  white  race.  The  reputation  of  the  wily  savage  for 
cruelty  was  the  theme  at  every  camp  fire.  No  wonder, 
then,  that  Grouard  expected  nothing  but  a  lingering 
death  by  torture  at  the  stake. 

Great  was  his  surprise,  therefore,  when  Sitting  Ball 
motioned  him  to  lie  down  upon  a  pile  of  buffalo  robes 
at  one  side  of  the  lodge,  an  invitation  Grouard  was  not 
loath  to  accept.  The  glowing  fire,  the  warmth  within 
the  lodge,  and  the  soft,  warm  robes  —  these  influences 
added  to  the  exhaustion  of  bodily  and  mental  forces  — 
broke  the  charm  that  had  driven  sleep  from  his  excited 
brain,  and  his  senses  were  almost  instantly  steeped  in 
forgetfulness. 


82  TAKEN  TO  THE  HOSTILE  CAMP. 

While  he  slept  his  fate  was  settled.  At  the  council 
which  was  called  that  night,  Sitting  Bull's  voice  was  the 
only  one  raised  in  behalf  of  the  unconscious  captive. 
While  in  his  dreams  Grouard  was  again  passing  through 
all  the  agonies  that  had  come  to  him  since  his  capture 
and  speculating  upon  the  terrible  ordeal  that  awaited 
him,  this  man,  this  savage,  he  whom  civilization  denied 
every  generous  impulse,  feeling  of  pity,  quality  of  mercy, 
was  disputing  with  the  mighty  counselors  of  the  Sioux 
nation  over  the  disposition  to  be  made  of  the  pale-faced 
stranger. 

For  some  reason  that  will  never  be  known,  Sitting 
Bull  had  formed  a  sudden  attachment  for  Grouard,  and 
later  developments  prove,  though  the  Sioux  chief  gave 
no  earnest  of  his  intention  to  anyone,  that  he  had  deter 
mined  not  only  to  spare  his  captive's  life,  but  to  throw 
his  protecting  influence  around  him  forever  after.  So  it 
happened,  when  the  council,  headed  by  Gall  and  No 
Neck  (both  able  and  beloved  warriors),  decided  on  the 
death  of  Grouard,  that  Sitting  Bull  at  once  arose  and 

said  : 

• 

"The  coups  of  Sitting  Bull  are  like  the  stars,  shin 
ing  and  almost  numberless.  I  look  ;  I  act  ;  I  talk  after 
wards.  That  which  I  will,  is  so.  The  captive  in  the 
Sioux  lodge  is  resting  on  the  robes  that  Sitting  Bull 
has  taken  with  his  own  hand  from  the  buffalo,  and  it  is 
my  will  that  the  captive  shall  not  die.  When  Little 
Assiniboine  was  taken  from  his  people,  it  was  Sitting 
Bull  who  bore  him  to  his  lodge  and  made  him  his 
brother.  So  with  •  the  paleface  within  the  lodge  of  Sit- 


TAKEN  TO  THE  HOSTILE_CAMP.  83 

ting  Bull  this  night.      He    is    Standing    Bear,  the   brother 
of  Sitting  Bull.      My  will  is  spoken." 

This  speech  was  received  in  silence.  Little  Assini- 
boine,  then  grown  to  manhood,  loved  his  foster  brother 
better  than  his  life.  His  word  was  law.  When  Sitting 
Bull  had  taken  him  from  the  lodge  of  his  parents  during 
a  battle  between  the  Assiniboines  and  the  Sioux,  the  lit 
tle  fellow  had  become  the  special  care  and  pride  of  the 
Sioux  warrior.  To  the  tender  care  of  White  Cow,  Sitting 
Bull's  sister,  the  little  captive  had  been  entrusted.  She 
reared  him  as  she  afterward  did  her  own,  and  in  time 
Little  Assiniboine  became  one  of  the  most  powerful  war 
riors  in  the  nation  of  his  adoption. 

The  rise  of   Little  Assiniboine  had    been  a  source  of 
great  pride  to  Sitting  Bull,  and  his  wisdom  in  sparing  the 
child's  life  was  a  theme  never    forgotten    by  his  relatives 
and    friends.       Sitting    Bull    was  not    a    great    orator,   but 
what    he  lacked    in  this    particular  he  made    up    in  diplo 
macy.       He    was    as    shrewd    as    he    was    cunning.       His 
speeches  in  council  were  always  blunt,  but  convincing  be 
cause  he  ever  worked  upon  his  hearers  through  those  ave 
nues    by    which    they    had    reached    success.       Therefore, 
without  drawing  a  parallel,  he  adroitly  reminded  the  wise 
men  of    the  council    that    the    course  he    had    pursued    in 
Little  Assiniboine's  case  had  been  fruitful  of    much  good 
to  the  Sioux  nation.      He  left  them  to  infer  his  meaning, 
that  the  sparing  of    Grouard's  life  would  furnish  a  similar 
cause  for  congratulation. 

So  far  as  the  council  was  concerned,   the    determina 
tion  of  Sitting  Bull  to  adopt  Grouard,  settled  the  matter. 


84  TAKEN  TO  THE  HOSTILE  CAMP. 

What  view  individual  members  of  the  tribe  took  of  it 
was  another  consideration.  But  Sitting  Bull  had  thought 
of  that  also.  As  a  result,  poor  Grouard  was  kept  a  close 
guarded  prisoner  for  sixteen  months.  At  the  end  of  two 
years  he  was  able  to  converse  in  the  Sioux  tongue  like  a 
native,  and  had  made  himself  proficient  in  the  language 
of  signs. 


TWO  INDIAN  BEAUTIES. 


CHAPTER    X. 

THE    KINDNESS    OF     WHITE    COW. 

Grouard  himself  says  that  no  human  being  will  ever 
know  the  horrors  that  constantly  surrounded  him.  Lit 
tle  by  little  he  managed  to  pick  up  a  word  here  and 
there  of  the  strange  gargon  of  his  savage  associates. 
Sitting  Bull,  in  order  to  secure  his  captive's  perfect 
safety,  sent  him  to  the  lodge  of  his  mother  and  sister, 
and  to  the  latter,  says  the  scout,  more  than  to  any 
earthly  power,  is  he  indebted  for  the  preservation  of  his 
life. 

The  first  fifteen  years  of  his  life  had  been  passed 
under  the  influence  of  a  loving  foster  mother.  The  next 
four  years  were  spent  amid  scenes  such  as  the  Ameri 
can  continent  will  never  witness  again.  Inured  to 
hardship  and  deprivation,  with  a  stature  of  six  feet  and 
a  constitution  that  mocked  at  the  ills  of  flesh,  he  felt 
himself  able  to  meet  everv  trial  that  frontier  life  en- 

t/ 

tailed.  Yet,  he  found  himself  now,  at  nineteen  years  of 
age,  in  the  center  of  a  sea  of  savagery,  cut  off  from 
every  hope  that  had  risen  in  his  breast  and  debarred 
even  of  his  liberty. 

There    was    a    practical    side    to    this    enforced  exist- 


80  THE  KINDNESS  OF  WHITE  COW. 

ence,  also.  He  had  never  attempted,  and  never  imag 
ined  he  would  ever  be  compelled  to  attempt,  to  live 
on  meat  rations  solely.  The  Sioux  had  no  other  wish 
than  to  live  so.  But  Grouard  found  himself  failing 
daily  from  this  cause.  Ravenously  hungry,  the  meat 
diet,  minus  salt  or  pepper,  did  not  supply  the  substitute 
or  satisfy  his  cravings  for  bread,  though  he  ate  to  sa 
tiety.  What  made  matters  worse,  he  knew  nothing  of 
the  Sioux  language,  and  therefore  could  not  make  his 
conditions  or  wants  known.  His  waking  hours  were 
filled  with  a  desire  for  bread.  He  thought  of  the  crust 
he  had  thrown  away,  and  lamented  his  extravagance. 
At  night  his  sleep  was  disturbed  by  dreams  in  which  he 
saw  huge  loaves  of  golden-hued  bread  floating  through 
space  almost  within  reach  of  his  outstretched  arms. 
And  often  he  awoke  with  a  start  just  as  he  was  prepar 
ing  to  sit  down  to  a  feast  of  biscuit  and  coffee.  He 
grew  pale  and  emaciated.  He  was  in  a  delirium  of  tor 
ment.  He  felt  that  his  mind  was  getting  enfeebled. 
He  thought  of  escape,  but  his  guards  never  left  him. 
He  contemplated  self-destruction,  but  neither  means  nor 
opportunity  presented  themselves. 

Then  he  was  stricken  down  with  a  strange  sickness. 
How  long  he  was  ill  he  did  not  know  ;  but  one  day  he 
awoke  to  the  sudden  consciousness  that  there  was  burn 
ing  bread  within  the  lodge.  He  sat  up,  weak  as  he 
was,  to  reassure  himself  that  he  was  not  dreaming. 
White  Cow,  the  sister  of  Sitting  Bull,  was  bnkirig  some 
dough  in  the  ashes  of  the  tepi  fire.  He  stretched  out 
his  arms  with  an  imploring  gesture.  The  savage  woman 


THE  KINDNESS  OF  WHITE  COW.  87 

nodded  her  head  and  gave  him  a  portion  of  the  half- 
baked  dough.  He  grasped  it  in  both  his  thin  hands  and 
fell  back  upon  his  bed  of  robes.  The  knowledge  that 
he  had  the  bread  overcame  even  his  desire  to  eat  it, 
and  he  clung  to  it  with  a  joy  that  was  childish.  White 
Cow  noticed  it,,  and  smiled,  and  soon  she  nearly  fright 
ened  Grouard  's  wits  out  of  him  by  placing  some  coffee 
in  a  cloth  and  pounding  it  preparatory  to  placing  it  in 
a  can  of  water  over  the  fire. 

From  that  day  on  a  neAV  life  opened  to  poor  Grou- 
ard.  He  lived  again,  and  hoped;  and  then  it  was  he  made 
a  firm  resolve  to  turn  the  term  of  his  captivity  to  good 
account.  His  anxiety  about  bread,  as  well  as  the  desire 
for  it,  grew  less  and  less,  until  finally  he  ceased  to  care 
for  it.  It  was  many  months  before  he  knew  how  White 
Cow  had  secured  the  flour  and  coffee,  but  it  came  about 
in  this  wise  : 

In  the  spring  and  fall  the  Indians  came  out  from  the 
agencies  and  brought  small  quantities  of  coffee,  flour, 
sugar,  salt  and  pepper  with  them.  For  these  articles  they 
would  charge  and  get  fabulous  prices  ;  that  is,  they  would 
trade  the  commodities  off  for  ponies,  furs  and  mules. 

White  Cow  divined  at  once  the  cause  of  Grouard's 
decline,  and  some  Indian  traders  very  opportunely  came 
to  the  Sioux  village  with  provisions.  Unknown  to  the 
others,  this  generous-hearted  Indian  woman  traded  off  one 
mule  that  was  worth  $250  for  less  than  a  third  of  a  bag 
of  flour,  and'  another  animal,  whose  value  was  nearly  as 
great,  for  small  quantities  of  coffee,  sugar,  salt  and  pep 
per,  and  these  articles  she  hid  away  and  allowed  no  one 


88  THE  KINDNESS  OF  WHITE  COW. 

to  touch  any  part  of  except  Grouard.  The  latter  says 
the  flour  and  coffee  lasted  a  long  time,  and  undoubtedly 
saved  his  life.1  When  the  flour  was  finally  used  up,  White 
Cow  would  gather  wild  turnips  and  pound  them  into  a 
pulp,  and  then  make  it  into  porridge. 

In  this  manner  Grouard  managed  to  gradually  wean 
himself  from  the  use  of  breadstuffs,  and  toward  the  end 
of  his  captivity  he  had  grown  to  look  upon  the  use  of 
bread  as  entirely  unnecessary.  In  fact,  upon  regaining 
his  freedom,  he  had  a  hard  time  with  his  appetite  and 
stomach  over  the  bread  problem,  and  was  forced  to  ac 
quire  a  liking  for  it  as  if  it  were  some  species  of  edible 
that  nothing  but  custom  and  civilization  demanded  the 
consumption  of. 


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CHAPTER   XL 

GROUARD     MAKES    A    TEN-STRIKE. 

For  sixteen  months  Gro'uard  was  closely  guarded  in 
the  Sioux  village.  With  his  better  understanding  of  the 
Sioux  tongue  he  found  himself  taking  a  lively  interest 
in  Indian  traditions,  manners  and  customs,  and  he  also 
discovered  that  the  Indians  grew  more  and  more  friendly 
and  confidential  as  they  witnessed  his  eagerness  to  enter 
into  all  the  minor  details  of  their  mode  of  living.  Little 
Assiniboine  and  White  Eagle,  the  latter  a  cousin  of  Sit 
ting  Bull,  were  Grouard's  sole  male  companions.  In 
reality  they  were  his  guard,  and  were  as  constant  in 
their  devotion  to  the  orders  of  Sitting  Bull  regarding 
the  captive  as  it  were  possible  for  human  beings  to  be. 

It  was  customary  in  the  early  spring  to  move  the 
village  toward  the  north  to  meet  the  vast  herds  of  buf- 

D 

falo  that  came  down,  and  from  that  time  on  to  the  last 
of  September  or  first  of  October  the  village  would  be 
almost  constantly  on  the  move.  In  the  fall  the  Sioux 
generally,  if  not  always,  made  it  a  point  to  locate  their 
village  on  the  Belle  Fourche  or  Little  Missouri  rivers, 
where  small  game  was  found  in  abundance.  It  was  dur 
ing  one  of  these  village-moving  times  that  Grouard 


90  GROUARD  MAKES  A  TEN-STRIKE. 

made  a  ten-strike  and  established  his  reputation  as  a 
marksman. 

The  Indian,  as  everybody  knows,  is  nothing  if  not  a 
gambler,  and  one  day  a  large  number  of  the  Sioux  were 
engaged  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  ruling  passion,  while 
the  others  went  ahead  to  establish  the  village  at  a 
more  favorable  point  for  game.  Grouard  was  with  the 
loitering  crowd.  The  Indians  had  begun  to  realize  that 
the  pale-face  was  really  one  of  their  own  number,  and 
Sitting  Bull,  in  a  burst  of  generosity,  had  given  the 
scout  an  old  flint-lock  gun,  Grouard  says  no  one  knows 
with  what  emotion  he  hugged  this  old  muzzle-loading 
shooting  iron  to  his  breast.  It  was  the  first  firearm  he 
had  been  allowed  to  even  grasp  in  his  hands  for  nearly 
a  year  and  a  half,  and  he  cleaned  it  up  as  well  as  pos 
sible,  preparatory  to  taking  a  shot. 

While  the  gambling  was  at  its  height,  a  big,  fine  deer 
came  running  over  the  brow  of  an  adjacent  hill,  and 
made  straight  for  the  place  where  the  Indians  were  squat 
ted.  Nearly  all  of  them  saw  the  animal  at  the  same 
time,  but  having  laid  their  arms  aside,  they  were  taken  at 
a  disadvantage  for  shooting.  As  soon  as  the  deer  got 
within  what  Grouard  considered  the  range  of  his  old  flint 
lock,  and  with  the  eyes  of  half  the  village  upon  him,  ho 
drew  a  quick  bead  and  fired.  The  deer  fell  dead  in  its 
tracks. 

At  first  there  was  an  exclamation  of  surprise,  then 
an  outburst  of  admiration.  The  Indians,  including  Sitting 
Bull  himself,  had  not  believed  the  gun  capable  of  killing 
a  jack  rabbit  at  a  distance  of  ten  paces,  while  Grouard 


GROUARD  MAKES  A  TEN-STEIKE.  91 

had  used  it  to  great  advantage  at  two  hundred  yards  and 
made  a  remarkable  running:  shot. 

o 

When  Sitting  Bull  heard  of  the  incident,  he  was 
very  much  pleased,  and  immediately  presented  his  adopted 
brother  Standing  Bear  with  a  powder-and-lead  muzzle- 
loading  Hawkins  gun.  All  the  bucks  Avere  thereafter  anx 
ious  to  have  Grouard  accompany  them  on  their  hunting 
trips,  and  in  this  way  he  developed  into  one  of  the  best 
shots  the  countiy  has  ever  produced. 

Once  the  ice  was  broken,  Grouard  found  no  further 
bar  to  his  outgoings  and  incomings.  He  roamed  the  wilds 
at  will,  and,  being  a  natural  plainsman,  acquired  a  thor 
ough  and  intimate  knowledge  of  every  mountain  pass, 
crag,  ravine  and  canyon  in  the  great  stretch  of  country 
now  known  as  Wyoming,  Dakota  and  Montana. 

Having  thus  familiarized  himself  with  the  mountains 
and  valleys,  it  is  no  wonder  that  his  knowledge  should 
be  of  incalculable  value  to  the  government.  It  can  be 
stated  without  fear  of  contradiction  that  Erank  Grouard's 
knowledge  of  western  topography  is  more  minute  than 
that  of  any  other  man  in  the  United  States,  a  recom 
mendation  in  itself  that  eagle  plumes  the  possessor  for 
the  guidance  of  any  force  on  the  perilous  undertakings 
that,  have  marked  the  manouvres  of  every  commanding 
officer  who  has  campaigned  in  the  mid-west  against  the 
natural  foes  to  safety  and  settlement. 

As  a  rule,  the  Indians  place  little  dependence  on 
appearances.  Their  reasoning  is  based  upon  experience 
rather  than  speculation.  Their  hatred  can  be  overcome, 
but  their  prejudice  never.  This  is  especially  true  of  the 


92  GROUARD  MAKES  A  TEN-STRIKE. 

Sioux.  Against  the  whites  they  have  waged  war  in 
stinctively,  because  they  know  the  Caucasian  race  estab 
lish  a  new  order  of  things  through  their  conquests.  Civ 
ilization  to  them  is  synonymous  with  slavery.  It  is  the 
present  and  not  the  future  that  concerns  them  most 
deeply.  Like  children,  they  cannot  grasp  the  idea  of  a 
future  except  through  mystification.  In  the  burial  of 
their  dead  they  make  ample  provision  for  the  self-pro 
tection  of  the  departed  by  placing  the  implements  of 
war  upon  the  bier  ;  but  they  also  provide  for  the  dead 
man's  temporal  necessities.  They  do  not  believe  thd 
dead  warrior  awakes  to  consciousness  in  the  want  of 
those  things  which  are  kept  sacred  to  his  memory.  This 
spark  of  divinity  in  the  soul  of  the  savage  is  but  the 
echo  of  immortality  —  the  acknowledgment  of  Deity.  In 
their  prayers  they  address  themselves  not  to  a  power 
they  feel,  but  to  an  object  they  see.  Pope  expresses 
their  condition  exactly: 

"  Lo,  the  poor  Indian!  whose  untutored  mind 
Sees  God  in  clouds,  or  hears  Him  in  the  wind." 

It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  Grouard  was  slow 
in  overcoming  the  prejudice  existing  against  him.  His 
sixteen  months'  confinement  had  instilled  into  his  mind 
two  governing  characteristics  of  the  Sioux --silence  and 
observation.  By  an  almost  strict  observance  of  the  for 
mer,  natural,  because  of  his  lack  of  opportunity  to  ac 
quire  a  language  that  was  spoken  about  and  not  to  him 
— he  rapidly  developed  the  latter  quality.  He  therefore 
mastered  the  language  of  signs  in  an  incredibly  short 
time,  and  this  served  him  as  a  key  to  the  Sioux  man- 


OLD  CEfOW,  A  "FRIENDLY." 


GEOUAED  MAKES  A  TEN-STEIKE.  93 

ner  of  speech.  And  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that 
the  Sioux  language  contains  six  dialects,  or  rather,  that 
the  Sioux  people  give  expression  to  a  sentiment  in  six 
different  modes  of  speech. 

In  their  councils  the  orators  confine  themselves  to 
a  particular  manner  of  speech  that  is  little  understood 
by  any  but  the  heriditary  chiefs  of  the  nation.  Their 
most  solemn  deliberations  are  those  heard  but  not  com 
prehended  by  the  braves  who  are  not  permitted  to  en 
ter  the  charmed  circle.  In  this  particular  they  occupy 
the  same  plane  as  the  white  man  who  knows  not  a 
word  or  sicm  of  Sioux  —  the  deliberation's  result  must 

o 

be  interpreted  to  them.  Grouard  familiarized  himself 
with  every  phase  of  the  Sioux  tongue,  but  it  required 
years  of  study  to  accomplish  so  herculean  a  task,  and 
had  it  not  been  for  the  friendship  of  Sitting  Bull, 
Little  Assiniboine,  Black  Kettle,  Big  Nose,  No  Neck, 
Gall,  Four  Horses  and  others  of  the  head  men  of  the 
nation,  his  labors  would  have  ended  in  a  confused  com 
prehension  of  a  language  seemingly  without  beginning 
or  end. 

Grouard  had  gone  by  the  name  of  Standing  Bear 
for  a  year  and  a  half  before  he  discovered  who  had 
named  him  or  what  circumstance  had  suggested  the  curi 
ous  title.  It  will  be  remembered  that  when  Sitting 
Bull's  party  captured  Grouard,  he  was'  wrapped  in  a 
huge  fur  overcoat,  wore  leggins  of  the  same  mater 
ial,  and  had  on  a  fur  cap  that  completely  hid  his  head, 
and  wore  a  pair  of  gloves  that  extended  half  way  to 
his  elbows.  In  his  struggles  to  throw  off  the  Indian 


94  GROUARD  MAKES  A  TEN  STRIKE. 

who  was  attempting  to  pull  the  bear  coat  from  his  back 
and  at  the  same  time  hold  him  between  himself:  and 
the  Indian  who  was  trying  to  shoot  him,  Grouard  was 
at  first  mistaken  by  Sitting  Bull  for  a  huge  bear,  stand 
ing  upright,  fighting  its  would-be  captors. 

The  Sioux  chief  was  a  great  joker,  and  Grou'ard's 
resemblance  to  a  bear  tickled  him  mightily.  It  was 
probably  this  fact  that  saved  the  captive  from  a  terrible 
fate,  also,  although  it  did  not  have  the  effect  of  leaving 
him  in  possession  of  his  warm  wraps. 

Sitting  Bull  never  explained  to  Grouard  his  reason 
for  preserving  his  life  and  adopting  him  as  a  brother  ; 
but  Little  Assiniboine  often  recalled  the  Sioux  chief's 
notable  speech  in  behalf  of  Grouard  at  the  council  fire 
on  the  night  the  captive  arrived  in  the  village. 
From  the  fact  that  a  bear  will  reach  out  after  its  prey 
and  hug  it  close  to  its  body,  the  Indians  call  it  a 
u grabber;"  and  so,  while  Sitting  Bull  had  christened 
Grouard  "Standing  Bear,"  he  was  as  generally  known 
among  the  Indians  by  his  nickname  of  the  u  Grabber." 


CHAPTER  XII. 

•  INDIAN    COUKTSHIP. 

There  are  people  in  this  world  who  cannot  appre 
ciate  the  fact  that  a  savage  is  capable  of  those  finer 
sensibilities  so  much  dwelt  upon  by  sentimentalists  and 
writers  of  fiction  among  the  civilized  nations.  . 

They  are  perfectly  willing  to  ascribe  instinct  and  even 
knowledge  to  their  favorite  horse  or  dog ;  tell  of  the 
almost  human  actions  and  speech  of  a  parrot ;  enlarge 
upon  the  understanding  of  a  tame  monkey  and  vouch 
safe  to  the  necessary,  harmless  house  tabby  an  affec 
tion  truly  pathetic  and  surprising.  But,  somehow  or 
other,  these  good  people  are  loth  to  believe  that  the 
Indian  youth  or  the  aged  savage  has  any  conception  of 
sentiment  or  any  of  the  attributes  of  love. 

To  be  able  to  appreciate  this  virtue  in  the  abor 
igine,  it  is  necessary  to  consider  the  fact  that  Indian 
tradition,  like  customs  of  some  other  nations,  has  so  far  cir 
cumscribed  the  life  of  woman  that  her  sphere  is  narrowed 
down  to  one  of  servitude.  Unmated,  she  occupies  noth 
ing  but  a  negative  position.  From  her  infancy  she  is 
taught  to  resist  any  and  all  advances  from  her  male 
companions,  and  even  in  the  courtship  that  comes  to  her 


93  INDIAN  COURTSHIP. 

at  an  uncertain  age  (calculated  by  our  "civilized"  calen 
dar),  all  her  acquiescences  are  imperitive  denials.  No 
self-respecting  lady  of  the  Sioux  pursuasion  would  be 
guilty  of  murmuring  "yes"  to  the  guttural  appeal  of  the 
dusky  swain  who  litterally  lays  siege  to  her  father's 
lodge  or  follows  her  footsteps  like  the  phantom  is  said 
to  follow  the  guilty. 

The  Sioux  women  are,  according*  to  the  traditional 
Sioux  code  of  morals,  moral.  That  is,  they  are  given  a 
standard  of  virtue  and  live  up  to  it.  It  may  not  meet 
the  approval  of  the  orthodox  whites,  and  it  may  be 
somewhat  less  rigid  than  the  rule  prescribed  in  Turkey, 
but  it  nevertheless  serves  its  own  purpose  and  obliterates 
among  the  savages  one  of  the  greatest  scourges  that 
afflicts  our  boasted  civilization. 

There  is  no   "social  evil"  among  the  Sioux. 

Inasmuch  as  .the  Indian  maiden  cannot  consent, 
abduction  pure  and  simple  is  the  art  generally  employed 
by  the  amorous  swain  in  search  of  a  companion  for  his 
lodge. 

Now,  what  would  be  considered  the  depth  of  degre- 
dation  to  our  moral  sensibilities,  is  applauded  and  coun 
tenanced  by  the  redmen.  For  instance,  White  Hair,  a 
rising  young  warrior,  becomes  enamored  of  Half  Moon, 
the  marriageable  daughter  of  Big  Storm.  Tradition,  as 
well  as  his  inclination,  tells  him  how  to  accomplish  his 
purpose.  She  may  be  his  by  purchase,  but  in  such  a 
case  all  the  heroism  vanishes.  Twenty  other  young  men 
of  the  nation  are  as  enamored  of  Half  Moon  as  is  White 
Hair.  Possession  means  ownership,  and  tradition  has 


INDIAN  COURTSHIP.  97 

woven  the  halo  of  glory  over  those  who  dare  take  that 
which  the  one  taken  denies. 

White  Hair,  therefore,  has  but  one  mode  of  pro 
cedure.  He  arranges  his  lodge  for  the  reception  of  Half 
Moon,  and  does'  not  even  take  the  maiden  into  his  con 
fidence  about  the  matter.  He  speaks  to  her  of  his  de 
sire,  but  she  says  him  nay.  He  is  wrapped  from  toes  to 
eyebrows  in  his  blanket,  and,  in  the  darkness  Half  Moon 
knows  him  not  from  the  other  numerous  suitors  who  look, 
act  and  talk  just  like  him.  He  watches  her  exit  from 
her  father's  lodge  and  importunes  her ;  he  follows  her 
footsteps  to  the  water  course  and  pours  his  burning 
words  into  her  ears.  He  is  the  sentimental  sentinel 
always  on  the  qui  vive  to  trip  her  with  a  half  consent 
This  once  gained,  he  distorts  it  into  a  promise  pure  and 
and  simple.  Some  night  he  lays  in  wait,  and  with  just 
that  show  of  force  —  no  more --to  quiet  her  struggles, 
bears  her  off  in  triumph  to  his  lodge.  She  then  becomes 
his  particular  property,  and  can  be  taken  from  him  only 
in  the  same  manner  that  he  has  taken  her  —  not  an  un 
common  occurrence. 

Here  again  comes  in  a  traditional  arrangement  that 
right  reverends  and  wrong  reverends  will  condemn  to 
'the  top  of  their  bent.  White  Hair,  on  the  morn  follow 
ing  his  abduction  of  Half  Moon,  may  see  fit  to  divorce 
her,  and  there  end  the  whole  transaction.  He  simply 
sends  her  to  her  father's  lodge,  whither  she  wends  her 
way  in  silence.  No  disgrace  or  stigma  attaches  to  her 
from  her  enforced  obedience  to  the  young  brave's  will. 
He,  according  to  his  tradition,  has  won  a  victory  —  a 


98  INDIAN  COURTSHIP. 

coup  than  which  there  is  none  greater,  and  the  code  of 
Sioux  morals  permits  him  to  boast  of  his  conquest  dur 
ing  the  remainder  of  his  days. 

Do  the  numerous  other  young  braves  desist  from 
their  courtship  of  the  daughter  of  Big  Storm  ?  Nay, 
gentle  reader.  In  course  of  time  she  is  again  abducted, 
and  perhaps  spends  the  remainder  of  her  life  in  the 
lodge  of  the  brave  whom  she  learns  to  love.  Platonic  ? 

o 

Well,  scarcely  ;  but  then  we  are  looking  at  these  matters 
through  the  lens  of  civilization.  The  Sioux  have  prac 
ticed  this  mode  of  courtship  for  over  eight  hundred 
years.  Their  chronicles  record  this  fact.  To  them, 
therefore,  it  is  custom,  not  honored  in  the  u  breech"  but 
the  observance. 

To  follow  out  this  mode  of  procedure  to  its  logical 
conclusion  it  is  necessary  here  to  state  that  White  Hair's 
abduction  of  Half  Moon  did  not  necessarily  end  his 
evening's  conquest  or  night's  revel.  His  wooings  might 
have  been  twofold  or  multifold.  Had  he  been  inclined 
to  lay  siege  to  the  hearts  and  persons  of  half  a 
dozen  dusky  maidens  on  the  same  night  there  was  noth 
ing  to  hinder  his  designs  or  thwart  his  purpose.  The 
appearance  of  other  maidens  in  White  Hair's  lodge  that 
evening  would  have  caused  no  surprise  or  jealously  to 
Half  Moon.  •  Trained  in  the  manner  of  the  young  Sioux 
brave,  reared  in  the  observance  of  might  as  the  most 
potent  factor  of  right,  the  young  squaw  would  merely 
have  viewed  the  additions  to  White  Hair's  lodge  as  a 
matter  of  small  moment  to  herself  and  one  of  supremo 
satisfaction  to  the  lord  of  her  liberty.  There  is  no  limit 


AN  INDIAN,  SOCIETY  BELLE. 


INDIAN  COURTSHIP.  99 

to  a  Sioux  warrior's  household,  so  far  as  wives  are  con 
cerned.  He  is  supposed  to  be  the  best  judge  of  that 
matter,  and  as  long  as  the  game  is  plentiful  and  his 
horse  herd  increases,  he  views  the  building  up  of  a  big 
family  with  feelings  of  pride.  He  is  lord  of  the  manor 
in  all  things.  He  plays  no  favorites  with  his  squaws, 
and,  being  accustomed  to  nothing  but  obedience,  the 
lives  of  the  women  are  at  least  no  worse  in  the  lodge 
of  their  captor  than  when  spent  in  the  tepi  of  their 
parents. 

There    is     "giving    in    marriage"    also,    among    the 
Sioux. 

When  a  young  buck  proves  himself  worthy  of  trust 
and  has  shown  his  ability  to  acquire  property  of  his 
own  ;  when  his  rustling  propensities  increase  the  family 
larder,  and  Ids  lady  love's  parents  are  satisfied  that  he 
is  exceptionally  above  the  rank  and  file,  they  do  not 
force  him  to  follow  tradition  and  steal  their  daughter. 
The  code  prescribes  another  method  of  procedure : 

At  evening,  when  the  carnp  is  quiet  and  the 
supper  has  been  discussed,  a  crier  goes  forth  and  pro 
claims  the  news  that  High  Wind  gives  the  young  brave 
Fear  Not,  his  daughter,  Pale  Dove.  This  proclamation 
is  final.  Fear  Not  and  Pale  Dove  forever  after  share 
the  same  lodge. 

"Now  isn't  that  romantic,  and  proper,  too?"  some  of 
my  readers  will  ask.  Proper,  granted,  but  here  is  a  dash  to 
the  romance  :  The  taking  of  Pale  Dove  to  his  lodge 
does  not  deter  Fear  Not  from  abducting  another  dusky 
maiden  before  the  honeymoon  of  Pale  Dove  is  hardly 


100  INDIAN  COURTSHIP. 

begun,  or  if  he  feels  inclined,  from  acquiring  another 
wife  by  purchase,  or  if  some  love-lorn  squaw  so  wills  it, 
of  accepting  the  latter's  presence  in  his  lodge  because 
she  sees  fit  to  make  his  lodge  her  permanent  abiding 
place. 

Should  he  desire  to  purchase  a  wife,  he  selects  the 
maiden,  seals  the  bargain  by  the  payment  agreed  upon — 
a  horse  and  so  many  blankets,  or  whatever  the  father 
demands  —  and  the  crier  is  dispatched  upon  his  errand 
about  the  camp  to  spread  the  news. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  abduction,  giving  in  mar 
riage  and  purchase  are  the  three  popular  ways  among 
the  Sioux  of  acquiring  wives ;  but  for  fear  that  some 
of  my  "  equal  franchise"  lady  friends  should  still  insist 
upon  some  ushow  of  right"  for  their  dusky  sisters,  I  pro 
pose  to  give  one  short  illustration  of  how  some  of  the 
Sioux  maidens  set  up  an  establishment  for  themselves 
and  lay  claim  to  the  protectio-n  .and  affection  of  their 
victims. 

It  sometimes  happens  that  a  maiden  falls  desperately 
in  love  with  a  young  warrior ;  but,  with  all  her  wild 
wiles,  she  is  incapable  of  screwing  him  up  to  the  ab 
ducting  or  purchasing  point.  She  therefore  is  left  the 
alternative  of  " giving  herself  away." 

This  is  accomplished  by  her  going  direct  to  the 
lodge  of  the  object  of  her  unrequited  love  and  taking 
possession  of  his  blankets.  The  novelty  of  the  situation 
tickles  the  buck's  vanity,  and  he  consequently  puts  up 
with  what  his  savage  sense  of  manhood  will  not  permit 
him  to  put  out. 


INDIAN  COURTSHIP.  101 

Such  marriages  are  not  "  made  in  heaven,"  however, 
and  the  novelty  and  buck's  patience  wear  out  about 
the  same  time.  Then  there  is  a  room  to  let,  but  the 
squaw  is  soon  consoled  or  soon  consoles  herself  with 
some  one  else. 

There  is  still  one  other  method  of  acquiring  a  wife 
among  the  Sioux,  although  it  smacks  very  much  of  the 
first  method  noted  in  this  chapter.  The  same  act  in  civ 
ilized  communities  is  termed  elopement,  and  the  Indians 
pretty  generally  concede  that  the  wife  is  always  a  "wil 
ling"  party  to  the  transaction.  Sometimes  this  leads  to 
murder  among  the  redmen,  though,  according  to  the 
Sioux  code,  it  is  a  matter  that  brave  hearts  will  never 
notice. 

When  a  squaw  quits  the  lodge  of  her  buck  with 
some  other  buck,  and  the  first  buck  seeks  satisfaction  at 
the  muzzle  of  a  gun,  he  falls  outside  the  category  of 
bravery  and  forever  loses  caste  with  the  tribe.  He  is 
no  better  than  a  squaw,  so  the  Sioux  say,  when  he 
wishes  to  revenge  himself  on  another  for  doing  that  which 
he  himself  had  a  perfect  right  to  do.  His  proper  plan 
would  be  to  steal  the  squaw  from  her  abductor,  and 
keep  her  at  all  hazards.  The  Indians  themselves  have  a 
way  of  turning  a  period  on  this  wife-stealing  business 
that  is  hard  of.  interpretation.  It  is  something  after  this 
fashion  :  "It  is  no  easy  matter  to  steal  a  maiden  the 
first  time;  easy  the  second;  heap  easy  afterwards.". 

Indian  tradition  and  judicial  reasoning  may  clash  ; 
but  great  minds  will  travel  in  the  same  groove. 

What    has    been    said  of  courtship  in  this  chapter,   I 


102  INDIAN  COURTSHIP. 

desire  to  chronicle  as  maintaining  in  the  villages  of 
the  Sioux  before  civilization  encroached  upon  their  sav 
age  customs,  and  has  no  bearing  upon  the  mode  of  life  of 
those  who  live  within  the  agencies.  The  time  may  come 
when  the  standard  of  virtue  will  be  very  high  among 
the  Indians  at  the  latter  places,  but  until  that  time  ar 
rives  the  veil  of  charity  had  best  be  drawn  very  tightly. 
No  man  whose  experience  is  worth  recording  can  claim 
anything  but  a  state  of  uncertain  transition  for  the  In 
dian  at  the  agency  at  present.  Naturally  quick  to  imi 
tate,  the  children  of  the  forest,  in  their  intercourse  with 
their  white  brethren,  have  acquired  much  of  the  evil  and 
little  of  the  good  from  contact  with  our  boasted  civiliza 
tion. 

Reformation 's  footsteps  are  slow.  Education  has 
accomplished  something,  but,  in  the  light  of  the  recent 
outbreak  in  South  Dakota,  not  much.  Tribal  relation 
meant  retrogression.  Agency  influence  and  control, 
( O  !  the  mockery  of  appointment  of  civilians  as  Indian 
agents)  have  resulted  in  much  demoralization. 

Cettewayo,  the  African  potentate,  remarked  to  his 
English  captors,  on  civilization  : 

uYes,  I  know  what  it  means:  First  came  the  mis 
sionaries  ;  then  came  the  soldiers." 


CHIEF  GALL. 

BY    PERMISSION    OF    JOHN    F.  FINERTY. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 


SITTING     BULL    LEADS    A     PKSI'KRATE    CHARGE. 

Ill  the  winter  of  1870,  Sitting  Bull  and  a  large 
party  left  the  Indian  village  for  a  hunt.  The  village  at 
t'h at  time  was  located  north  of  the  mouth  of  Powder 
river.  It  appears  that  the  Crows,  who  were  all  the  time 
creating  disturbances  with  the  Sioux  when  the  Sioux  were 
not  creating  disturbances  with  them,  had  learned  tha't 
Sitting  Bull  and  party  had  gone  on  this  hunt,  and  con 
cluded  it  would  be  a  good  time  to  get  up  a  pony-steal 
ing  expedition  against  the  Sioux.  Accordingly  a  party 
numbering  thirty-one  left  the  Crow  reservation  and  went 
to  the  Sioux  camp  with  the  intention  of  Tunning  off'  as 
many  of  the  ponies  of  the  enemy  as  they  could.  In  some 
way  or  other  Sitting  Bull  and  his  hunting  party  ran 
across  the  trail  of  the  incoming  Crows,  and  at  once  sus 
pected  what  the  mission  of  the  enemy -was.  The  Unca- 
papas  concluded  to  return  at  once  to  their  village  and 
prevent  the  Crows  from  carrying  out  their  design. 

Arriving  at  their  village  the  Sioux  drove  the  Crows 
westward  to  the  badlands  and  bottoms,  the  Crows  finally 
seeking  shelter  in  a  basin,  the  edge  of  which  was  fornred 
by  a  rocky  eminence.  In  this  naturally-fortified  position 


104      SITTING  BULL  LEADS  A  DESPERATE  CHARGE. 

the  Crows  stood  their  pursuers  off  for  two  nights  and  a 
day,  at  the  end  of  which  time  Sitting  Bull  called  a  coun 
cil  of  his  warriors  and  urged  upon  them  the  necessity  of 
charging  the  enemy's  position  and  driving  them  out,  or 
being  killed  in  the  attempt.  Sitting  Bull  knew  that  to 
attack  the  Crows  meant  death  to  some  of  his  party,  and 
in  the  council  which  was  called,  told  his  followers  that 
it  would  look  very  childish  if  they  allowed  this  band  of 
Crows  to  escape  after  they  had  them  penned  up  among 
the  rocks.  He  said  that  he  did  not  want  any  of  his 
party  to  join  the  attack  unless  they  felt  the  same  about 
it  as  he  did;  but  he  did  not  believe  that  any  of  his  men 
were  squaws.  He  did  not  ask  them  to  take  any  risks 
that  he  was  not  willing  to  assume  himself.  He  proposed 
to  lead  the  attack,  and  he  expected  every  one  of  his  men 
to  follow  him.  They  would  either  drive  the  Crows  out 
of  the  rocks,  kill  them  where  they  were  or  be  killed 
themselves  in  making  the  attempt. 

The  members  of  his  party  signified  their  willingness 
to  follow  their  chief,  and  preparations  for  the  attack  were 
immediately  made. 

Little  Assiniboine,  who  was  of  the  party,  told  me  after 
wards  that  when  the  start  of  the  Sioux  was  made  for 
the  Crow's  position,  Sitting  Bull  was  far  in  advance  of 
all  his  warriors;  that  upon  reaching  the  rocks  behind 
which  the  Crows  were  secreted,  and  notwithstanding  the 
heavy  fire  of  the  enemj%  the  chief  scaled  the  wall  of 
rocks,  jumped  in  among  the  imprisoned  Crows  and  had 
killed  several  of  them  before  the  remainder  of  his  party 
arrived  to  assist  him.  So  far  as  numbers  were  concerned 


SITTING  BULL  LEADS  A  DESPERATE  CHARGE.         105 

the  two  parties  were  about  even,  and  the  conflict  was  a 
hand  to  hand  one.  At  the  end  of  twenty  minutes,  how 
ever,  all  of  the  thirty-one  Crows  had  been  killed  and 
scalped.  The  bodies  of  the  slain  were  left  where  they 
fell,  and  Sitting  Bull  and  party  returned  in  triumph  to 
the  Sioux  village  where'  one  of  the  greatest  scalp  dances 
I  ever  witnessed  was  indulged  in.  Two  of  the  Sioux 
were  killed  during  the  fight. 

Some  men  who  have  written  of  Sitting  Bull,  claim 
ing  that  he  was  a  medicine  man  and  not  a  warrior,  are 
unacquainted  with  the  circumstances  surrounding  his  life 
among  the  Indians  themselves.  No  man  in  the  Sioux 
nation  was  braver  in  battle  than  Sitting  Bull,  and  he 
asked  none  of  his  warriors  to  take  any  chances  that  he 
was  not  willing  at  all  times  to  share.  I  could  recall  a 
hundred  different  instances  coming  under  my  own  obser 
vation  to  prove  Sitting  Bull's  bravery,  and  in  the  first 
great  Sundance  that  I  ever  witnessed  after  my  capture 
by  the  Sioux,  I  heard  Sitting  Bull  recount  his  "coups  in 
action1'.  They  numbered  sixty-throe,  most  of  them  being 
victories  over  Indian  enemies. 


CHAPTER  XIY. 


AN    INDIAN    JAMBOUREE. 

In  the  fall  of  1872  Sitting  Bull  formed  the  idea  of 
entering  into  a  treaty  with  the  lied  river  half-breeds 
for  the  purpose  of  trading  for  ammunition  and  other 
necessaries.  At  this  time  Sitting  Bull  was  not  trading 
with  anybody.  He  would  not  trade  with  the  whites, 
and  had  no  place  to  get  his  supplies  from,  so  he  formed 
the  idea  of  making  this  treaty  for  the  purpose  of  getting 
supplies.  He  went  up  into  the  half-breed  camp  to  make 
this  treaty,  being  gone  pretty  near  a  month,  and  he  was 
very  well  pleased  on  his  return  with  the  treaty  he  had 
made.  They  had  promised  to  bring  him  what  articles 
he  had  mentioned,  such  as  he  would  want  to  trade  for, 
into  camp  that  winter,  and  they  came  to  the  village 
about  two  months  afterwards  ;  but  instead  of  bringing  the 
articles  the  Indians  were  in  need  of,  they  brought  liquor. 
They  came  in  with  five  sleigh-loads  of  whisky.  The 
appearance  of  the-e  loads  of  whisky  in  camp  caused  a 
terrible  disturbance.  It  was  just  nothing  but  drinking. 
The  Indians  were  camped  on  the  divide  at  the  head  of 
Dry  Fork  on  the  Missouri  when  they  commenced  drink- 


AN  INDIAN  JAMBOUREE.  107 

ing.  Tliis  Dry  Fork  lias  some  time  been  the  Missouri 
proper.  I  forget  what  month  it  was,  but  it  was  in  the 
winter.  The  half-breeds  came  to  the  village  in  sleio-hs. 
When  they  came  I  did  not  go  into  the  council. 
They  held  a  kind  of  council,  and  what  was  said  or  done 
in  this  council  I  don't  know  ;  but  before  the  half-breeds' 
visit  was  over  you  could  hear  the  noise  and  singing 
from  the  council  lodge.  The  orgies  continued  for  about 
a  week.  It  was  the  most  horrible  thing  I  ever  saw. 
I  got  on  my  horse  as  soon  as  they  commenced  drink 
ing.  When  they  were  drunk  they  would  cut  down 
lodges.  The  women  were  drunk  as  well  as  the  men. 
The  majority  in  the  village  were  drunk.  Some  places 
it  was  kill  on  sight,  either  friend  or  foe.  There  were 
two  factions  in  the  village — one  for  and  one  against 

°  o 

Sitting  Bull.     They  were   divided   about  half  and  half. 

Those  who  opposed  Sitting  Bull  turned  on  him.  I 
simply  got  on  my  horse  and  went  to  the  hills,  and  stayed 
there.  There  were  several  of  us  who  did  it.  Sitting 

o 

Bull  stayed  in  the  camp  and  had  his  Indians  protecting 
him  (some  of  his  own  faction),  and  he  didn't  get  shot; 
but  there  were  several  Indians  killed,  lodges  eut  up, 
horses  shot  and  tepis  pulled  down.  It  was  a  horrible 
sight.  I  didn't  come  down  to  camp  for  three  days. 
Tlie  French  half-breeds  left  after  they  saw  what  they 
had  started.  They  pulled  stakes  and  quit  in  the  night, 
and  took  what  whisky  was  left  with  them.  An  Indian 
will  pay  anything  for  whisky,  and  there  was  a  good 
deal  of  money  in  camp ;  also  mules  and  horses.  It 
was  a  large  village,  some  two  or  three  hundred  lodges. 


108  AN  INDIAN  JAMBOUREE. 

There    were    between    four    thousand    and   five   thousand 
Indians  in  the   village. 

All  I  could  hear  as  I  returned  to  the  village  was 
the  crying  of  the  Indians  for  the  ones  that  had  been 
killed.  It  was  some  four  or  five  days  after  that  be 
fore  they  could  get  everything  gathered  up.  When 
they  did  they  split  up  in  small  bands,  each  party  go 
ing  in  whichever  direction  it  fancied.  The  immediate 
relatives  collected  together  in  small  bands  ;  and  when 
they  had  got  together,  these  bands  moved  off  in  dif 
ferent  directions  to  get  away  from  the  site  of  the  vil 
lage,  so  there  would  be  no  more  trouble.  After  they 
had  sobered  up  they  would  have  to  take  notice  of  those 
Indians  who  had  been  killed  ;  their  relations  would  have 
to  avenge  them.  Sooner  than  have  this  trouble  on  top 
of  the  other,  they  moved  in  different  directions.  It 
had  the  effect  of  scattering  the  whole  village  like  a  dock 
of  blackbirds. 


H 

H^ 

O 

•^ 

QB 


CHAPTEK   XV. 


SITTING    BULL    TRIES    TO    KILL    GROUARD. 

The  next  spring  I  got  a  chance  to  make  a  trip  to 
the  Fort  Peck  trading  post.  One  of  the  Yankton  Indians 
came  into  our  camp  from  the  Yankton  tribe  at  Fort 
Feck  -  -  where  their  agency  was.  This  trading  post 
wanted  to  get  the  Sitting  Bull  camp  trade.  The  agent 
had  sent  things  over  to  Sitting  Bull's  camp  by  this 
Indian.  They  always  sent  a  large  amount  of  tobacco 
out  for  a  treat  to  try  and  induce  the  Sitting  Bull  people 
to  come  in.  But  Sitting  Bull  had  made  a  treaty  with 
the  half-breeds,  and  therefore,  would  not  make  any  treaty 
with  the  trader  at  Fort  Peck.  Through  this  Indian  I 
sent  a  note  to  the  trader,  telling  him  what  these  half- 
breeds  had  been  doing,  the  amount  of  mischief  they  had 
done,  and  asking  if  it  could  not  be  stopped  in  some 
way. 

The  Yankton  Indian  returned  to  Fort  Peck,  and  I 
think  it  was  about  two  weeks  before  he  came  back 
again.  When  he  did,  some  of  the  head  men  of  the 
Yankton  tribe  came  themselves  to  try  and  make  a  treaty 
with  Sitting  Bull.  They  brought  me  a  letter  from  the 
agent,  asking  me  to  try  and  bring  Sitting  Bull  in  ;  if 
not,  to  come  myself ;  that  he  wanted  to  see  me.  But  in 


110  SITTING  BULL  TRIES  TO  KILL  GROUARD. 

a  council  they  had  with  these  Yanktons,  Sitting  Bull  had 
promised  them  he  would  go  in.  Sitting  Bull  always  was 
hostile.  He  would  not  think  of  making  a  treaty  with 
the  whites.  He  was  right  on  the  war-path  all  the  time, 
so  far  as  the  whites  were  concerned.  A  short  time 
afterwards  we  started  in  —  Sitting  Bull,  Little  Assiniboine, 
Black  Shield  and  his  brother-in-law  and  myself.  There 
were  several  of  us.  I  can't  think  of  all  their  names. 
Fort  Peck  was  more  of  a  trading  post  than  an  agency. 
We  reached  there  the  second  day  after  we  started.  The 
second  evening  they  rowed  us  over  in  boats  and  swam 
the  horses  over.  There  was  nothing  done  that  night 
between  the  whites  and  Indians,  but  I  had  an  opportun 
ity  of  having  quite  a  long  talk  with  the  agent  before 
going  to  bed,  telling  him  everything  that  had  occurred. 

There  was  a  plan  on  foot  then  to  capture  these 
half  breeds  for  trading  whisky  to  the  Indians.  The 
agent  asked  me  to  go  with  the  troops  to  identify  these 
half-breeds.  The  next  day  a  big  council  occurred.  Sit 
ting  Bull  flatly  refused  to  treat  or  trade  with  the 
whites.  We  only  stayed  there  a  couple  of  nights  and 
one  day,  and  then  started  back  to  our  camp. 

In  making  my  second  visit  to  Fort  Feck  I  had  to 
get  away  from  Sitting  Bull  without  him  knowing  where 
I  was  going ;  so  in  order  to  fool  him  I  told  him  I  was 
going  on  the  war-path  to  steal  horses.  He  asked  me  if 
I  was  going  by  myself,  and  I  told  him  I  was.  He 
wanted  to  know  the  direction  I  was  going,  and  I  told 
him  up  the  Missouri  some  place,  where  I  could  find  any 
thing  that  suited  me  to  make  a  raid  on. 


CURLEY,  THE  ONLY  SURVIVOR  OF  OUSTER'S  COMMAND. 


SITTING  BULL  TRIES  TO  KILL  GROUARD.  Ill 

I  left  camp  after  dark  and    rode  all  that  night   until 
the  next  day  about  noon,  when  I  reached    Fort  Peck.     I 
had  to  go  there    to  get    my  letter    to    the    commander  of 
the  troops    that  were  to  go  with    me.      This    Frenchman's 
creek,    where    these    half-breeds    were    supposed   to  camp, 
was    about    ninety  miles    from    Fort    Peck.     I    had  to  go 
right  up  to  Milk  river,  where   Frenchman's  creek  empties 
into  it.      I  met    the  troops  at  the    mouth  of    Frenchman's 
creek,    and    we    followed    up    Frenchman's    creek    to   the 
forks  of  it,  where    the    half-breeds    were    camped.     There 
were  just  about  one  thousand  of  them.     I  went  out  with 
the    troops    through  .  this    camp,  and    picked    out  the  men 
who    had    brought    the    whisky    to    Sitting    Bull's    camp. 
There     were     about    one    hundred    of    these     half-breeds 
whom  the  troops    arrested.      They  had  a  lot  of    others  to 
arrest.      They    took    their    horses    away    from    them    and 
what    whisky    they    could    find.       After     everything    was 
through    with  I    told    the    commander    that  I  would    have 
to  have  three  horses  out  of  the  captured  animals  to  take 
back    with    me  ;    that  I    didn't    want   to  go    empty-handed 
to  Sitting  Bull's  camp.      He  told  me  to  go  and  help  my 
self;    to  pick  out  whatever  I  wanted. 

I  picked  out  three  horses.  Some  Santee  Indians 
were  there,  and  they,  of  course,  recognized  me,  telling 
the  whole  story  later  on  to  Sitting  Bull.  My  trouble 
with  Sitting  Bull  afterwards  was  through  these  Indians. 
I  started  back  at  daybreak.  I  rode  pretty  fast,  for  I 
was  afraid  some  of  the  half-breeds  would  overtake  and 
kill  me.  It  took  me  three  days  to  reach  Sitting  Bull's 
camp.  When  I  got  back  to  camp  Sitting  Bull  saw 


112  SITTING  BULL   TRIES  TO  KILL  GROUARD. 

these  horses  and  supposed  that  I  had  stolen  them.  I 
toJd  him  I  had.  I  told  him  to  take  his  choice  of  any 
of  them  he  wanted,  and  I  gave  one  to  his  sister  and 
one  to  his  mother.  He  was  tickled  to  death  over  it 
— to  think  I  had  gone  out  and  made  this  raid,  and 
told  every  Indian  he  met  about  it. 

It  was  about  ten  days  afterwards  that  two  of  the 
Santee  Indians  came  into  camp  along  in  the  evening. 
Of  course,  they  went  right  to  Sitting  Bull 's  lodge  and 
told  him  the  whole  story  about  my  being  up  there  with 
the  troops.  If  you  ever  saw  a  mad  Indian,  he  was 
one.  I  never  saw  an  Indian  quite  as  mad  as  he  was. 
My  being  in  his  sister's  lodge  prevented  me  from  being 
killed  right  then  and  there.  I  don't  think  lie  would 
have  hesitated  a  minute  in  killing  me  if  it  had  not 
been  for  that.  He  asked  me  why  I  went  ;  if  I  was 
inclined  towards  the  whites  ;  what  was  my  reason  for 
it,  and  told  me  that  he  should  kill  me. 

As  quick  as  this  became  known  through  the  camp 
the  other  faction  that  was  not  for  killing  me,  came  to 
me  and  told  me  that  they  would  stand  by  me.  Of 
course,  there  was  only  one  thing  for  me  to  do ;  I  had 
either  to  kill  Sitting  Bull  or  be  killed.  That  was  the 
way  I  looked  at  it.  I  had  a  gun  and  ammunition, 
and  I  thought  I  would  have  as  good  a  chance  to  kill 
him  as  he  to  kill  me;  but  his  sister  and  mother  pre 
vented  our  coming  together  as  much  as  they  could  while 
I  was  at  their  lodge.  The  other  faction  wanted  me  to 
go  to  their  side  of  the  village,  but  that  I  would  not 
do.  Sitting  Bull's  mother  wanted  me  to  remain  in 


SITTING  BULL   TRIES  TO  KILL  GROUARD.  113 

her  lodge,  saying  her  son  would  gut  over  his  auger. 
She  was  naturally  a  peacemaker,  and  told  me  not  to 
pay  any  attention  to  the  threats  lie  made.  She  was 
a  pretty  good  Indian  woman.  Every  time  the  camp 
moved  I  would  get  on  my  horse  and  pull  to  one  side, 
and  Sitting  Bull  would  go  to  the  other  side,  and  we 
never  came  together. 

Indians  are  like  average  mortals.  Some  of  them 
wanted  to  see  the  trouble  between  us  urged  on,  and 
did  everything  they  could  to  keep  the  fight  going, 
while  there  were  others  who  wanted  to  quiet  it  down. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


SEES    OUSTER    AND    HEARS     '  ;GARRYOWEN. " 

Matters  ran  on  that  way  until  fall,  when  Ouster's 
and  Stanley's  commands  made  a  march  through  the  Yel 
lowstone  followed  by  the  Indians.  I  supposed  the  troops 
were  after  them,  and  the  Indians  were  trying  to  flee 
from  them.  We  went  to  the  Yellowstone  and  crossed  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Big  Horn.  While  there  we  met  the 
warriors  of  four  other  villages,  that  is --the  Sans  Arcs, 
Minneconjou,  Ogallalas  and  Cheyennes. 

We  crossed  the  Yellowstone  right  in  ahead  of  the 
soldiers,  and  could  hear  the  military  band  playing.  The 
soldiers  expected  to  fight,  and  we  were  making  prepara 
tions  to  protect  the  women  and  children  if  they  should 
attack.  I  could  distinctly  hear  the  band  playing.  It 
was  years  since  I  had  heard  a  band.  They  were  play 
ing  Ouster's  favorite  battle  tune.  That  was  "  Garry- 
owen.  r  The  other  Indian  village  was  camped  on  the 
Big  Horn,  about  four  miles  up. 


SEES  OUSTER  AND  HEARS  "GARRYOWEN."  115 

After  we  got  all  the  children   across,  all  the  warriors 
of  this  other  village    came    down  to  meet    the    troops  for 
the  purpose  of   fighting.      That    was  the  first  fight  I  ever 
saw  between  the  Indians  and    troops.     The    Indians  were 
on  one  side  of    the    river    and    the    troops    on  the  other. 
The  troops  could  not  get  across,    but    the  Indians,  could. 
The  Indians  swam  across  and  fought    the  soldiers  on  the 
other  side,  on  a  kind  of   tableland    there.     It    was  just  a 
running    fight.       I    had  a  pretty  fair    scrap  there    myself. 
They  were    fighting  on    the    other    side,   and    I    had    got 
into    the    hills  to  look    on.       I    didn't    take    any  hand  in 
the    fight.       I    was    back    some    distance   from    the  river. 
There    were    lots    of    Indians    there.      The    soldiers   were 
throwing    shells    from    there    to  the    hill    where  we  were. 
I  got  thirsty,  standing  on    the    hills    watching    them,  and 
thought   I  would    go  down  to  the  river    and    get  a  drink. 
It    was    across  a  big  flat    where    1    had  to  go.     When    I 
started    they    were    fighting    above    on  the  other    side    of 
the    river,  and   I  thought  I  would    not    have    any  trouble 
in  going  down  and   getting  a  drink.      Opposite  me,  about 
three  hundred    yards  on  the  other  side  of    the  river,   was 
a  big    bank,   probably    seventy-five    feet    high,   where  the 
river  had  washed  into    the  bank    and  made  a  quarter  cir 
cle    around.       I    came    right    under  this  bank,  got  off  my 
mule    and    went    down    to    get    a    drink.       While  I  was 
drinking  I    heard  a  kind    of    rattling    noise,   and,   looking 
up,  saw  two  companies  of  cavalry  coming  down   to  where 
I  was  drinking.     I    could    not    get    down  to  my  mule,   as 
the    soldiers    commenced    shooting    as    soon    as   they  saw 
me.      I  ran   for  the    trees.      It    was    not    over    three    hun- 


116         SEES  OUSTER  AND  HEARS  "GARRYOWEN." 

dred  yards,  and  I  got  behind  one  of  those  trees  while 
the  two  companies  were  shooting  at  me,  and  never  got 
touched.  The  mule,  of  course,  stampeded  and  went  back 
into  camp,  so  I  just  stayed  there  until  the  troops  got 
through  fighting  and  went  off.  I  didn't  have  any  arms. 
There  was  only  one  Indian  killed  during  the  fight,  and 
I  heard  there  were  a  few  soldiers  killed. 


CHAPTER   XVII. 


GROUARD  MEETS  CRAZY  HORSE. 

Shortly  after  we  got  back  from  this  Ouster  fight, 
all  the  Indians  in  the  four  tribes  found  out  about  my 
trouble  with  Sitting  Bull.  There  was  an  Indian  in  the 
Ogallala  camp  by  the  name  of  Little  Hawk,  an  uncle  to 
Crazy  Horse,  the  latter  one  of  the  bravest  of  all  the 
Sioux  Indians.  He  sent  for  me  arid  asked  me  how  the 
trouble  started,  what  I  intended  to  do,  and  told  me  I 
had  better  come  and  stop  in  the  Ogallala  camp,  which 
I  did.  I  never  went  back  to  Sitting  Bull's  camp.  I  had 
never  met  Crazy  Horse  until  this  time.  He  was  in  the 
camp  when  I  went  in.  There  were  several  young  bucks 
there,  and  he  was  among  them.  Crazy  Horse  had  some 
what  peculiar  features.  He  had  sandy  hair,  and  was 
of  a  very  light  complexion.  He  didn't  have  the  high 
cheek  bones  that  the  Indians  generally  have,  and  didn't 
talk  much.  He  was  a  young  looking  Indian — appeared 
much  younger  than  his  age.  There  were  a  few  powder 
marks  on  one  side  of  his  face.  I  stopped  at  the  Ogal 
lala  village  from  that  time  on.  The  head  men  of  the 
Ogallala  village  were  Big  Koad,  Little  Hawk,  He  Dog 
and  Crazv  Horse,  but  the  latter  did  not  consider  him- 

./ 


118  GROUARD  MEETS  CRAZY  HORSE. 

self  the  chief.  He  generally  attended  the  council  or 
anything  of  that  sort.  The  Black  Twins  were  the  most 
prominent  Ogallalas.  They  were  actually  twins --were 
the  most  prominent  among  the  older  men  in  the  village. 
I  was  there  the  rest  of  the  time  until  1875,  close  on  to 
1876.  I  never  saw  Sitting  Bull  again  until  1875,  when 
I  went  to  him  from  Red  Cloud  to  try  to  induce  him  to 
make  a  treaty  with  the  whites  about  the  Black  Hills 
country.  I  had  not  left  the  Indians  at  that  time,  but 
had  made  up  my  mind  to  leave  them.  I  was  continually 
planning  some  scheme  to  get  away  after  I  had  found 
out  everything  I  Avanted  to  know,  and  I  was  studying  all 
spring  how  to  get  away  without  causing  any  trouble. 
I  was  with  the  Northern  Indians,  called  the  hostile  In 
dians,  and  they  never  went  into  the  agency,  but  the 
agency  Indians  would  come  to  us.  They  were  a  kind  of 
go-between.  All  our  ammunition  was  supplied  by  these 
go-betweens. 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 


TORTURING    THE    CAPTIVE,    AND    OTHER    STORIES. 

From  the  time  of  my,  capture  up  to  the  year  1872 
the  Indians  did  not  put  me  through  any  particularly  pain 
ful  ordeal.  During  the  early  part  of  that  year,  however, 
they  constantly  reminded  me  of  the  fact  that  I  had  never 
passed  through  any  torture  to  prove  my  courage  or  forti 
tude.  I  did  not  know  what  to  expect,  and  while  I 
dreaded  what  I  knew  was  inevitable,  I  found  myself  wish 
ing  they  would  make  the  test  and  free  my  mind  of  the 
suspense  I  suffered.  I  knew  very  well  they  would  invent 
some  means  of  making  this  test  as  excruciatingly  painful 
as  possible.  It  came  soon  enough.  One  day  the  whole 
village  congregated  around  the  sweat,  and  I  was  informed 
that  I  was  to  be  put  to  the  test.  We  were  camped  at 
that  time  on  the  Yellowstone,  where  Glendive,  Montana, 
now  stands.  All  the  chiefs  were  present,  and  the  cere 
monies  attending  the  sweat  were  gone  through  with.  I 
was  then  laid  on  my  back  upon  the  ground,  all  the  In 
dians  gathering  around  and  taking  positions  where  they 
could  watch  the  operations  about  to  be  performed.  Sit 
ting  Bull  sat  near  where  I  had  been  laid,  smoking  his 
pipe,  and  No  Neck,  Gall,  Four  Horns,  Little  Assiniboine 


120         TORTURING  THE  CAPTIVE,  AND  OTHER  STORIES. 

and  other  head  men  ware  close  to  hand,  anxious  to  see 
if  I  flinched  under  the  ordeal. 

I  had  no  idea  what  torment  and  suffering  I  would 
be  forced  to  undergo,  but  was  not  kept  long  in  doubt. 
I  made  up  my  mind,  however,  that,  if  it  were  possible, 
no  groans  should  escape  my  lips  during  the  period  of 
torture.  The  first  thing  done  was  to  select  four  braves 
to  operate  upon  me.  They  took  positions  upon  each  side 
of  my  body,  and,  with  needles,  raised  up  the  flesh  be 
tween  the  shoulder  and  elbow  on  each  arm  and  cut  out 
pieces  about  the  size  of  a  pea,  taking  four  hundred  and 
eighty  pieces  out  of  each  arm.  I  did  not  mind  it  much 
at  first;  the  cutting  out,  or  off,  of  thes^e  pieces  of  flesh 
causing  little  pain.  But  the  savages  took  the  flesh  off  in 
five  rows  on  each  arm,  and  before  they  had  finished  the 
job  I  was  suffering  the  agonies  of  the  damned.  The 
pain  became  so  intense  that  it  seemed  to  dart  in  streaks 
from  the  point  where  the  small  particles  of  flesh  were 
cut  oft  to  every  portion  of  my  body,  until  at  last  a 
stream  of  untold  agony  was  pouring  back  and  forth  from 
my  arms  to  my  heart.  I  managed  to  bear  the  pain, 
however,  without  a  murmur,  greatly  to  the  delight  of  Sit 
ting  Bull  and  his  faction. 

The  next  operation  consisted  of  pulling  out,  one  at 
a  time,  my  eyebrows,  eyelashes  and  the  hairs  on  my  upper 
lip.  After  this,  came  the  test  of  fire.  They  had  pre 
pared,  by  previous  burning,  several  little  cone-shaped  blocks 
of  peth  from  the  stalk  of  a  sunflower.  These  blocks 
were  about  half  an  inch  in  length,  and  very  much  resem 
bled  the  pieces  of  punk  the  small  boy  uses  on  the  fourth 


TORTURING  THE  CAPTIVE,  AND  OTHER  HTORIEK.       121 

of  July  with  which  to  light  his  firecracker.  I  know  they 
hold  lire  a  long  while,  at  any  rate.  Well,  they  placed 
four  of  these  blocks,  half  an  inch  apart,  on  my  right 
wrist,  and  ignited  them,  and  I  lay  there  while  the  cruel 
tire  burned  down  into  my  flesh,  without  giving  any  sign 
of  the  torture  I  was  undergoing.  When  the  fire  had 
burned  itself  out — when  the  little  blocks  had  been  con 
sumed —  I  was  raised  to  my  feet  and  shortly  afterward 
put  through  the  sweat,  the  Indians  being  satisfied  that  I 
was  i4good  medicine,"  and  would  pass  through  any  ordeal 
unflinchingly. 

Five  great  ridges  rose  on  my  arm,  and  for  a  couple 
of  months  I  could  not  bear  the  softest  kind  of  fur  to 
touch  the  half-raw  spots.  The  ceremonies  attending  my 
tortures  lasted  four  hours,  but  it  seemed  to  me  like  a  year. 
The  Indians  never  again  asked  me  to  undergo  further  tor 
ture.  Having  put  me  through  their  severest  ordeals,  they 
were  satisfied  I  could  not  be  forced  to  weaken. 


Late  one  fall  we  were  camped  near  Pilot  Butte,  on 
the  Missouri  river,  and  our  supply  of  food  was  very  low; 
so  low,  in  fact,  that  we  were  all  very  hungry.  The  slush 
ice  was  coming  down  the  river,  so  that  we  were  unable 
to  cross  the  stream  and  get  to  where  the  buffalo  fed,  and 
it  began  to  look  as  if  we  were  in  for  a  long  stretch  of 
starvation.  The  one  great  problem  among  the  Indians 
was  the  securing  of  food.  All  other  matters  were  of 
secondary  consideration.  One  morning  two  fine  buffaloes 
were  seen  to  come  down  on  the  north  side  of  the  river 
opposite  our  camp.  This  sight  was  too  much  for  us,  and 


122       TORTVRl\(i  THE  CAPTIVE.  A  XI)  OTHER  STORIES. 

myself  and  two  young  bucks  made  up  our  minds  that  we 
would  swim  across  the  river  and  get  the  animals.  We 
tied  our  ammunition  pouches  on  top  of  our  heads,  fas 
tened  our  guns  to  logs,  and  jumped  into  the  angry  stream, 
the  entire  village  watching  our  movements. 

We  pushed  the  logs  on  which  we  had  fastened  our 
guns  ahead  of  us  while  we  swam,  and  at  last  reached 
the  northern  bank  of  the  river.  The  current  was  very 
swift,  and  the  sharp  ice,  rushing  against  our  arms  and 
\breasts,  cut  great  gashes  in  our  flesh.  We  were  covered 
with  cuts  and  blood  when  we  crawled  out  of  the  water  ; 
but  we  managed  to  keep  our  guns  from  being  submerged, 
and  they  were  ready  for  use  as  soon  as  loaded.  We 
were  not  long  in  finding,  killing,  skinning  and  quartering 
the  buffaloes,  after  which  we  made  a  raft,  put  the  meat 
and  our  guns  upon  it,  and  once  more  trusted  our  lacera 
ted  bodies  to  the  mercies  of  the  ice-filled  stream,  arriving 
on  the  opposite  bank  after  a  terrible  struggle. 

The  Indians  were  very  thankful  for  the  meat,  and 
did  everything  in  their  power  to  alleviate  our  sufferings 
and  make  us  comfortable  ;  but  it  was  many  days  be 
fore  we  were  able  to  leave  our  tepis.  The  water  in 
the  river  was  as  cold  as  the  ice  which  floated  in  its 
current,  and  all  three  of  us  caught  terrible  colds  .;  but 
the  worst  thing  we  had  encountered  was  the  ice  itself, 
and  its  sharp,  knife-like  edges  cut  gashes  in  our  bodies 
that  were  weeks  in  healing.  It  was  a  buffalo  hunt 
under  difficulties,  and  the  Indians  never  tired  of  relat 
ing  the  story  to  their  friends  and  acquaintances  among 
the  other  tribes. 


V) 

<— . 

O 


o 

C> 

c. 
ft 

03 


TORTURING  THE  CAPTIVE.  AXD  OTHER  STORIES         12S 

During  a  trip  I  made  that  same  year  to  the  Big 
Wooded  mountains  in  the  British  possessions  in  com 
pany  with  five  Indians,  we  passed  through  the  greatest 
herds  of  buffaloes  I  ever  saw.  We  traveled  over  twelve 
hundred  miles,  and  the  country  for  four  hundred  miles 
of  the  distance  was  covered  with  thousands  upon  thous 
ands  of  these  animals.  On  this  same  trip  I  witnessed 
a  big  prairie  fire  and  saw  a  stampede  of  wild  horses. 
It  was  one  of  the  most  awe-inspiring  sights  I  ever  be 
held,  and  it  was  a  long  time  before  the  vividness  of 
it  died  out  of  my  mind.  When  we  left  the  Indian 
village  to  take  this  trip  our  intention  was  to  visit  the 
country  of  the  Blackfeet  and  run  off  a  big  band  of 
their  horses,  but  we  became  entangled  in  the  swamps 
and  were  compelled  to  return. 


CHAPTER   XIX. 


IN    A    RATTLESNAKE    DEN. 

During  the  year  1873  I  did  a  great  deal  of  hunting 
and  running  around.  Early  in  the  fall  of  that  year  our 
village  was  located  between  Beaver  creek  and  the  Yellow 
stone,  and  one  day  I  had  been  out  on  a  hunt  and  went 
up  a  divide  over  a  game  trail,  and  thought  I  would  lie 
down  and  rest  until  the  animals  came  down  to  water. 
A  short  distance  from  where  I  spread  my  blanket  there 
was  an  immense  ledge  of  rocks,  rising  some  two  or  three 
hundred  feet  from  the  bottom  of  a  deep  gulch.  I  threw 
myself  down  on  my  blankets,  and,  being  very  tired,  soon 
fell  asleep.  I  don't  know  how  long  I  had  been  asleep 
when  I  was  aroused  to  partial  consciousness  by  what  I 
imagined  was  the  whistling  of  the  wind.  I  imagined 
that  a  big  windstorm  was  in  progress,  and  although  I 


/.V  A  RATTLESNAKE  DE\.  125 

had  nothing  on  but  a  gee-string,  I  was  not  conscious  of 
any  cold  air  blowing  on  my  body,  and  soon  fell  asleep 
again.  A  second  time  I  was  partially  awakened  by  this 
same  sound.  I  remember  that  I  pulled  the  end  of  the 
blanket  over  me  and  fell  back  into  sleep.  You  see  I 
had  not  opened  my  eyes  at  all,  as  I  was  not  fully 
awake  on  either  occasion  when  I  thought  I  heard  this 
wind  blowing.  But  the  third  time  that  the  noise  aroused 
me  I  awoke  with  a  terrible  start,  and,  opening  my  eyes, 
glanced  hastily  around.  I  was  completely  surrounded  by 
rattlesnakes,  and,  to  my  startled  vision,  there  seemed  to 
be  fully  a  million  of  them.  Some  of  them  were  nearly 
close  enough  to  strike  me,  and  all  of  them  were  coiled 
up  as  if  ready  to  make  an  attack.  To  this  day  I  do 
not  know  how  I  got  out  of  that  nest  of  writhing,  rat 
tling  reptiles.  I  must,  have  made  jumps  that  would 
have  put  long  distance  champions  to  the  blush.  I  do 
not  think  I  ever  was  worse  frightened  in  all  my  life. 
If  I  had  not  been  awakened  the  snakes  would  undoubt 
edly  have  attacked  rne.  As  it  was,  I  considered  I  had 
made  a  pretty  lucky  escape,  and  I  waited  around  for 
about  an  hour,  until  the  snakes  disappeared,  before  I 
went  back  on  the  divide  to  get  my  blanket  arid  gun. 
When  I  returned  to  the  village  I  told  some  of  the 
Indians  about  my  adventure,  and  described  the  place  where 
it  had  occurred,  and  they  informed  me  that  in  the  high 
ledge  of  rocks  was  a  famous  rattlesnake  den,  and  that 
thousands  of  the  reptiles  were  secreted  there.  Quite  a 
party  of  us  visited  the  place  afterwards  and  examined 
the  ledge.  I  don't  know  how  many  snakes  we  killed, 


126  IN  A  RATTLESNAKE  DEN. 

but  the  more  we  dispatched  the  more  seemed  to  come 
out  from  between  the  crevices  in  the  rocks,  and  as  we 
did  not  care  to  waste  all  our  ammunition  on  such  game, 
we  left  the  snakes  in  possession  of  their  stronghold  and 
returned  to  camp.  I  dreamed  of  rattlesnakes  for  three 
months  afterwards,  and  never  run  across  one  of  that 
specie  but  what  I  think  of  the  time  when  I  lay  upon 
the  divide  surrounded  by  enough  of  them  to  start  a  full- 
Hedged  rattlesnake  farm. 


CHAPTER  XX. 


INDIAN    CHARACTERISTICS    AND    CUSTOMS. 

In  his  natural  state  the  Indian  was  probably  the  most 
independent  being  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  His  wants 
were  few  and  easily  satisfied.  From  his  standpoint,  the 
influences  of  civilization  were  detrimental  and  demoraliz 
ing.  He  recognized  no  temporal  power  superior  to  his 
own  will,  and  breathed  an  air  of  freedom  no  other  race 
on  earth  enjoyed.  There  was  no  landlord  to  torment  him  ; 
no  interest-hunting  money  shark  to  demand  a  pound  of 
flesh  or  his  soul.  He  measured  the  length  of  the  day  by 
the  sun,  the  night  by  the  moon.  So  many  nights  were 
so  many  sleeps ;  the  months  and  years  were  moons  and 
snows.  Yesterday  and  today  were  time  ;  tomorrow,  eter 
nity.  He  was  the  uncrowned  monarch  of  the  western 
hemisphere.  He  feasted  when  it  pleased  him,  and  fasted 
according  to  the  traditions  of  his  race.  Bound  in  by  no 
saucy  doubts  and  fears,  he  paid  no  heed  to  the  flight  of 
time,  and  welcomed  dissolution  as  the  key  to  eternal  hap 
piness  in  the  Hunting  Grounds  of  the  Great  Spirit.  He 
had  no  cares  beyond  the  satisfying  of  his  daily  wants. 

He  knew  that  somewhere,  and  at  some  time,  in  the 
dim  past,  his  people  dwelt  together  in  one  mighty  family  ; 


128  INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS. 

but  there  had  been  a  confusion  of  tongues — a  great  up 
heaval  of  some  kind  that  had  divided  the  nations  into 
seven  tribes.  Tradition  taught  him  of  the  future  less 
than  the  past — both  were  obscured.  Experience  was  his 
school.  He  had  genius,  because  he  was  inventive  ;  rever 
ence,  because  lie  worshiped  a  power  superior  to  his  own  ; 
affection,  because  he  loved  ;  passion,  because  he  was  re 
vengeful.  He  lived  bv  the  code  of  his  nation,  and  within 

O  t> 

that  code  there  was  no  crime.  He  might  disobey  a  rule 
or  break  a  law,  but  lie  could  not  commit  crime,  because 
crime  was  unknown  to  the  council.  He  worshiped  God 
in  his  dances,  in  his  games,  in  his  hunts,  in  his  sweats, 
in  his  feasts  and  in  his  wars.  He  never  lit  the  pipe  or 
bent  the  bow  or  sacrificed  the  victim  but  he  did  so  in 
accordance  with  religious  tradition.  He  lived,  he  loved, 
he  hated,  and,  with  hope  of  immortality,  he  died.  Who 
shall  say  that  he  did  not  fulfill  the  purposes  for  which 
an  all-wise  Creator  fashioned  him --gave  to  his  savage 
soul  the  self-same  spark  of  Divinity  which  He  bestows 
on  all  mankind  !  There  are  problems  of  earth,  and 
problems  of  heaven.  The  savage  is  the  problem  of 
Deity. 

The  sweat  is  one  of  the  greatest  institutions  known 
to  the  Indian.  It  is  always  built  by  the  side  of  a 
stream,  and  generally  near  a  deep  hole  capable  of  per 
mitting  the  submerging  of  the  body.  The  sweat  is  very 
simple  in  construction.  A  wickiup  (or  hutj  made  from 
willows  stuck  in  the  ground  and  bent  over  in  circular 
form  and  fastened  at  the  top,  is  first  put  together.  In 
the  center  of  this  a  shallow  place  is  scooped  out  of  the 


INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS.  129 

ground.  A  fire  is  built  on  the  outside  of  the  sweat, 
and  in  it  a  number  of  large  cobble  stones  are  thoroughly 
heated,  and  are  then  rolled  into  the  hut  and  put  into 
the  receptacle  in  the  centre.  Next  the  hut  is  covered 
with  robes  and  blankets  and  made  as  perfectly  air-tight 
as  possible.  Buckets  of  water  are  carried  inside,  blank 
ets  are  drawn  tight  and  the  bather  proceeds  to  pour  the 
liquid  on  the  hot  stones.  The  result  can  be  imagined. 
No  Russian  bath  in  the  world  can  approach  the  Indian 
sweat.  When  the  bather  has  steamed  himself  to  his 
heart's  content,  he  pulls  aside  the  blankets,  runs  naked 
to*  the  creek  and  jumps  into  the  cool  water  —  the 
"  plunge "  of  the  white  man. 

The  Indians  lay  great  store  by  this  bath,  and  very 
correctly,  too.  Whenever  sickness  overtakes  them  they 
repair  to  the  bath.  It  is  the  best  of  all  nature's  known 
remedies  for  rheumatism.  Nobody  ever  saw  a  wild  In 
dian  afflicted  with  the  gout,  sciatica  or  rheumatism  —  the 
bath  is  as  much  a  preventive  as  a  cure.  Before  dancing, 
feasting,  going  upon  the  warpath  or  chase,  in  fact,  be 
fore  any  and  all  ceremonials,  the  Indian  takes  the  sweat. 
It  is  a  part  of  his  religious  worship,  and  he  prays  and 
sweats  at  one  and  the  same  time.  The  Indian  has  three 
methods  of  treating  disease  —  incantation,  herb  teas  and 
poultices  and  the  sweat,  the  latter  taking  precedence  in 
nearly  all  cases.  His  knowledge  of  the  medicinal  prop 
erties  of  herbs  is  simply  marvelous,  and  great  prices  are 
charged  and  paid  (in  horses)  for  certain  curative  leaves 
by  the  friends  of  sick  savages.  Nearly  every  Indian 
knows  of  some  particular  herb  whose  use  is  efficacious 


130  INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS. 

in  some  particular  case,  but  here  his  knowledge  generally 
ends.  It  sometimes  happens  (as  it  did  once  among  the 
Sioux  when  Grouard  was  with  them)  that  smallpox  or 
cholera  attacks  some  member  of  the  tribe  and  spreads 
with  alarming  rapidity  and  disastrous  results  before  the 
right  herb  can  be  secured  to  cure  the  patient  and  check 
the  epidemic.  In  such  times,  any  price  demanded  by 
the  medicine  men  is  freely  given  for  the  needed  specific. 
In  cases  of  burns,  snake  bites  and  other  wounds,  the 
savages  have  roots  and  grasses  they  apply  at  once,  gen 
erally  chewing  the  grass  or  weed  before  applying  it,  and 
oftentimes  using  nothing  but  the  juice  of  the  herb  spat 
from  the  mouth  upon  the  wound.  Their  mode  of  ex 
tracting  bullets  from  the  body  or  limbs  is  by  massage 
treatment,  in  which  they  are  eminently  successful.  They 
never  use  a  probe,  and  never  amputate  a  limb.  Grouard 
says  he  never  saAv  a  one-legged  or  one-armed  Indian 
during  the  w^hole  time  of  his  captivity. 

It  is  but  fair  to  state  that  no  city  in  the  world  is 
more  completely  under  the  control  of  its  chosen  officers 
than  were  the  villages  of  the  Sioux  tribes.  In  the  first 
place  there  was  a  Supreme  Council,  composed  of  the 
hereditary  chiefs  of  the  nation.  Their  places  were  va 
cated  by  death  only,  and  filled  by  succession  alone. 
Upon  all  matters  touching  the  good  of  the  tribe  or  vil 
lage,  the  decision  of  this  body  was  final  and  binding. 
This  was  called  the  Circle  of  Silence,  and  its  fires  were 
lit  and  burned  in  secret.  None  but  the  elect  were  ever 
permitted  to  enter  its  presence,  and  in  the  entire  Sioux 
nation  its  membership  did  not  number  above  one  hun- 


INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS.  131 

dred.  This  Circle  represented  the  Masonry  of  the  abori 
gine.  It  had  its  signs,  its  grips,  its  passwords  and  its 
unwritten  law,  and  its  influence  was  far-reaching  and  ab 
solute. 

The  assertion  has  often  been  made,  and  never  denied, 
that  Masonic  rites  are  practiced  by  the  savages  of  every 
clime,  and  there  is  no  good  reason  why  this  should  not 
be  so.  Certain  it  is  that  the  Circle  of  Silence  was  the 
one  and  only  exclusive  society  known  among  the  Sioux, 
notwithstanding  the  fact  that  several  other  secret  socie 
ties  flourished  in  the  Sioux  nation  for  over  eight  hundred 
years.  These  latter  societies  were  three  in  number,  and 
were  known  as  the  Strong  Hearts,  Badgers  and  Dog 
Soldiers.  The  duties  of  these  latter  societies,  so  far  as 
their  relation  to  the  village  was  concerned,  was  to  carry 
out  any  and  all  orders  promulgated  by  the  Supreme 
Council.  Whenever  the  village  was  moved,  a  majority  of 
those  representing  the  Circle  of  Silence  took  precedence 
in  the  march,  while  the  Brave  Hearts  and  Badgers 
flanked  the  moving  village,  and  the  Dog  Soldiers  brought 
up  the  rear.  In  all  the  Indian  ceremonials  this  order 
of  priority  and  honor  was  observed.  The  buffalo  hunt, 
preparations  for  which  were  attended  by  every  traditional 
ceremony,  invariably  demanded  the  recognition  of  the 
rights  of  the  societies. 

Serious  results  followed  the  disobedience  of  the  su 
preme  council's  propagandas.  When  it  was  suspected 
that  an  enemy  was  in  close  proximity  to  the  village,  an 
order  would  be  issued  by  the  council  that  no  gun  should 
be  fired  unless  at  the  foe.  This  order  was  issued  to  the 


132  INDIAN  CHABACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS. 

Strong  Hearts,  who  thereby  became  responsible  to  the 
council  for  its  proper  observance.  The  Strong  Hearts  in 
turn  issued  its  orders  to  the  Badgers  that  the  village  be 
warned  of  the  danger.  The  Badgers  then  became  respon 
sible  to  the  Strong  Hearts  for  the  faithful  performance 
of  the  duty  entrusted  to  it.  The  Badgers  thereupon 
notified  the  Dog  Soldiers  of  the  decree,  and  the  latter 
immediately,  sent  out  its  trusted  "criers"  to  carry  out 
the  order.  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  order  of  the 
Council  passed  successively  through  three  responsible  or 
ganizations  before  it  found  its  way  to  the  people  of  the 
village,  and  each  society  was  directly  responsible  to  the 
one  next  higher  in  authority  for  the  proper  discharge  of 
its  duty.  Governmental  "  red  tape"  could  not  be  more 
exacting  than  this.  Time  was  sacrificed  to  certainty. 
Should  the  order  of  the  Circle  of  Silence  not  to  fire  a 
gun  be  disobeyed,  the  Dog  Soldiers,  who  were  the  active 
agents  of  the  Council,  would  seize  the  offender's  gun  and 
destroy  it.  If  the  order  were  for  no  brave  to  leave  the 
village,  and  one  stole  out,  he  would  be  followed  till  cap 
tured,  when  his  horses  would  be  killed  and  his  blankets 
cut  up.  For  graver  offenses,  the  culprit's  lodge  would 
be  destroyed  and  sometimes  his  life  taken.  But  it  was 
seldom  that  any  damage  was  done  to  the  property  of  a 
brave  that  was  not  at  once  repaired.  In  case  of  death 
through  carrying  out  an  order  of  the  Council,  the  dead 
brave's  family  were  generally  made  wards  of  the  nation. 
Grouard  states  positively  that  members  of  the  Circle 
of  Silence  could  gain  admission  in  safety  to  hostile 
camps  at  times  when  it  was  worth  a  man's  life  to  go 


INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS.  133 

within  shooting  dis!ance  of  the  enemy's  village.  No 
matter  if  an  hereditary  chief  were  eligible  to  member 
ship  in  the  Circle,  he  -could  not  gain  admittance  to  it 
until  he  attained  his  thirtieth  year.  Visiting  members 
were  always  received  in  a  brotherly  manner,  and  feted 
and  otherwise  royally  entertained  while  they  remained. 

There  is  still  another  feature  of  village  government 
worthy  of  attention.  The  inhabitants  of  the  village  were 
divided  into  clans,  and  these  were  in  turn  ruled  by  one 
or  more  chiefs.  These  clans  comprised  the  relatives 

and    adherents  of   certain    chiefs,  who  shared  all    his  mis- 

i 

fortunes  and  conquests.  In  the  Sioux  village,  when 
Grouard  was  still  in  captivity,  these  clans  were  two  in 
number,  being  the  Big  Bellies,  under  immediate  control 
of  Big  Nose,  and  the  Sitting  Bull,  with  Four  Horns  and 
Black  Kettle  as  governors.  The  leaders  of  the  different 
clans  were  always  members  of  the  Circle  of  Silence,  so 
there  was  no  danger  of  a  clash  of  authority,  besides 
which  the  scope  of  these  leaders'  authority  extended  only 
to  the  actual  family  life  of  its  members. 

This  order  of  things  has  always  been  coexistent 
with  the  Sioux  tribal  relation,  and  it  may  be  the  key  to 
solve  the  problem  of  Indian  discontent  and  misunder 
standing  of  government  control  of  the  red  me  B  at  the 
various  agencies.  We  have  too  long  viewed  the  Indian 
as  being  devoid  of  understanding  and  incapable  of  ad 
vancement.  We  have  not  paused  to  consider  that  the 
great  lessons  of  civilization  must  be  learned  by  the  sav 
age  through  the  forgetting  of  those  traditions  which  are 
a  part  of  his  natural  self.  In  fact,  he  must  first  unlearn 


134  INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS. 

all  he  has  acquired  from  savagery  before  he  can  be 
taught  to  appreciate  (if  he  ever  can)  the  manifold  bless 
ings  and  advantages  of  our  riper  civilization.  There  are 
two  sides  to  the  question:  We  consider  only  what  civil 
ization  gains  through  the  Indian's  conversion;  he  realizes 
rnerety  what  he  loses  in  his  transformation. 

The  male  aborigine  is  not  so  averse  to  clothing  but 
what  he  will  wear  it ;  but  it  must  be  on  state  occasions 
and  for  ornament'  only.  From  his  infancy  he  is  ac 
customed  to  seeing  the  bucks  about  the  camp  in  a  con 
dition  bordering  onto  nudity  and  appearing  at  social 
gatherings  and  during  religious  festivals  in  the  same 
condition.  Nobody  seems  to  know  where  the  savage 
caught  his  first  idea  of  a  breech-clout,  or  as  it  is 
more  commonly  known,  "gee-string."  At  best,  it  is  but 
a  slight  improvement  on  the  fig-leaf  covering  used  by  the 
man  and  woman  who  are  said  to  have  partaken  of  the 
forbidden  fruit  in  the  Garden  of  Eden  ;  but  inasmuch 
as  it  is  satisfactory  to  the  savage  idea  of  a  full-dress 
suit,  and  is  custom  more  honored  in  the  "  breech "  than 
the  observance,  the  white  man  has  no  particular  occa 
sion  to  inquire  too  pertinently  into  its  origin.  It  must 
not  be  inferred  from  this  that  the  Indian  has  no 
love  for  dress,  but  he  dresses  more  from  a  desire  to 
ornament  himself  than  to  hide  his  nakedness.  He  con 
siders  the  paint  on  his  face,  body  and  limbs  just  as 
essential  to  his  proper  appearance  as  the  white  man  does 
his  collar  and  cuffs  and  patent  leather  shoes. 

The  savage  never  seems  so  happy  as  when  togged 
out  in  a  costume  composed  of  odds  and  ends  and  com- 


AN  INDIAN  COURIER 


INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS.  135 

prising  a  heterogeneous  mixture  of  colors.  He  appears 
at  some  great  society  gathering  of  the  tribe  or  par 
ticipates  in  one  of  the  dances  arrayed  like  Solomon  in  all 
his  glory.  He  gtruts  about  like  a  peacock  —  the  observed 
of  all  observers — and  is  immensely  proud  of  the  attention 
he  attracts.  He  would  never  think  of  going  on  the  war 
path  with  his  best  suit  of  clothes  on,  but  lays  it  care 
fully  in  his  lodge  for  use  at  his  funeral  if  his  medi 
cine  proves  to  be  bad  or  if  he  falls  beneath  the  toma 
hawk  or  is  killed  by  the  arrow  or  bullet  of  his  enemy. 
At  all  times,  summer  and  winter,  the  Indian  believes 
in  giving  protection  to  his  feet,  and  he  is  never  found 
barefooted.  In  the  winter  season  a  buffalo  robe  or  a 
heavy  blanket  forms  sufficient  body  covering  to  exclude 
the  winter's  blasts. 

He  can  not  be  induced  to  wear  a  hat  or  cap,  and, 
unless  he  desires  to  hide  his  identity  or  conceal  his  face, 
his  head  knows  no  other  covering  than  the  one  which 
nature  provided — his  hair — which,  though  course,  is  gener 
ally  abundant  and  of  luxuriant  length.  The  Indian  takes 
great  pride  in  his  hair,  and  spends  no  little  time  in  plait 
ing  it  into  braids  and  ornamenting  it  with  shells  and  fancy- 
colored  pieces  of  ribbon  or  cloth,  and  such  other  gewgaws 
as  may  please  him.  He  is  always  fantastic  in  ornamen 
tation,  and  dresses  his  hair  with  particular  care  for  the 
council,  the  dance,  the  feast  and  the  war-path. 

The  children  are  considered  dressed  when  their  hair 
is  plaited,  and  they  run  about  the  camp  at  will  with  no 
other  garments  than  "their  happy  looks."  In  their  play 
they  mingle  with  each  other  as  do  the  children  of  the 


136  INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS. 

whites,  intercourse  between  them  being  unrestricted  until 
arriving  at  an  age  when  precaution  is  made  necessary, 
even  among  the  savages.  The  women,  as  a  rule,  wear 
covering  for  their  bodies,  and  some  of  their  dresses  are 
said  by  many  aesthetic  people  to  be  "dreams."  They 
are  as  vain  in  this  regard  as  many  of  their  white  sisters. 
A  favorite  garment  among  the  squaws  is  a  waist,  made  of 
any  material,  but  generally  tanned  buckskin,  ornamented 
with  the  teeth  of  the  elk,  and  the  author  has  seen  waists 
of  this  description  having  as  many  as  three  hundred  and 
fifty  elk  teeth  fastened  upon  it.  They  wear  moccasins 
richly  embroidered  and  elegantly  worked,  and  wear  skirts 
made  from  skins  or  blankets,  which  fall  below  the  knee. 
Like  the  lords  of  their  lives  and  liberty,  they  have  no 
regulation  head-gear  except  the  end  of  a  blanket.  As 
they  are  totally  unprotected  from  assault,  or  at  least  were 
while  enjoying  tribal  relation,  they  had  a  custom  of 
u roping"  their  bodies,  but  not  to  such  an  extent  as 
would  interfere  with  free  locomotion.  On  all  occasions 
of  festivity  or  solemn  deliberation,  the  bucks  adorn  their 
bodies  and  cover  their  heads  with  the  most  fantastic  gar 
ments  and  bonnets  imaginable,  many  of  their  war  bonnets 
being  both  artistic  and  beautiful. 

Thieving  among  the  Indians  is  reduced  to  a  science, 
and  in  recounting  his  coups  it  is  a  proud  boast  of  the 
warrior  that  he  has  stolen  horses  and  women  and  chil- 
'dren  from  his  enemy.  With  them  theft  is  one  of  the 
highest  accomplishments ;  yet,  strange  as  it  may  seem, 
thieving  is  almost  unknown  among  men  and  women 
belonging  to  the  same  tribe.  In  fact,  Indians  belong- 


INDIAN  CHAEACTEBISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS.  137 

ing  to  the  same  tribe  seldom  if  ever  steal  from  each 
other.  Cases  of  this  kind  do  happen  occasionally,  but 
the  consequences  are  very  serious,  and  summary  punish 
ment  is  visited  upon  the  thief.  If  a  buck  steals  from 
his  neighbor  the  stolen  property  is  taken  from  him 
and  returned  to  its  rightful  owner,  and  the  thief,  after 
suffering  all  the  indignities  that  can  be  heaped  upon 
him,  is,  with  his  wife  and  children,  cast  out  of  the  vil 
lage  and  never  permitted  to  return.  His  horses  and 
dogs  are  killed,  his  tepi  and  blankets  cut  up,  his  cook 
ing  utensils  destroyed  and  he  is  literally  thrust  out  of  the 
camp  to  find  shelter  where  he  can.  Cases  have  oc 
curred  where  the  buck's  life  has  been  taken,  but  these 
are  not  plentiful.  In  case  the  thief  is  a  squaw,  she  is 
soundly  whipped  and  turned  out  of  the  camp,  but  her 
husband  and  children  are  left  in  possession  of  all  the 
property  which  rightfully  belongs  to  them.  While,  there 
fore,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  Indian  may  steal  the 
goods  and  chattels  of  his  enemy  and  be  applauded  for 
the  act,  the  theft  of  ever  so  small  an  article  from  a 
neighbor  will  call  down  upon  his  head  the  displeasure 
of  his  people  and  the  direst  punishment. 

The  religion  of  the  aborigine  is  very  peculiar.  In 
the  first  place  he  believes  in  one  Controlling  Force, 
which  he  denominates  the  Great  Spirit.  He  does  not 
try  to  reason  out  the  power  of  this  spirit,  but  he  places 
it  above  and  beyond  all  other  spirits.  He  believes  in 
a  Good  Spirit  and  also  in  a  Bad  Spirit,  but  does  not 
think  they  have  any  connection  with  each  other.  He 
recognizes  the  heavens  as  his  father,  the  earth  as  mother. 


138  INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS. 

If  anything  goes  wrong  with  his  plans,  or  if  any 
thing  happens  to  thwart  the  accomplishment  of  his  pur 
poses,  he  attributes  it  to  the  Bad  Spirit,  and  attempts 
in  every  possible  way  to  propitiate  it,  oftentimes  dedicat 
ing  one  or  more  ponies  to  it.  And  as  this  act  is  made 
known  to  other  members  of  the  tribe,  these  ponies  are 
forever  after  held  sacred  to  the  Bad  Spirit,  and  no 
other  Indian,  no  matter  how  much  he  might  feel  in 
clined  to  possess  the  animals,  would  dare  touch  them 
for  fear  of  bringing  down  upon  himself  the  displeasure 
of  the  Bad  Spirit.  All  his  success  he  attributes  to  the 
Good  Spirit.  In  his  prayers  he  appeals  to  the  spirit 
of  whatever  he  chooses,  be  the  object  animate  or  in 
animate.  Each  individual  is  left  to  his  own  choice 
of  gods,  and  while  the  Indians  can  not  be  called  idol- 
ators,  they  believe  that  the  spirit  of  an  ant  has  as 
much  power  to  grant  their  requests  as  the  spirit  of 
anything  else.  In  this  way  they  worship  anything  and 
everything  they  see. 

The  Indian's  idea  of  the  future  state  is,  to  the  av 
erage  mind,  a  very  confusing  one.  He  believes  implic 
itly  in  the  existence  of  the  Happy  Hunting  Grounds, 
but  he  does  not  seem  to  have  any  idea  of  any  set 
order  of  things  there.  He  believes  that  the  souls  of 
those  who  enter  that  place  appear  there  as  they  ap 
peared  here ;  that  the  young  never  grow  old,  that  the 
aged  never  grow  young.  And  yet,  all  are  happy.  He 
does  not  try  to  reason  out  how  the  decrepit  man  or 
woman,  bent  with^  age  and  suffering  with  disease,  can 
be  happy  at  any  time  or  in  any  place.  Tradition  has 


INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS.  139 

taught  him  that  they  are  happy,  and  this  is  enough 
to  satisfy  him  of  its  truth.  He  has  a  confused  idea  of 
a  trip  from  his  earthly  home  to  the  Happy  Hunting 
Grounds,  but  does  not  seem  to  care  to  know  how  long 
the  trip  lasts,  or  whether  he  goes  on  horseback  or  on 
foot.  He  merely  believes  that  when  the  breath  leaves 
his  body  his  soul  at  once  starts  for  the  Indian  heaven 
and  arrives  there  in  some  manner  and  at  some  time. 
Pie  has  been  appealed  to  by  several  Christian  denomi 
nations  to  throw  aside  this  "unsatisfactory  belief"  for 
the  more  substantial  doctrines  of  a  higher  faith,  and  in 
some  instances  has  accepted  the  religion  of  the  white 
man  ;  but  in  nearly  all  cases,  when  sickness  or  mis 
fortune  comes  upon  him  and  he  would  seek  consola 
tion  from  a  higher  power  than  man's,  he  forsakes  his 
new  faith  for  the  old.  His  reliance  upon  the  Great 
Spirit  of  his  fathers  is  thus  shown  to  be  perfect.  So, 
as  we  have  remarked  elsewhere,  civilization  may  have 
done  something  for  the  redman,  but,  in  the  light  of  all 
the  facts,  not  much. 

From  his  earliest  years  the  Indian  is  taught  that  his 
success  rests  upon  the  kind  of  medicine  he  make?.  Each 
individual,  in  making  medicine,  adds  some  ingredient  that 
forever  remains  a  secret  between  himself  and  his  gods. 
This  secret  ingredient  he  carries  in  a  little  buckskin  bag 
attached  to  his  person,  generally  by  a  string  about  the 
neck,  and,  at  his  death,  ingredient  and  bag  are  buried 
with  him,  nobody  attempting  to  discover  the  dead  man's 
secret.  When  he  desires  to  discover  his  secret  ingredient 
and  make  medicine,  he  goes  to  some  lofty  peak  or  lonely 


140  INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS. 

spot,  and  generally  remains  there  from  three  to  six  days, 
tasting  neither  food  nor  drink.  He  repeats  his  prayers 
to  the  Good  Spirit  until  he  has  worked  himself  into  a 
delirium  or  falls  asleep  from  sheer  exhaustion.  In  his 
dreams  the  ingredient  which  shall  forever  remain  his,  is 
revealed  to  him.  He  then  returns  to  his  village,  mixes 
his  medicine  and  tries  its  efficacy.  If  the  result  is  good, 
he  is  satisfied  that  his  plans  have  not  been  interfered  with 
by  the  Bad  Spirit,  and  is  contented.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  his  plans  miscarry  and  disaster  overtakes  him,  he  is 
fully  persuaded  that  the  Bad  Spirit  had  a  hand  in  mak 
ing  his  medicine,  and  he  forthwith  proceeds  to  work  him 
self  into  the  good  graces  of  the  Good  Spirit,  has  another 
dream,  procures  another  ingredient,  mixes  his  medicine, 
and  so  on  ad  libitum. 

The  Indian  is  taught  early  in  life  that  he  must  never 
allow  himself  to  be  surprised  at  anything,  as  to  be  sur 
prised  is  to  be  stampeded.  Therefore  if  an  Indian  is 
actually  surprised  and  thereby  suffers  defeat,  he  is  cute 
enough  to  attribute  it  to  some  other  cause  foreign  to  the 
actual  cause  ;  otherwise  he  would  lose  caste  with  his  peo 
ple  and  be  considered  no  better  than  a  squaw. 

The  Indians  were  lavish  in  their  love  for  their  little 
children.  Especially  was  this  the  case  with  the  fathers. 
Wives  were  esteemed  by  their  husbands  in  proportion  to 
the  number  of  children  they  bore  them.  The  Indian 
father's  greatest  pride  was  in  his  sons.  He  was  invari 
ably  kind  to  all  his  children.  He  allowed  the  mother 
full  and  absolute  control  over  the  girls  until  they  arrived 
at  a  marriageable  age,  when  custom  gave  him  super- 


THREE  YOUNG  SIOUX  BRAVES. 


INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS.  141 

vision.  And  as  the  girls  were  "marketable,"  the  buck 
grew  in  wealth  according  to  the  esteem  in  which  his 
daughter's  suitors  held  her.  It  resolved  itself  into  a 
matter  of  barter  and  trade  ;  a  sale  outright  wherein  the 
daughter  had  no  voice. 

So  much  were  little  children  thought  of  by  the  In 
dians,  however,  that  the  waif  and  foundling  were  un 
known  among  them.  In  their  tender  age  they  probably 
received  as  much  care  as  do  the  children  of  the  whites, 
and  very  early  in  life  entered  into  serious  occupations. 
The  boys  were  taught  to  handle  bow  and  arrow  as  soon 
as  "  they  were  big  enough  to  walk.  Some  of  the  girls 
were  adepts  at  fancy  bead  work.  In  their  fifth  or  sixth 
year  they  began  an  apprenticeship  to  a  life  of  drudgery 
and  were  never  freed  from  its  fetters.  They  were  slaves 
to  time-honored  custom,  however,  and  it  is  not  to  be 
presumed  that  they  were  unhappy  with  their  lots.  Mar 
riage  divorced  them  from  the  rigid  rule  of  parents,  and 
if  they  were  not  satisfied  with  their  life  partners  they 
very  easily  induced  some  kind-hearted  brave  to  elope 
with  them. 

Boys  were  never  punished  by  the  mother  and  sel 
dom  by  the  father.  They  had  pretty  much  their  own 
way  in  everything  and  ruled  the  lodge  with  an  iron 
hand.  As  soon  as  they  arrived  at  an  age  that  fitted 
them  for  the  war-path,  they  stole  horses  enough  to  pur 
chase  them  a  wife  or  in  some  other  way  managed  to  set 
up  establishments  of  their  own.  Some  of  the  most 
atrocious  outrages  ever  committed  on  the  frontier  were 
perpstrated  by  the  fledgling  warriors,  anxious  to  rece've 


142  INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS. 

instant  recognition  for  their  bravery  and  daring  at  the 
hands  of  the  council. 

Indian  boys  were  given  what  are  called  their  family 
names  by  their  fathers,  but  as  the  child  grew  to  man 
hood  he  was  permitted  to  re-name  himself,  if  some  mem 
ber  of  the  tribe  had  not  given  him  a  nickname  that  was 
distinctive  and  characteristic  enough  to  stick  to  him. 
Thus  the  overcoming  of  a  foe  by  a  young  brave,  or  the 
killing  of  some  wild  animal,  or  some  other  circumstance, 
might  suggest  a  name  which  the  young  man  adopted 
or  was  given,  and  which  was  liable  to  cling  to  him 
throughout  his  life,  regardless  of  his  family  name.  In 
dians  often  joined  colors  to  the  names  of  birds  or  ani 
mals  and  in  this  manner  caught  a  combination  that  was 
striking  and  fitting.  The  mothers  named  the  girls,  and 
it  must  be  admitted  that  they  usually  showed  better 
judgment  and  taste  in  this  regard  than  the  fathers. 

When  the  young  buck  has  attained  the  age  of  ten 
or  twelve,  he  turns  his  attention  to  the  accomplishment  of 
some  feat  that  will  rebound  to  his  glory  and  give  him  a 
place  among  the  braves  and  warriors.  The  stealing  of  a 
horse  from  an  enemy  is  a  great  victory  ;  the  touching  of 
an  enemy's  body  with  a  coup  stick  reflects  'honor  upon 
the  victor,  and  the  taking  of  a  scalp  brings  to  the  bi\ive 
the  unstinted  approbation  of  the  entire  tribe.  The  Indian 
believes  that  no  soul  can  enter  the  Happy  Hunting 
Grounds  if  the  body  has  been  mutilated,  and  scalping  for 
ever  precludes  the  possibility  of  reaching  happiness  in  the 
next  world.  It  is  also  written  in  their  faith,  that  those 
whom  they  slay  here  will  become  their  slaves  in  the  here- 


INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS.         143 

after.  Therefore  they  often  refrain  from  scalping  or  oth 
erwise  mutilating  a  victim,  in  order  to  insure  his  safe 
entrance  to  the  Happy  Hunting  Grounds,  where  he  must 
forever  remain  the  slave  of  the  victor.  The  redmen  did 
not  believe  a  paleface  ever  reached  the  Indian  heaven. 

Chieftancy  among  the  wild  men  formerly  meant  noth 
ing  more  nor  less  than  absolutism.  The  head  chief  was 
not  chosen,  but  held  his  office  by  sublime  right.  The  son 
succeeded  the  father.  Nor  was  it  always  the  eldest  son, 
but  the  one  whom  the  father  chose  in  youth  for  qualities 
that  fitted  him  to  rule.  The  chief  was  a  law  unto  him 
self,'  and  his  right  to  dispense  or  withhold  favor  or  jus 
tice  was  never  questioned.  He,  like  the  other  members 
of  his  tribe,  took  unto  himself  as  many  wives  as  pleased 
his  fancy  or  he  wanted  to  support,  and  when  one  failed 
to  suit  him,  or  for  any  other  reason  became  incongenial, 
he  sold  or  disposed  of  her,  sometimes  killing  her.  He 
was  subject  to  but  one  power  or  influence — the  Circle  of 
Science,  or  Supreme  Council.  He  was  not  called  upon, 
because  of  his  chieftancy,  to  lead  in  battle,  unless  he  was, 
by  common  consent,  the  acknowledged  war  chief  of  the 
tribe.  Age,  bodily  infirmity  or  want  of  disposition  to 
enter  battle,  were  sufficient  reasons  for  his  remaining  in 
camp  during  the  progress  of  a  fight.  As  a  rule,  however, 
the  head  (or  hereditary)  chief  was  a  warrior,  who  scorned 
to  shirk  any  responsibility  or  danger,  and  led  his  braves 
in  all  actions  when  circumstances  permitted. 

The  war  chief  of  the  tribe,  where  the  functions  of 
that  office  were  not  monopolized  by  the  hereditary  chief, 
was  elected  by  the  tribe  or  appointed  by  the  council. 


144  INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS. 

He  was  generally  the  most  ferocious  warrior  in  the 
tribe  ;  one  in  whom  everybody  had  great  confidence. 
His  medicine  was  always  good  and  his  valor  unques 
tioned. 

The  "medicine  man"  or  chief  was  a  very  dignified 
individual,  and  held  in  great  awe  and  reverence.  Some 
times  he  secured  his  office  by  election,  sometimes  by 
appointment,  but  more  often  by  assumption.  When  by 
the  latter  method  he  was  compelled  to  be  ready  to  prove 
during  battle  the  efficacy  of  his  medicine,  and  waa 
thus  forced  to  rush  head-long  into  dangers  that  he 
might  otherwise  have  escaped.  He  was  high  priest  and 
doctor  at  the  same  time,  and  if  called  in  the  latter 
capacity  and  declared  against  the  chances  for  recovery 
of  the  patient,  the  sick  man's  friends  immediately  began 
preparations  for  the  funeral. 

The  sub-chiefs  owed  their  rise  from  the  ranks  to 
their  own  prowess  and  the  kindly  consideration  of  the 
council.  They  held  sway,  on-e  over  the  other,  by  the 
estimation  in  which  they  were  themselves  held.  While 
being  recognized  as  head  warriors  they  enjoyed  no  im 
munities  that  were  not  shared  by  every  other  male 
member  of  the  tribe. 

The  pipe  figured  in  each  and  every  Indian  cere 
monial.  When  lit  in  council  or  during  religious  rites, 
or  when  used  at  dances  or  feasts,  it  passed  from  left  to 
right,  and  never  from  right  to  left.  It  was  usual  for 
the  chief  or  warrior  lighting  the  pipe  to  offer  to  some, par 
ticular  spirit  the  first  draught  of  smoke,  and  the  stem 
of  the  pipe  was  then  held  toward  the  different  points  of 


INDIAN  CHAEACTEEISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS.  145 

the  compass,  the  sun,  moon,  stars,  or  any  object  to  which 
the  holder  of  the  pipe  desired  to  offer  homage.  This 
little  ceremony  was  never  omitted.  Before  passing  the 
pipe  to  the  neighbor  on  his  left,  each  Indian  inhaled 
as  much  smoke  as  his  lung  cavity  permitted,  and  the 
smoke  was  afterward  expelled  at  the  buck's  pleasure. 
Indians  invariably  inhale  the  smoke,  and  are  inordinately 
fond  of  tobacco.  They  used  different  pipes  at  the  dif 
ferent  ceremonials,  and  would  scorn  to  sanction  the  use 
of  the  council  pipe  in  any  other  place  or  on  any  other 
occasion. 

The  Indian  found  his  greatest  amusement  in  danc 
ing,  and  during  the  winter  months  the  village  was  a 
scene  of  constant  jollity  and  excitement.  The  fall  hunts 
being  over,  and  plenty  of  game  having  been  provided 
for  the  winter  season,  the  long  months  were  whiled  away 
in  terpsichorean  and  matrimonial  pleasures.  It  has  been 
said  that  the  Sioux  were  a  nation  of  dancers,  a  statement 
that  will  not  admit  of  a  doubt.  They  had  .  no  less  than 
half  a  dozen  different  kinds  of  dances,  none  of  which 
partook  of  the  religious  character  of  the  sun  dance.  In 
these  amusements  the  squaws  were  permitted  to  take 
part.  No  dance  was  complete  unless  accompanied  with 
a  feast.  It  is  safe  to  say,  therefore,  that  the  Indian  in 
his  native  state  enjoyed  life  about  as  thoroughly  as  do 
his  civilized  brothers. 

The  sun  dance,  the  scalp  dance  and  the  ceremony 
known  as  "striking  the  post"  (which  is  often  called  the 
war  dance  by  the  whites)  are  the  serious  dances  of  the 
Sioux. 


146  INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS. 

The  sun  dance  is  a  purely  religious  ceremony,  or  a 
series  of  ceremonies,  and  was  made  in  fulfillment  of 
promises  to  the  sun  when  danger  Avas  encountered  or 
battles  expected.  In  fact,  if  any  wish  were  near  to  the 
Indian's  heart,  and  its  consummation  was  beset  by  extra 
ordinary  danger,  he  would  make  a  vow  to  the  sun  to 
give  a  dance  if  he  were  successful  in  the  accomplishment 
of  his  purpose.  And  inasmuch  as  the  average  Indian 
always  had  some  wish  to  gratify,  the  sun  dance  was  in 
dulged  in  very  frequently  by  the  aborigine.  This  dance 
generally  lasted  three  days,  and  sometimes  resulted  in 
the  death  of  one  or  more  of  the  participants,  who  under, 
went  the  most  excruciating  torture  during  the  time  the 
ordeal  lasted.  In  case  a  death  occurred  during  the 
dance,  ceremonies  were  at  once  suspended,  as  it  was 
believed  that  the  Bad  Spirit  prevailed,  and  that  some 
other  time  would  have  to  be  selected  when  the  Good 
Spirit  would  be  present  and  countenance  the  ceremonies. 

At  these  dances  the  head  medicine  man  *  directed 
everything,  and  was  in  absolute  control.  In  former 
times,  torture  was  a  condition  of  manhood,  and  through 
it  the  buck  obtained  entrance  into  the  ranks  of  the  war 
riors.  Some  of  these  self-inflicted  tortures  were  horrible 
to  contemplate,  but  were  born  with  that  stoical  indiffer 
ence  to  pain  so  characteristic  of  the  American  savage. 
The  temples  in  which  the  sun  dances  were  held  were  built 
in  circular  form,  the  centre  being  reserved  for  the  erection 
of  a  pole  and  the  participants  in  the  dance.  From  the 
top  of  this  high  centre  pole  horse-hair  ropes  were  sus_ 
pended,  and  one  of  the  favorite  methods  of  torture  was 


INDIAN  CHAEACTEEISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS.  147 

for  the  warrior  to  have  incisions  made  on  both  sides  of 
his  breast,  the  cuts  averaging  four  inches  in  length  by 
two  inches  in  width.  The  flesh  between  this  incision  and 
the  bone  was  then  lifted,  and  underneath  this  was  passed 
the  horse-hair  rope,  on  the  end  of  which  was  fastened  a 
stout  piece  of  stick  to  hold  it  in  its  place.  The  warrior 
would  then  throw  himself  backward  and  forward  for  hours* 
and  sometimes  days  and  nights  in  his  endeavors  to  break 
lose  from  the  fetters  which  bound  him. 

If  dancing  and  his  struggles  did  not  effect  his  re 
lease,  he  would  oftentimes  be  pulled  into  the  air,  and 
some  of  his  friends  would  add  the  weight  of  their  bodies 
to  his  own,  in  order  to  aid  him  in  securing  his  release. 
When  once  free  from  the  rope  he  would  pass  for  treat 
ment  into  the  hands  of  the  medicine  chief,  and  from 
thence  to  his  admirers.  Sometimes  incisions  were  made 
in  the  muscles  of  the  back,  ropes  passed  beneath  the 
flesh,  and  heavy  weights  tied  to  the  end  of  the  ropes,  and 
thus  the  weights  were  dragged  about  the  enclosure  by  the 
warrior  until  the  flesh  had  been  torn  out.  During  the 
period  of  torture  the  temple  would  be  filled  with  excited 
people  urging  the  braves  on  with  all  sorts  of  expressions 
and  terms  of  endearment. 

The  favorite  mode  of   burial  among  the  Sioux  was  to% 
build  a  platform  high  up  in  the  stout  limbs  of    a  tree  and 
deposit  the  dead  thereon,  placing  on  and  beside  the  body 
the    dead    man's    finery,   guns,    ammunition    and    accoutre 
ments — in    fact,   all    those   articles    which    he   used    during 
life,  that  could  not  be  fashioned  by  the  Indian  himself- 
the  belief    being  that  all    these  things  were    necessary  for 


148  INDIAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  CUSTOMS. 

his  well-being  in  the  Happy  Hunting  Grounds.      Food  was 
hung  about    the  body  in    the  branches  of   the  trees,  fresh 
supplies    being    added    from    time    to    time.       After  being 
deposited  upon  the  platform,   the    body  was  covered  with 
furs,  and   over  all  was  stretched  a  green  buffalo  hide,  if  it 
could  be  secured,  and  fastened  with  thongs  made  from  the 
hide  or  intestines  of    some  animal.       Nearly  all  the  head 
chiefs  of   the  Sioux    were  buried    in  this  manner,  as  were 
also  many  of   the  warriors  and  children  ;  but  where    such 
burial  was  impracticable,  four  stakes  were  driven  into  the 
ground    and    a    platform    erected    thereon    and    the    body 
placed  on  it.     Among  some  of    the  other  tribes,  bodies  of 
the    dead  were    laid    away  in  gulches  and  crevices.       The 
season  of   mourning    among    the    Sioux  was  a  matter  left 
entirely  at  the  option  of   the  dead  brave's  wives  and  rel 
atives,  whose  show  of    grief    at    the  gravex  and  sometimes 
for  months    afterwards,   would    have    been  a  revelation  to 
the  professional  mourners  among  civilized  people. 


CHAPTER   XXI. 

SATED    BY    A    PONY. 

Among  the  Indians  no  sport  or  excitement  could 
equal  a  buffalo  hunt.  There  was  considerable  danger  in 
it,  but  nothing  to  compare  with  the  excitement  and  joy. 
Every  brave  kept  a  trained  pony  for  the  buffalo  chase 
-  one  that  was  used  for  nothing  else  —  and  the  intelli 
gence  of  some  of  those  animals  was  wonderful.  I 
really  believe  the  ponies  enjoyed  a  buffalo  hunt  as 
keenly  as  did  their  masters.  When  I  became  possessed 
of  my  first  buffalo  pony  the  Indian  from  whom  I  got 
it  told  me  of  all  its  good  qualities,  and  laid  particular 
stress  upon  the  fact  that  the  animal  always  gave  warn 
ing  of  approaching  danger.  I  paid  little  attention  to 
the  buck's  talk  at  the  time,  but  it  was  very  distinctly 

recalled  on   an  occasion   I   am  about   to   speak  of. 

t 

The  Bark  creek  country,  along  the  Yellowstone 
river,  was  a  great  feeding  ground  for  the  buffaloes,  and 
one  season  we  moved  our  camp  down  there.  Our  supply 
of  meat  had  got  very  light,  and  we  also  wanted  robes  with 
which  to  make  lodges.  We  killed  a  great  many  buffaloes 
during  our  stay  in  that  locality,  and  were  about  ready 
to  move.  It  was  decided  to  have  one  more  hunt  before 


150  SAVED  BY  A  PONY. 

leaving,  and  preparations  were  made  accordingly.  The 
buffaloes  had  drifted  some  distance  from  our  camping 
ground,  and  the  Indians  were  in  the  habit  of  moving 
•camp  from  day  to  day  as  the  chase  progressed.  When 
we  started  off  in  the  last  hunt  the  entire  camp  went 
along,  and  as  soon  as  the  herd  of  buffaloes  was  sighted 
the  bucks  jumped  upon  their  ponies  and  began  the 
•chase. 

On  this  particular  occasion  I  became  so  intent  upon 
running  the  buffaloes  that  I  got  a  long  way  in  advance 
•of  the  other  hunters.  I  killed  a  couple  of  buffaloes  and 
got  off  my  horse  to  skin  them,  fastening  my  pony  to 
the  carcass  of  one  of  the  dead  animals.  While  I  was 
at  work  my  pony  began  to  act  strangely.  It  would 
run  around  in  a  half  circle,  then  back  again,  and 
seemed  to  be  trying  to  attract  my  attention.  I  paid  no 
particular  heed  to  the  actions  of  the  pony  until  I  re 
called  what  its  former  owner  had  told  me  about  its 
giving  warning  of  danger,  when  I  untied  it,  jumped 
upon  its  back  and  rode  up  on  a  hill  to  see  if  anything 
unusual  was  occurring.  Seeing  nothing,  I  returned  to 
my  work.  The  pony  began  to  caper  about  worse  than 
ever,  and  I  finally  became  so  nervous  and  frightened  that 
I  left  the  two  buffaloes  and  started  back  to  where  we  had 
left  the  pack  animals.  I  had  not  gone  over  two  miles 
before  I  heard  shooting,  and  glancing  over  my  shoulder 
in  the  direction  from  which  I  had  come,  I  saw  a  large 
party  of  Crow  warriors  charging  down  onto  our  people. 
I  gave  the  alarm  as  quickly  as  I  could,  but  before  the 
Sioux  braves  could  get  together  the  enemy  had  killed 


SAVED  BY  A  PONY.  151 

nineteen  of  them  and  departed.  My  pony  had  sniffed 
the  danger  while  I  was  skinning  the  buffaloes,  but  I  failed 
to  find  the  least  sign  of  the  attacking  party,  and  sup 
posed  my  animal  was  restless  at  being  separated  from 
the  rest  of  the  pony  herd.  If  it  had  not  been  for  the 
actions  of  the  pony  I  would  have  been  caught  in  a  nice 
trap  and  lost  my  life.  From  that  time  on  I  always  kept 
a  sharp  lookout,  and  if  my  pony  gave  any  signs  that 
there  was  danger  in  the  air,  I  heeded  him. 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

ESTABLISHING    A    REPUTATION. 

One  winter  we  were  camped  on  the  Belle  Fourche, 
and  our  supply  of  meat  had  run  so  low  that  starvation 
began  staring  us  in  the  face.  The  snows  had  been  so 
continuous  and  deep  and  the  weather  so  cold  that  we 
were  completely  locked  in.  We  had  eaten  up  every 
thing —  even  the  dogs.  Nothing  was  left  but  the  ponies, 
and  the  Indians  would  not  kill  them.  So  we  packed 
up  and  started  off  toward  the  buffalo  grounds.  Arriving 
at  the  Little  Powder  river  we  went  into  camp.  We  had 
nothing  to  eat,  and  there  was  nothing  in  that  locality  to 
hunt.  Toward  night  I  was  lying  in  one  of  the  lodges 
thinking  what  a  feast  I  could  have  on  some  good,  fat 
deer  ribs.  1  thought  of  this  so  long  that  I  could  not 
get  it  out  of  my  mind,  and  I  went  out  and  caught  up 
my  mule.  The  Indians  asked  me  where  I  was  bound  for. 
I  told  them  I  was  going  to  hunt  something  to  eat,  arid 
was  not  coming,  back  until  I  got  it.  I  took  my  mulo 
and  started  out,  traveling  the  biggest  part  of  the  night 
to  where  I  thought  would  be  a  good  place  to  find  game. 
I  tied  my  mule  up  and  started  a  fire  and  waited  for  day 
light.  As  soon  as  it  became  light  enough  for  me  to  see, 


ESTABLISHING  A  DEPUTATION.  153 

I  got  on  my  mule  and  started  out  on  a  search  for  game. 
I  had  not  gone  far  before  I  ran  onto  a  big  elk  trail  that 
had  been  made  the  evening  before,  and  I  did  not  quit  the 
trail  until  I  reached  the  elk.  It  must  have  been  nine  or 
ten  o'clock  before  I  overtook  them.  As  soon  as  I  dis 
covered  them  I  tied  my  mule  up  and  stripped  myself,  and 
taking  nothing  but  my  gun  and  ammunition  pouches, 
started  to  get  in  the  lead  of  the  herd,  which  I  finally  did 
after  running  about  three  miles.  Having  accomplished 
this  much,  I  fixed  myself  in  such  a  way  that  I  could 
watch  them  as  they  passed  me,  so  that  I  could  pick  out 
the  fattest  one  in  the  herd.  Watching  them  for  a  few 
minutes  as  they  passed  by,  and  picking  out  one  that  I 
thought  was  the  fellow  I  wanted,  I  shot  it.  But  instead 
of  the  animals  running  after  hearing  the  report  of  the 
gun,  as  they  generally  do,  the  elk  gathered  in  a  bunch, 
and  this  gave  me  a  chance  to  kill  thirty-one  of  them 
before  they  got  away  from  me.  After  I  had  finished 
shooting  them  I  went  back  to  the  place  where  I  had  left 
my  mule  and  brought  it  down  ,to  the  place  where  I  had 
killed  the  elk,  and  cut  up  the  slaughtered  animals.  Pick 
ing  out  the  four  best  ones,  I  laid  them  to  one  side  for 
my  own  use.  After  I  got  through,  I  loaded  as  much  as 
I  could  onto  my  mule,  and  got  up  on  top  of  the  meat 
and  started  for  camp.  As  soon  as  I  came  in  sight  of 
the  village,  some  one  gave  the  signal  that  I  was  corning 
in  with  a  load  of  game,  and  before  I  reached  the  camp 
the  squaws  got  every  piece  of  meat  there  was  on  the 
mule  ;  so  by  the  time  I  reached  my  lodge  I  had  nothing 
left.  I  told  them  that  if  they  would  get  on  their  horses 


154  ESTABLISHING  A  REPUTATION. 

early  next  morning  and  go  over  to  where  I  had  killed 
the  thirty-one  elk,  they  could  get  all  the  meat  they  wanted. 
The  next  morning  every  Indian  in  the  camp  was  on  hand 
with  his  pony,  and  it  was  but  a  short  while  before  we 
had  more  meat  tbari  we  knew  what  to  do  with.  At  any 
rate,  we  had  more  than  enough  to  last  us  until  we  arrived 

o 

at  the  feeding  grounds  of  the  buffaloes.  From  that  day  to 
the  time  I  left  the  Indians,  they  put  great  faith  in  me  as 
a  hunter ;  and  as  I  was  passionately  fond  of  hunting 
game,  and  desirous  of  learning  all  I  could  of  the  country 
at  the  same  time,  I  not  only  gained  a  big  reputation  as 
a  nimrod,  but  acquired  a  thorough  knowledge  of  all  the 
Indians'  haunts,  which  was  of  great  service  to  me  in  years 
afterwards  when  I  was  on  the  plains  with  the  soldiers. 
I  can  say  without  boasting  that  there  was  not  a  canyon, 
river,  crag  or  creek  in  that  great  domain  that  I  was  not 
more  familiar  with  than  with  my  own  history ;  and  as 
many  of  the  former  game  and  Indian  trails  were  after 
wards  utilized  as  highways,  I  needed  nothing  to  guide  me 
when  with  the  troops  but  the  old  familiar  landmarks. 

I  went  over  the  ground  so  many  times  that  I  fairly 
carried  a  map  of  the  country  in  my  mind,  and  could 
close  my  eyes  and  travel  along  and  never  miss  a  cut-off 
or  a  trail.  Night  or  day,  light  or  dark,  it  made  no  dif 
ference  to  me  ;  I  always  knew  where  I  was  and  where  I 
was  going.  Gen.  Crook  once  asked  me  if  I  knew  every 
rock  in  the  country,  and  I  don't  think  I  misstated  a  fact 
when  I  answered  that  I  came  pretty  near  it.  From  the 
Platte  river  to  the  British  possessions,  and  from  the 
Black  Hills  to  the  Big  Wind  range  of  mountains,  the 


1  ESTABLISHING  A  REPUTATION.  155 

country  was  an  open  book  to  me.  No  Indian  in  the 
Sioux  or  any  other  nation  had  a  more  intimate  acquaint 
ance  with  the  mountains,  rivers,  trails  and  game  grounds 
in  the  country  above  mentioned  than  I  possessed  in 
1876,  or  possess  at  the  present  time. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

"THE    WAY    OF    THE   TRANSGRESSOR." 

On    one    occasion  two    Indians    and    myself  were  se 
lected    by  the  council    and    sent  out    to    locate    a    buffalo 
herd.      We    were    to    follow    up    the    Rosebud    and    cross 
over  the  Little  Big  Horn    to  the  divide   between  the  Big 
Horn    and   the    Little    Big    Horn    rivers.      Whenever    the 
Indians  send    members  of  the   tribe  out   preparatory  to  a 
hunt,  they  are    supposed    only  to  locate    and    not  kill  the 
game,   and    report    results    to    the    council.      We  went    on 
and    reached    the    divide    between    the    two    rivers.      On 
reaching  there  we  could  hear  the  buffaloes  very  distinctly, 
but    could  not    see    them.      The  latter  part    of    July    and 
during  August    is    the    buffalo   "  running"  season,  and  the 
bulls    make    such    a    noise    that    you    can    hear  them    for 
twenty  miles.      By  putting   your    ear    to    the    ground  you 
can  hear  them  further  than  that.      On  reaching  the  divide 
we  could  hear  the  buffaloes  so  plain  that  we  thought  there 
was  no  use  in  going    any  further,  as  we    could   report  on 
our    return    that    there    were    plenty  of    buffaloes  in  that 
vicinity;    but    while    we    were    sitting    there    resting    our 
selves,  a  buffalo  bull  and  cow  came  across,  the  flat.    They 
were  right  in    below  us,  and  we  were  so   hungry  for  buf- 


"THE  WAY  OF  THE  TRANSGRESSOR."  157 

falo  meat    that  we    thought  it  would    be    a    good   idea  to 

* 

kill  one  of  them    and  take  what    meat  we  could  back    to 
where  we  expected  to  camp  that  night. 

I,  being  the  best  shot  of  the  three,  was  asked  to  go 
down  and  shoot  the  buffalo.  The  animals  being  at  some 
distance,  I  crawled  down  to  the  flat,  and  secreted  myself 
in  a  place  where  I  thought  I  was  close  enough  to  get  a 
good  shot  at  them  as  they  passed.  Shooting  as  they 
got  opposite  me,  I  hit  the  cow,  breaking  its  back  and 
killing  it  almost  instantly.  After  awhile  the  bull  began 
to  sniff  at  the  body  of  the  dead  cow,  and  as  soon  as  it 
got  a  smell  of  the  fresh  blood  seemed  to  go  perfectly 
crazy.  It  ran  around  the  cow's  carcass,  pawing  the 
ground  and  giving  vent  to  the  most  terrible  sounds,  I 
lay  perfectly  quiet  and  watched,  knowing  if  I  made  a 
move  the  bull  would  see  and  attack  me,  and,  if  it  did, 
nothing  would  prevent  my  being  torn  into  ribbons  or 
stamped  and  trampled  into  a  jelly.  For  fully  an  hour' 
the  infuriated  bull  stood  over  the  dead  body  of  the  cow. 
I  thought  that  if  I  could  load  my  gun  and  get  one 
chance  I  could  shoot  the  brute,  and  I  did  manage  to 
pour  a  charge  of  powder  from  the  flask  into  the  palm  of 
my  hand  ;  but  the  moment  I  tried  to  empty  it  into  my 
gun  the  bull  spied  me,  and  with  head  almost  dragging 
the  ground  and  tail  sticking  straight  up  in  the  air,  it 
came  rushing  madly  toward  me. 

I  had  to  think  and  act  mighty  quickly.  Behind 
where  I  had  been  lying  I  noticed  a  washout,  about  three 
feet  deep,  and  into  this  place  I  threw  myself  just  as  the 
snorting,  bellowing  beast  reached  the  edge  of  it.  The 


158  "THE  WAY  OF  THE  TRAXSGRESSOR." 

bull  was  so  close  that  I  actually  felt  its  warm  breath  on 
my  body  as  I  fell  into  the  washout.  Being  unable  to 
reach  me  with  its  head,  the  animal  stood  over  the  place 
where  I  lay  and  pawed  up  the  earth  in  its  mad  fury. 
Almost  paralyzed  with  fear  and  unable  to  help  myself.  I 
could  do  nothing  but  remain  perfectly  quiet  and  wait 
'until  the  bull  became  exhausted  or  left  the  spot. 

After  what  seemed  hours  to  me,  the  animal  went 
back  to  the  place  where  the  dead  cow  lay,  and  I  made  a 
second  attempt  to  load  my  gun.  But  the  bull  saw  my 
movement  and  was  back  upon  me  in  a  twinkling.  I  had 
time,  however,  to  crawl  further  into  the  washout  than  I 
had  been  in  the  first  instance,  and  there  I  remained  un 
til  darkness  settled  over  the  earth  and  the  buffalo  bull 
departed.  I  then  crawled  out  of  the  hole  and  crept  up 
over  the  hill  where  I  left  my  two  Indian  companions. 
They  were  sitting  on  the  brow  of  the  hill  awaiting  an 
'  opportunity  to  go  down  on  the  flat  and  get  my  body.  * 
Having  witnessed  the  antics  of  the  bull  and  the  attack 
it  had  made  on  me,  they  felt  certain  that  I  had  been 
killed. 

It  is  almost  needless  to  say  we  got  no  buffalo  meat 
that  night.  When  we  returned  to  the  village  we  re 
ported  an  immense  herd  of  buffaloes,  and  the  chase  began  - 
on  the  second  day  thereafter,  but  we  did  not  say  any 
thing  about  our  adventure,  as  we  had  broken  a  very 
strict  law  of  the  council  and  subjected  ourselves  to  heavy 
punishment.  It  was  many  months  afterward  before  I 
told  the  story,  and  the  Indians  were  much  surprised  that 
the  bull  did  not  overtake  and  kill  me. 


CHAPTER    XXIY. 

FACTIONAL     DIFFERENCES. 

Strange  as  it  may  seem,  nearly  every  hostile  Indian 
village  was  "divided  against  itself."  That  is  to  say, 
each  village  contained  two  parties,  or  factions.  Grouard 
says  this  fact  was  very  patent  with  the  Uncapapas, 
where  Sitting  Bull  and  his  immediate  family  following 
controlled  on  the  one  side,  and  No  Neck  and  Gall  on 
the  other,  the  latter  faction  having  a  slight  advantage; 
but  Sitting  Bull,  being  a  first-class  politician,  could  hold 
his  own.  The  cause  of  these  factions  was  hereditary, 
growing  out  of  family  differences  generations  back. 
Four  Horns  was  the  hereditary  chief  of  the  Uncapapas. 
His  age  in  1869  was  seventy.  His  cousin,  Black  Kettle, 
was  the  same  age.  These  two  men  .  had  reigned  since 
their  youth,  and  were  considered  the  head  men  of  the 
tribe.  Both  had  been  warriors,  very  fierce.  Black  Kettle 
was  the  greater  orator,  and  in  the  councils  had  more  to 
say  and  carried  greater  weight  than  any  other  man  in 
the  tribe.  When  Grouard  was  led  into  the  Uncapapa 
village  a  captive,  the  No  Neck  and  Gall  faction  was 
the  one  that  wanted  to  put  him  to  death.  The 
other  side.,  with  Sitting  Ball  at  its  back,  of  course 


160  FACTIONAL  DIFFERENCES. 

opposed  the  scheme,  and  the  fine  Italian  hand  of  the 
politician  is  again  shown  to  advantage,  for  Grouard's  life 
was  spared.  Three  years  later,  when  Sitting  Bull  and 
Grouard  quarreled  over  the  arrest  of  the  half-breeds 
( who  had  sold  the  Uncapapas  whisky,  and  been  the  cause 
of  so  much  sorrow  and  trouble  among  the  red  men ), 
nothing  would  satisfy  the  revenge  of  the  politician  but 
the  blood  of  the  man  whose  life  he  had  preserved  when 
the  boy's  capture  was  effected.  It  was  then  made  a 
family  affair,  and  No  Neck  and  Gall  ( who  three  years 
previous  had  loudly  demanded  his  death)  were  now  fore 
most  among  his  champions  and  protectors.  Here  is  one 
instance,  at  least,  where  factional  strife  and  jealousy 
saved  a  life. 

Nearly  all  tribal  trouble,  says  Grouard,  among  the  In 
dians,  is  caused  by  the  squaws.  Even  among  the  savages 
"  there's  a  woman  in  the  case,"  and  these  factional  dif 
ferences  may  smoulder  for  years  before  they  lead  to  an 
open  breach.  But  when  the  trouble  comes,  it  is  serious, 
and  blood  flows  freely. 

Grouard  recalls  an  instance  of  this  kind  among  the 
Minneconjoux.  About  a  dozen  lodges  of  Sitting  Bull's 
camp  were  on  a  visit  to  the  Minneconjou  village  at  the 
mouth  of  Tongue  river  on  the  Yellowstone  during  the 
summer  of  1872.  A  great  feast  was  in  progress — the 
Omaha  dance  was  being  celebrated.  A  young  buck  was 
beating  the  tom-tom  and  the  best  of  feeling  prevailed. 
The  factions  in  the  Minneconjou  tribe  had  been  created 
some  years  before,  and  a  woman  was  at  the  bottom  of 
it.  When  mirth  was  at  its  height  one  of  the  young 


FACTIONAL  DIFFERENCES.  161 

braves  of  the  tribe  was  noticed  to  mount  his  pony,  strip 
ped  to  his  buff,  and  circle  the  camp  several  times,  finally 
ending  his  pilgrimage  in  front  of  the  tom-tom  player, 
where  he  stood,  enveloped  in  a  blanket  and  holding  a 
bow  and  arrow  in  his  hand.  Suddenly  he  threw  the 
blanket  aside  and  shot  an  arrow  into  the  body  of  the 
brave  beating  the  tom-tom. 

The  effect  upon  the  camp  was  like  magic.  The 
dance  immediately  ceased,  and  pandemonium  reigned. 
Each  of  the  young  braves  —  the  one  murdered  and  the 
murderer-- were  interested  in  the  woman  over  whom  the 
feud  had  originally  been  raised.  Faction  stood  against 
faction,  and  murder  was  the  order  of  the  day.  Grouard 
says  the  weaker  side  had  finally  to  flee.  They  were  pur 
sued  for  a  distance  of  forty  miles,  and  eighty  lifeless 
bodies  were  strewn  along  the  length  of  that  awful  trail 
of  vengeance. 

Early  in  the  fight  Little  Assiniboine  had  found 
Grouard  among  the  warring  factions,  and  the  two,  in 
company  with  Sitting  Bull  and  others  of  the  latter' s  village, 
moved  down  the  river  and  awaited  the  result  of  the  battle. 

"  We  do  not  want  to  take  sides  in  this  matter," 
said  Sitting  Bull. 

The  trouble  over,  the  Uncapapa  chief,  acting  the 
part  of  peacemaker,  took  a  dozen  of  his  own  ponies  to 
the  Minneconjou  camp  and  presented  them  to  the  rela 
tives  of  the  tom-tom  player  who  had  been  killed,  and, 
by  his  persuasive  eloquence,  induced  the  warring  factions 
to  bury  their  differences  and  their  dead.  Grouard  naively 
remarked  that  "of  course  Sitting  Bull  got  these  ponies  back 


162  FACTIONAL  DIFFERENCES. 

afterwards,"  but  failed  to  inform  the  author  whether  they 
followed  him,  or  reached  the  Uncapapa  village  in  advance 
of  the  returning  visitors.  The  scout  doesn't  say  so,  but 
the  inference  is  irresistible  that  Sitting  Bull  being  a 
great  horse  thief  as  well  as  a  practical  joker,  stole  his 
own  ponies  from  the  Minneconjou  mourners  in  order  to 
4 'keep  his  hand  in." 


\V\\l  I  \l//// 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


FASTING    FOR    EIGHT    DAYS. 

In  the  spring  of  1871  I  had  an  experience  in  fast 
ing  that  I  am  not  likely  to  forget.  The  Indian  village 
was  located  at  that  time  at  the  head  of  the  Rosebud 
river.  Ammunition  was  so  low  that  we  scarcely  had  a 
round  apiece  left.  We  were  expecting  a  party  in  from 
the  agency  with  ammunition  and  other  supplies,  and  had 
been  on  the  lookout  for .  them  for  some  time.  It  was 
finally  decided  that  a  party  should  be  sent  out  in 
search  of  our  friends  from  the  reservation.  The  day  be 
fore  the  party  started  what  we  thought  to  be  smoke  sig 
nals  were  discovered  near  the  mouth  of  -Tongue  river, 
distant  some  four  days'  travel.  Myself  and  two  Indians 
were  selected  to  go  to  this  latter  place  and  escort  our 
friends  into  camp.  We  had  no  doubt,  but  that  the  smoke 
we  saw  was  a  signal  from  this  party,  who  did  not  know 
the  exact  location  of  our  camp  and  were  waiting  for 
some  of  us  to  come  to  them  and  bring  them  in.  I  was 
the  only  one  in  the  party  who  had  any  ammunition,  and 
my  supply  consisted  of  two  cartridges.  1  took  my  bow 
and  some  arrows  with  me. 

Well,  to  make  a  long  story  short,  we  left  the  village 


164  FASTING  FOR  EIGHT  DAYS. 

with  but  one  day's  rations,  as  we  did  not  expect  to  travel 
far  and  went  afoot.  The  second  day  out,  as  luck 
would  have  it,  I  made  two  poor  shots  in  an  attempt 
to  kill  something  to  appease  our  hunger,  and  we  were 
left  at  our  wit's  end  to  secure  food  to  keep  us  from 
starvation.  When  we  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  Tongue 
river  we  discovered  where  a  fire  had  been,  but  it  had 
apparently  been  set  by  accident,  and  we  had  no  other 

alternative    but    to  retrace  our    steps.      There  was  no  evi- 

« 

dence  of  a  carnp  in  the  vicinity.  On  the  way  back  to 
the  village  all  three  of  us  became  nearly  insane  from 
hunger,  having  been  eight  days  without  a  particle  of 
food.  We  were  very  weak.  When  we  were  within 
twenty  miles  of  the  village  I  managed  to  kill  three 
prairie  chickens  with  my  bow  and  arrow.  I  tried  to  in 
duce  my  companions  to  eat  as  sparingly  of  the  meat  as 
possible,  but  they  were  so  ravenously  hungry  that  I  could 
do  nothing  with  them.  I  saved  the  necks  of  the  chickens 
for  myself,  which  I  roasted,  and  thus  got  the  benefit  of 
the  iuice  from  the  meat,  which  satisfied  me  until  my 
arrival  in  camp.  My  two  companions  ate  every  particle 
of  the  bodies  of  the  chickens  raw.  They'  were  taken 
very  sick  shortly  afterwards,  and  did  not  live  long 
enough  after  reaching  the  village  to  enjoy  another  meal. 
We  were  ten  days  making  the  trip. 

Our  condition,  when  we  arrived  in  camp,  can  be 
better  imagined  than  described.  We  were  literally  skin 
and  bones,  the  flesh  being  so  drawn  on  our  faces  that 
we  were  almost  unrecognizable  by  our  most  intimate  ac 
quaintances.  It  was  a  long  while  before  I  dared  eat 


FASTING  FOR  EIGHT  DAYS.  165 

enough  food  to  satisfy  my  hunger,  my  stomach  being  so 
weak  that  the  least  bit  of  anything  I  ate  nauseated  me. 
The  distance  we  traveled  was  a  little  over  three  hundred 
miles.  The  sufferings  of  my  companions  were  terrible, 
and  the  sight  of  their  misery  only  added  to  my  own,  as 
they  were  like  little  children,  and  looked  to  me  for  as 
sistance  in  everything.  We  became  so  weak  that  the 
flesh  on  our  bodies  was  in  a  constant  quiver,  and  at  the 
end  of  the  seventh  day  of  our  fast  all  three  of  us  were 
on  the  verge  of  insanity.  How  we  ever  lived  to  reach 
camp  is  a  great  wonder,  as,  in  our  weakened  condition, 
we  could  travel  but  a  short  distance  before  being  com 
pelled  to  lie  down  and  rest.  I  had  no  way,  of  course, 
of  telling  how  much  flesh  I  lost  on  the  trip,  but  it  didn't 
seem  to  me  that  there  was  a  particle  of  substance  be 
tween  the  bones  of  my  body  and  the  skin  which  covered 
them.  I  didn't  think  I  would  pull  through,  even  after  1 
got  back  to  camp,  and  I  am  certain  that  if  I  had  per 
mitted  myself  to  eat  heartily  of  what  the  Indians  pre 
pared  I  would  have  gone  the  way  my  two  poor  compan 
ions  went. 

A  few  days  after  we  ^got  back  to  camp  our  Indian 
allies  came  up  from  the  agency,  and  we  had  no  further 
complaint  to  make  over  lack  of  ammunition.  I  was  in 
the  hostile  camp,  but  the  friendly  Indians  who  lived 
upon  the  reservation  found  it  greatly  to  their  benefit  to 
hold  the  most  friendly  relations  with  us,  and,  as  they  re 
ceived  their  ammunition  from  the  agents  of  the  Great 
Father,  we  had  no  need  to  give  up  our  .wild  freedom 
for  supplies  and  promises  which  were  never  kept.  I  in- 


166 


FASTING  FOR  EIGHT  DAYS. 


elude  myself  in  the  plural  "we"  because,  being  unable 
to  secure  my  freedom,  and  having  made  up  my  mind  to 
make  a  study  of  the  character  and  habits  of  the  Indian, 
I  was  doomed  to  remain  until  Uncle  Sam  should  force 
the  redmen  to  accept  life  on  the  reservations  or  I  ac 
complished  my  purpose. 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 


MASSACRE    OF     THE     GROS    YENTRES. 

One  of  the  biggest  Indian  clean-ups  within  my  pe-r- 
sonal  knowledge  occurred  in  the  fall  of  1868.  I 
was  then  carrying  the  mail  from  Fort  Hall  across  the 
big  bend  of  Milk  river.  Some  four  hundred  Gros  Ven- 
tres  were  camped  on  Beaver  creek,  about  midway  be 
tween  Fort  Hall  and  Milk  river.  The  trail  1  traveled 
took  me  within  about  nine  miles  of  this  village,  and  as 
the  country  was  very  level  I  could  see  their  tepis  as  I 
passed  along.  One  afternoon  in  the  year  above  men 
tioned  I  noticed  a  good  deal  of  smoke  and  some  fire  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  Indian  village,  and  could  plainly  see 
Indians  riding  around  in  that  vicinity  on  horseback. 

The  next  morning  at  Milk  river  I  was  informed 
that  the  Blackfeet  had  made  a  raid  on  the  Gros  Ven- 
tre's  village  and  killed  every  man,  woman  and  child 
they  could  lay  hands  on,  about  four  hundred  in  number, 
some  of  whom  were  confined  to  their  lodges  with  small 
pox.  Only  two  of  the  Gros  Yentres  managed  to  escape 
from  the  doomed  village,  and  these  had  gone  to  the  big 
bend  of  Milk  river  with  the  news  of  the  massacre.  The 
Blackfeet,  after  having  killed  all  those  found  in  the  vil- 


168  MASSACRE  OF  THE  GROS  VENTRES. 

lage,   rifled  the  lodges,  drove  off  the   ponies    and    set  fire 
to  the  tepis. 

On  one  of  my  trips  some  time  after  the  massacre, 
I  rode  over  to  the  scene  of  this  killing  and  found  the 
half-decomposed  remains  of  the  dead  scattered-  about  in 
every  direction.  So  far  as  I  know,  none  of  the  bodies 
ever  received  burial,  but  were  left  to  be  preyed  upon  by 
the  wolves  and  other  wild  animals.  In  all  my  experi 
ence  I  do  not  know  of  another  instance  where  so  large 
an  Indian  village  was  ever  attacked  by  an  enemy  and 
so  completely  wiped  off  the  face  of  the  earth. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 


ONE    WAY    OF    COOKING    MEAT. 

After  I  became  a  privileged  character  in  the  Sioux 
village — that  is,  permitted  to  run  around  as  I  pleased — I 
went  out  with  a  scouting  party  that  was  going  to  Fort 
Buford,  north  of  the  Yellowstone.  A  rumor  had  reached 
the  Indian  village  that  a  large  body  of  soldiers  was 
camped  on  one  of  the  tributaries  of  the  Yellowstone  near 
Fort  Buford.  .  It  was  said  to  be  the  intention  of  these 
troops  to  move  upon  and  attack  Sitting  Bull's  camp.  The 
Indian  scouting  party  was  sent  out  to  discover  whether  or 
not  there  was  any  truth  in  these  reports.  Little  Assini- 
boine,  Sitting  Bull's  adopted  brother,  asked  me  to  go 
along,  and  I  accepted  the  invitation.  I  had  never  been 
away  from  the  village  before,  and  supposing  that  the  In 
dians  supplied  themselves  with  food  for  a  trip  before 
starting  out,  I  asked  if  I  should  take  some  meat  with  me 
(straight  meat,  minus  seasoning,  being  the  only  food  we 
had).  I  was  told  no  ;  that  we  would  kill  plenty  of  buf 
faloes  on  the  road. 

The  second  day  out  we  discovered  a  big  herd  of 
these  animals  some  distance  in  advance  of  us.  Some  of 
the  best  hunters  in  our  party  were  sent  out  to  head  the 


170  ONE  WAY  OF  CO9KING  MEAT. 

buffaloes  off,  and  we  succeeded  in  killing  eight  or  ten  of 
them.  After  they  had  been  dressed  and  quartered,  the 
Indians  informed  rne  they  were  going  to  cook  the  meat 
and  cany  it  along  with  them.  I  did  not  understand  how 
they  could  do  any  cooking  without  some  sort  of  utensils, 
and  asked  Little  Assiniboine  to  explain.  He  told  me  if 
I  would  wait  and  watch  I  could  see  better  than  he  could 
explain.  The  Indians  began  making  preparations  to  cook. 
They  were  eating  the  raw  buffalo  meat  while  they  did  so, 
one  of  the  choice  morsels  being  the  kidneys.  It  was  my 
first  experience  of  that  sort,  and  the  sight  sickened  me  ; 
but  I  saw  so  much  of  it  afterward,  that  I  soon  got  over 
feelings  of  qualmishness.  Some  of  the  bucks  took  their 
blankets  and  went  off  in  search  of  buffalo  chips,  while 
others  gathered  a  number  of  rocks. 

After  making  a  big  fire  with  the  buffalo  chips,  the 
Indians  put  the  rocks  in  the  fire.  Next  they  took  the 
paunch  out  of  a  buffalo,  and,  after  emptying  it  of  its 
contents,  turned  it  inside  out  and  filled  it  about  two-thirds 
full  of  water — it  must  have  held  fifteen  or  twenty  gallons. 
Then  they  took  four  bows,  stuck  them  in  the  ground  and 
fastened  them  together  at  the  top,  and  suspended  the 
paunch  filled  with  water  between  the  bows.  As  the  stones 
were  heated  they  were  put  into  the  water-filled  paunch, 
and  the  same  result  was  obtained  as  if  the  water  had 
been  placed  in  a  tea-kettle  and  the  latter  put  on  the  top 
of  a  stove  or  hung  over  the  fire.  The  stones  were  con 
stantly  changed,  those  coming  direct  from  the  fire  being 
put  into  the  water  as  fast  as  the  others  were  taken  out. 
The  meat  was  put  into  this  boiling  water  and  cooked, 


ONE  WAY  OF  COOKING  MEAT.  171 

then  taken  out  and  packed  up  to  make  room  for  more. 
In  this  manner  all  the  fresh  meat  was  cooked,  and  I  had 
taken  my  first  lesson  in  Indian  cookery.  The  redmen 
only  cut  off  the  choice  parts  of  the  animals  killed,  but 
we  had  enough  meat  to  last  us  throughout  our  trip. 

Another  custom  I  learned  on  this  trip  was  that  of 
shooting  life  into  the  sun.  There  was  a  total  eclipse  of 
the  sun  one  day,  and  as  soon  as  the  Indians  observed  the 
shadow  on  the  face  of  Old  Sol,  they  threw  down  their 
packs,  drew  their  guns  and  kept  up  a  continuous  fire  until 
the  eclipse  had  passed  away.  They  were  under  great 
excitement  all  this  time,  and  I  could  not  understand  what 
they  were  doing.  When  it  was  over,  I  asked  Little  Assin- 
iboine  the  cause  of  the  shooting,  and  he  told  me  they 
had  been  shooting  the  life  and  light  back  into  the  sun. 
They  really  believed  their  action  had  prevented  the  light 
of  the  sun  from  disappearing  forever. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 


GROUARD  REGATNS  HIS  FREEDOM. 

It  was  in  1874  that  I  studied  about  a  plan  to  go  to 
the  agency  at  Robinson,  called  Red  Cloud  Agency,  what 
is  now  Crawford,*  Nebraska.  I  just  made  up  my  mind 
I  would  go  in  for  a  visit  to  see  things  in  the  fall.  I 
went  in  with  a  party  that  was  moving  backwards  and 
forwards.  I  didn't  stop  but  a  short  time;  came  back 
and  went  down  on  Tongue  river.  The  next  spring  I  had 
to  use  some  means  of  going  in,  so  I  went  out  with  a 
war  party  going  to  Laramie  river.  The  night  they 
started  to  make  a  raid  on  the  ranches  I  took  a  young  In 
dian  and  started  for  the  agency,  and  I  stayed  at  the 
agency  until  the  commissioners  came  out  to  make  a  treaty 
for  the  Black  Hills.  They  got  me  to  go,  with  others, 
some  Indians  and  a  couple  of  half-breeds,  to  make  a 
treaty  with  the  hostiles.  I  had  not  left  the  Indians  at 
this  time,  but  had  got  everything  ready  to  do  so.  Louie 
Reshaw  went  with  me.  The  rest  were  Indians  —  some 
one  hundred  agency  Indians.  I  was  instructed  to  induce 
the  Indians  to  come  in  and  hold  a  council  and  make  a 
treaty.  They  sent  out  the  necessary  tobacco  and  every 
thing  to  create  a  friendly  feeling. 

*Named  for  Lieutenant  Emmet  Crawford. 


FRANK  GROUARD,  AT  26. 

BY   PERMISSION    OF   JOHN    F.  FINERTY. 


GROUARD  REGAIXX  HIS  FREEDOM.  173 

We  found  the  Indian  camp  on  Tongue  river,  on  the 
other  side  of  where  Dayton  is  now.  They  received  us 
in  a  very  hostile  manner.  They  were  just  on  the  point 
of  going  on  the  war-path.  I  went  out  to  Crazy  Horse's 
lodge  as  soon  as  I  got  in,  and  told  him  what  we  had 
come  for.  His  father  went  out  and  harangued  the  camp, 
and  told  them  it  was  best  to  listen  to  what  we  had  to 
say.  Crazy  Horse  told  me  himself  that  all  who  wanted 
to  go  in  and  make  this  treaty  could  go;  but,  he  said,  "I 
don't  want  to  go."  He  said  that  whatever  the  head 
men  of  the  tribe  concluded  to  do  after  hearing  our  plan, 
they  could  and  would  do.  We  had  a  council  the  next 
day  after  we  got  in.  That  was  my  first  meeting  with 
Sitting  Bull  after  our  trouble.  He  sent  for  me  to  come 
to  his  lodge.  I  went  over  there,  but  I  took  Crazy  Horse 
with  me.  Sitting  Bull  asked  me  what  I  had  come  for. 
Of  course,  he  did  not  say  much  of  anything,  but  tried  to 
make  me  talk.  I  told  him  just  what  I  came  for,  and  in 
formed  him  tliat  the  best  thing  he  could  do  was  to  go  in 
and  see  what  they  wanted  at  Ked  Cloud  ^Agency.  He 
said: 

"You  will  hear  what  I  have  got  to  say  at  the 
council." 

The  council  was  held  next  morning.  All  the  buck 
Indians,  about  one  thousand,  made  a  big  circle  in  the 
center  of  the  camp.  Big  Breast  was  the  first  one  to 
make  a  speech.  He  got  up  and  refused  flatly  to  come, 
and  told  me  his  reason  why.  He  didn't  want  to  sell 
the  land,  but  he  said  : 

"All  those  that  are  in  favor  of  selling  their  land 
from  their  children,  let  them  go." 


174  GROUARD  REGAINS  HIS  FREEDOM. 

He  spoke  for  a  long  time,  but  to  that  effect. 

Sitting  Bull  then  got  up  and  made  a  long  speech. 
It  had  the  same  purport.  He  said  he  would  not  sell 
his  land.  He  said  he  had  never  been  to  an  agency,  and 
was  not  going  in.  He  was  no  agency  Indian.  He  told 
me  to  go  out  and  tell  the  white  men  at  Red  Cloud  that 
he  declared  open  war,  and  would  tight  them  wherever  he 
met  them  from  that  time  on.  His  entire  harangue  was 
an  open  declaration  of  war. 

Little  Hawk  got  up  and  spoke  for  Crazy  Horse,  the 
latter  refusing  to  talk.  He  said  : 

"  My  friends,  the  other  tribes  have  concluded  not  to 
go  in,  and  I  will  have  to  say  the  same  thing." 

Probably  one  hundred  Indians  got  up  and  spoke. 
Our  Indians  that  had  come  out  with  us  got  up  and 
urged  them  to  go  back  and  see  what  was  wanted  and 
what  would  be  gained  by  making  this  treaty.  At  the 
end  of  the  council  they  asked  us  when  we  were  going 
to  start  back.  We  told  them,  and  said  we  would  be 
there  three  days  longer.  They  told  us  that  all  who 
wanted  to  go  would  probably  move  across  to  the  other 
side  of  Tongue  river,  where  Dayton  is  now ;  that  we 
could  take  them  and  go  back  ;  but  that  the  majority  of 
them  would  stay  there  and  fight  it  out.  That  night  they 
came  very  near  massacring  the  whole  of  our  party.  I 
know  that  Crazy  Horse  saved  us.  He  told  them  there 
could  be  no  bullet  shot  into  our  camp.  He  said  that  he 
supposed  that  when  anybody  came  in  amongst  them 
they  would  feed  him,  water  him  and  give  him  a  smoke. 
He  called  the  parties  together  who  were  the  leaders  oi 


r:~:r:3  GROUARDIREGAINS^HIS  FREEDOM, 

the  proposed  massacre,  called  them  by  name,  and  told 
them  it  would  have  to  be  stopped.  He  said  : 

"  My  friends,  whoever  attempts  to  murder  these  people 
will  have  to  fight  me,  too.'' 

That  cooled  everything  down  and  stopped  it  right 
off,  and  there  was  no  more  said  about  it.  We  moved 
away  from  there  a  day  sooner  than  we  expected.  When 
we  got  to  the  other  side  of  Tongue  river  there  was  quite 
a  large  camp  there.  These  parties  had  pulled  up  and 
intended  to  see  us  in  to  the  agency.  This  was  the  be 
ginning  of  negotiations  for  making  the  treaty  for  open 
ing  the  Black  Hills.  That  was  the  last  time  I  went 
back  to  the  Indians.  I  got  quite  a  little  sum  of  money, 
about  $500,  for  making  this  treaty.  That  was  the  first 
money  I  had  received  or  handled  since  I  had  been  cap 
tured  by  the  Indians.  It  gave  me  the  means  to  buy 
what  clothing  I  wanted,  and  I  needed  clothes  badly.  I 
was  dressed  in  regular  Indian  costume.  I  had  long  hair. 
I  stayed  at  the  agency  quite  a  little  while.  I  was  get 
ting  familiar  with  the  English  language  again.  It  was 
two  or  three  months  before  I  could  talk  English  without 
getting  the  Indian  mixed  up  with  it.  I  had  been  all 
this  time  (since  my  capture — nearly  six  years)  without 
talking  a  bit  of  English. 

I  stayed  around  there  about  a  month  before  I 
changed  my  costume.  It  was  one  day  after  dark  that  I 
changed  my  garb.  I  had  my  hair  cut  and  put  on  a 
suit  of  clothes.  That  same  evening,  right  after  dark,  the 
interpreter,  Bill  Kowland,  killed  a  Cheyenne  Indian.  The 
killing  of  this  Indian  caused  a  whole  lot  of  trouble,  and 


176  GROUARD  REGAINS  HIS  FREEDOM. 

nobody  dared  to  go  outside  the  agency.  I  was  the  only 
man  who  could  go  out --who  dared  to  go  out  —  as  all 
of  the  Indians  knew  me.  It  took  me  two  days  to  quiet 
this  trouble  down,  and  nobody  dared  go  outside  the 
agency  while  the  trouble  lasted.  I  stopped  at  the 
agency  for  a  couple  of  months.  I  got  $60  a  month  for 
stopping  around  for  anything  of  that  sort  to  happen. 


B.  F.  G.ROUARD,  AT  45. 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

GROUARD    MEETS    GEN.    CROOK. 

After  I  quit  the  agency  I  went  to  J.  W.  Deere's, 
•out  in  Nebraska,  on  Snake  river,  on  his  ranch,  and 
stopped.  Deere  and  I  were  great  friends  before  I  was 
captured  by  the  Indians.  Got  acquainted  with  him  on 
the  Missouri  when  I  was  carrying  mail.  I  got  acquainted 
with  a  great  many  officers,  among  them  Capt.  Egan  of 
K  company,  Second  regiment — "the  White  Horse  Cav 
alry."  Deere  had  told  me  about  the  expedition  which 
was  outfitting  for  the  winter  campaign,  and  through 
Deere  and  Capt.  Egan  my  name  was  sent  to  headquar 
ters  as  a  scout  —  as  a  man  who  knew  the  -country  —  and 
Deere  told  me  that  if  there  were  any  men  hired  he 
would  send  out  and  let  me  know. 

So  when  they  sent  out  orders  to  get  men  that  were 
acquainted  with  the  Indian  country  for  scouts,  Egan  and 
Deere  both  thought  that  I  would  be  just  the  man  that 
they  would  want.  They  sent  out  for  me  to  come  in.  I 
got  in  there  along  in  the  afternoon  and  was  sent  up  to 
the  Post  to  see  the  commanding  officer,  who  told  me  I 
would  have  to  go  right  over  to  Fort  Laramie  that  night; 
that  Gen.  Crook  was  there  and  wanted  to  see  me. 


178  GROUARD  MEETS  GEN.  CROOK. 

Fort  Laramie  was  ninety  miles  distant.  I  went  over 
there  on  my  horse  that  night,  and  reached  there  next 
morning  at  eight  o'clock.  I  met  Gen.  Crook  there,  and 
also  Louie  Keshaw  and  Big  Bat  (Baptiste  Fourier).  That 
was  the  first  time  I  ever  met  Big  Bat.  I  had  an  inter 
view  with  Gen.  Crook.  He  asked  me  if  I  was  acquainted 
with  the  country  and  I  told  him  I  was.  Wanted  to  know 
if  there  was  any  possible  show  of  jumping  Indians  there 
in  the  winter  time.  I  told  him  if  he  worked  it  right 
there  might  be.  He  said  he  would  give  me  one  hundred 
and  twenty-five  dollars  a  month  from  the  time  I  left  the 
ranch.  He  said  if  I  would  furnish  my  own  horse  he 
would  give  me  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars;  but  I  didn't 
have  a  horse,  and  told  him  that  he  would  have  to  furnish 
the  horse.  So  he  said  he  would  give  me  one  hundred 
and  twenty-five  dollars  a  month.  He  said  that  he  expected 
to  start  out  the  first  of  March.  This  conversation  occurred 
in  February. 

Gen.  Crook  gave  orders  to  hire  thirty  men — men  who 
were  supposed  to  know  all  about  the  country,  and  had 
good  judgment.  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  that.  These 
men  were  to  act  as  scouts,  so  by  the  time  the  expedition 
was  ready  to  start  from  Fort  Laramie,  there  were  thirty- 
five  of  us.  Col.  Stan  ton  was  put  in  as  chief  of  scouts. 
Everything  was  organized  by  the  time  we  got  to  Fort 
Fetterman,  forty  miles  up  the  Platte.  It  was  the  first  of 
March  when  we  started  from  there. 

The  names  of  the  scouting  party  I  can't  remember, 
that  is,  all  of  them.  Among  them  were  Big  Bat,  Louie 
Reshaw,  Louis  Shangreau  and  his  brother  John,  Charlie 


GROUARD  MEETS  GEN.  CROOK.  179 

Jennesse,  Charles  Reshaw,  Little  Bat  (Baptiste  Gaunier), 
Ben.  Clarke,  Tom  Reed  (who  afterwards  became  a  noted 
road  agent),  Speed  Stagner  (who  at  that  time  was  guide  at 
Fort  Fetterman),  Joe  Eldredge,  and  others  whose  names 
have  escaped  my  memory. 

Nothing  occurred  until  we  got  to  Powder  river.  On 
reaching  Powder  river.  Gen.  Crook  wanted  us  to  go  out 
on  Tongue  river  and  see  if  there  were  any  signs  of  In 
dians  in  that  part  of  the  country.  Leaving  camp  at  dark 
we  went  out  about  three  miles.  There  were  six  of  us— 
Louie  Reshaw,  Big  Bat,  Little  Bat,  John  Shangreau,  Charles 
Jennesse  and  myself.  From  where  we  stopped  we 
could  see  the  flash  of  guns  at  camp,  so  we  knew  that 
there  was  a  fight  of  some  kind  going  on.  Turning  around 
and  going  back  to  camp,  we  found  that  the  Indians  had 
jumped  the  camp  just  after  we  left,  firing  into  the  tents, 
but  no  casualties  occurred.  The  Indians  fired  a  few  shots 
and  left,  but  it  set  the  camp  in  a  terrible  uproar. 

The  next  day  the  command  moved  over  to  Crazy  Wo 
man.  That  evening  the  general  called  a  council  from 
amongst  the  scouts,  asking  if  he  could  cross  over  with  the 
command  to  the  forks  of  Clear  creek — if  it  were  possible 
to  go  through  the  badlands.  He  wanted  to  cut  loose 
from  the  wagons.  But  there  were  none  of  the  scouts 
able  to  take  him  through.  He  wanted  to  make  the  trip 
after  night  had  set  in.  He  asked  me  if  I  could  take  him 
through.  I  told  him  that  I  could.  He  asked  me  what 
the  distance  was,  but  I  could  not  tell  him  the  distance, 
because  I  didn't  know  anything  about  miles.  I  told  him 
I  could  tell  him  what  time  he  could  get  there  ;  that  if  he 


180  GROUARD  MEETS  GEN.  CROOK. 

would  start  after  dark  lie  could  get  there  at  daylight  on 
a  good  fast  walk.  That  was  about  the  first  talk  I  had  with 
Gen.  Crook  after  he  hired  me.  Of  course  I  didn't  know 
anything  about  the  soldiers'  way  of  traveling,  mode  of 
living,  or  much  of  anything  else  pertaining  to  the  army. 
It  puzzled  me.  He  gave  orders  for  the  pack  train  to  be 
ready  at  six  o'clock  that  evening  to  cut  loose  from  the 
wagon  train,  leaving  the  latter  to  go  back  to  Powder 
river  to  wait  there  for  the  command. 

Everything  being  ready,  we  left  there  at  six  o'clock 
at  night.  The  weather  when  we  started  was  fair,  but 

after    we    had    set    out  sometime  it    commenced    snowing, 

~ ' 

and  snowed  from  that  time  on  until  about  nine  o'clock 
next  morning.  We  traveled  without  any  accident  all  night 
at  a  good  fast  walk.  Along  towards  daylight  it  com 
menced  snowing  fast  and  hard.  I  suppose  the  General 
was  getting  anxious,  for  just  at  daylight  he  rode  up  to 
me  and  said,  "It  is  daylight."  You  could  not  see  fifty 
yards  ahead  of  you  on  account  of  the  snow.  I  told  him 
then  that  we  had  almost  reached  the  forks  of  Clear  creek. 
I  could  not  see  anything,  and  he  asked  me  how  I  could 
tell,  and  I  said  I  could  tell  by  the  lay  of  the  ground. 
He  asked  me  how  far  away  Clear  creek  was,  and  I  said 
it  was  not  more  than  two  or  three  hundred  yards.  He 
laughed  and  said,  "I  don't  see  how  you  can  tell  it." 

We  didn't  go  over  one  hundred  yards  from  where  we 
were  talking  till  we  got  to  the  bank  of  the  river,  at  the 
spot  where  Kramer's  ranch  is  at  present,  about  four  miles 
from  the  forks.  Gen.  Crook  did  not  express  his  satisfac 
tion  in  words.  His  mode  of  expressing  pleasure  was  by 


GROUARD  MEETS  GEN.  CROOK.  181; 

a  rapid  twinkling  of  his  eyes,  and  my  recollection  is  that 
the  General's  eyes  twinkled  very  merrily  when  the  com 
mand  reached  Clear  creek.  A  big  snowstorm  was  in 
progress.  We  moved  on  the  creek  almost  to  the  forks 
before  going  into  camp,  and  stayed  there  the  rest  of  that 
day. 


CHAPTER   XXX. 

LOOKING    FOR    INDIANS. 

While  in  camp  the  General  came  over  amongst  the 
scouts  and  tried  to  find  out  the  different  opinions  held 
by  them  as  to  where  the  Indians  were  most  likely  to  be 
found.  The  off-hand  opinion  amongst  the  scouts  was 
that  the  Indians  were  camped  on  Tongue  river  or  the 
Little  Big  Horn  ;  but  I  knew  better  than  that  from  my 
intimate  knowledge  of  the  Indians,  but  didn't  care  to  ex 
press  an  opinion  different  from  the  majority,  so  I  kept 
my  mouth  shut. 

When  we  left  Powder  river  the  General  asked  me 
where  I  thought  the  Indians  were,  and  I  said  on  Powder 
river,  and  he  asked  me  what  made  me  think  so,  and  I 
told  him  from  my  knowledge  of  the  Indians  and  their 
mode  of  living  in  the  winter  time.  I  knew  where  they 
ranged  during  the  winter  months.  They  had  a  certain 
range  where  they  went,  just  like  animals.  The  next 
morning  the  General  wanted  us  scouts  to  go  ahead  of 
the  command  and  find  whether  there  were  any  Indians 
camped  on  Tongue  river.  It  was  the  same  scouting 
party  that  started  from  Powder  river —  the  same  men 
with  two  additions. 


MAJOR  E.G.  FECHET,CAPTURER  OF  SITTING  BULL. 


LOOKING  FOR  INDIANS.  183 

We  crossed  along  the  forks  where  the  Big  Red  is 
at  present,  and  went  on  to  the  head  of  Dutch  creek, 
following  it  down  to  its  mouth  ;  from  there  down  to  the 
mouth  of  Prairie  Dog,  down  to  Tongue  river.  We 
found  a  spot  there  where  the  Indians  had  been  camped 
about  a  month  before.  We  waited  there  until  the  com 
mand  came  down  and  overtook  us.  It  was  to  follow  up 
our  trail.  It  took  the  command  two  days  to  reach  that 
point  from  Clear  creek  over  to  Upper  Prairie  Dog. 
From  there  all  the  scouts  except  Stagner  ( there  were 
thirty-four  of  us  started  out)  followed  Tongue  river 
down  and  scouted  in  the  vicinity  of  Tongue  river  to  its 
mouth  on  the  Yellowstone,  where  we  rested.  The  com 
mand  was  to  go  as  far  as  Otter  creek  and  wait  there 
until  our  return.  Gen.  Crook  asked  me  how  he  would 
know  the  creek  when  he  got  to  it.  I  told  him  there 
were  three  pine  trees  in  a  row,  tight  in  the  forks,  all  by 
themselves,  and  were  standing  right  on  the  bank  of 
Tongue  river  just  above  where  Otter  creek  empties  in, 
and  I  said  "  when  you  see  those  pine  trees,  you  go  into 
camp  there.'"  He  asked  me  if  I  knew  every  rock  and 
tree  in  the  country,  and  I  told  him  I  came  pretty  near 
it.  He  was  surprised  at  my  knowledge  of  the  country. 
The  other  scouts  could  travel  along  the  road,  but  after 
they  got  a  little  distance  from  the  highway  they  didn't 
know  a  thing  about  the  country. 

We  got  back  to  the  command  two  days  afterwards. 
There  is  where  we  found  another  old  camp  ground  of 
the  Indians.  We  found  where  they  had  killed  a  Crow 
Indian,  quartered  him  and  hung  him  up.  It  was  on 


184  LOOKING  FOR  INDIANS. 

Tongue  river  just  below  the  mouth  of  Hanging  Woman. 
His  arms,  legs,  head  and  everything  were  hung  up  in  dif 
ferent  places  on  the  trees  down  where  the  village  had 
been,  and  it  had  occurred  before  the  command  started. 
1  heard  the  Indians  had  killed  a  man  there  in  camp.  He 
was  stealing  horses.  It  must  have  been  done  a  month 
before.  There  is  nothing  left  of  a  horse  thief  after  the 
Indians  catch  him. 

The  General  came  over  to  the  camp  and  called  an 
other  council  of  the  scouts.  He  asked  their  advice  as 
to  which  way  he  would  have  to  go  to  find  the  Indians. 
That  is  where  I  got  the  enmity  of  Resha\v.  He  claimed 
the  Indians  were  on  the  Little  Big  Horn.  I  was  positive 
th?,t  I  knew  where  they  were,  and  asked  the  General  if 
he  wanted  to  find  the  Indians.  He  told  me  it  was 
either  a  fight  with  the  Indians  or  starvation,  and  he 
says  : 

"We  can't  starve;  we  have  too  many  mules,  but 
only  two  or  three  days'  rations  left." 

I  said  if  that  was  the  case  and  they  did  as  I  told 
them,  I  would  take  them  to  the  Indian  village  inside  of 
three  days. 

uThat  is  what   we  want,"  remarked  the  General. 
•     I  said,  "I  will  start  out  at  12  o'clock,  and  want  the 
best  horses  there  are  in  the  command,   or  as  good." 

"All  right,  you  shall  have  them,"  said  he,  and  he 
asked  how  many  men  I  wanted. 

I  said  I  would  go  by  myself. 

"All  right,"  he  said,  "I  will  give  the  orders.  Do 
you  know  of  any  horses  with  the  command  you  would 
like  to  have?" 


LOOKING  FOR  INDIANS.  185 

"I  said  there  were  two  good  animals  in  the  com 
mand.  I  would  like  one  or  the  other  of  them.  He  told 
me  to  name  them  and  he  would  have  them  fed  for  me. 
One  Avas  his  lead  horse  -  -  a  French-Canadian  horse.  I 
told  him,  and  he  said  : 

"All  right;  I  will  have  him  fed." 

I  told  him  to  follow  my  trail.  The  snow  was  very 
deep,  so  the  command  could  follow  my  tracks,  but,  said 
I,  "I  want  you  to  keep  these  scouts  all  with  the  com 
mand,  and  don't  let  them  go  away  from  you." 

He  said  he  would  do  as  requested.  Of  course,  there 
were  several  instructions  that  I  gave  him  :  To  keep  as 
close  on  my  trail  as  he  could,  and  I  told  him  also  that  I 
should,  probably,  when  I  struck  Otter  Creek,  follow  up 
the  creek  ;  that  he  wanted  to  watch  my  trail  very  close 
from  there  on.  There  were  only  three  trails  going  to 
Powder  river,  and  I  didn't  know  which  I  would  take. 
They  were  all  Indian  trails.  They  were  the  only  ones 
we  could  travel  on  very  well.  I  left  the  command  at 
about  12  o'clock  that  night,  and  traveled  until  about  7 
o'clock  the  next  morning,  when  I  reached  Otter  creek. 

Just  as  I  came  on  to  the  hills  leading  to  Otter 
creek,  or  just  before,  I  got  off  my  horse  and  crept  up  to 
the  hills  to  look  up  and  down  the  creek  with  my  glass. 
Up  the  creek  about  five  miles  from  where  I  was  I  saw 
two  Indians  trailing  a  buffalo,  or  some  animal  track. 
They  were  tracking  down  the  creek  towards  where  I  was. 
I  watched  them  very  close,  all  their  movements,  and  was 
sure  just  as  quick  as  I  watched  them  awhile  that  they 
were  out  hunting,  and  that  they  had  come  from  their 


186  LOOKING  FOR  INDIANS. 

village.  It  was  quite  a  ride  to  the  command,  and  I 
didn't  suppose  it  would  come  to  where  I  was  until 
between  1  and  2  o'clock.  I  thought  the  Indians  would 
have  plenty  of  time  to  get  out  of  sight  of  the  command 
before  it  reached  there.  Well,  I  must  have  been  watch 
ing  them  for  about  three  hours.  I  did  not  dare  to 
move  or  show  myself,  but  I  was  looking  at  the  Indians 
through  my  glass  at  this  time,  watching  every  move. 
When  they  had  got  almost  opposite  me,  they  stopped 
their  horses  all  of  a  sudden  and  looked  towards  me.  I 
was  not  over  a  mile  and  a  half  from  them,  and  could 
almost  see  their  features  through  the  glass.  All  of  a 
sudden  they  commenced  whipping  their  horses.  There 
were  some  pines  right  ahead  of  them,  and  they  ran  in 
behind  them  and  got  off  their  horses,  crept  up  on  to 
the  brow  of  the  hill  and  looked  towards  me.  I  could 
just  see  the  top  of  their  heads.  I  thought  to  myself, 
"  What  if  they  should  see  me?" 

Well,  I  soon  found  out  what  it  was  that  attracted 
their  attention.  Pretty  soon  here  comes  all  those  scouts, 
running  their  horses  across  the  hills.  They  were  scattered 
for  two  miles  along  the  hill  in  plain  view  of  the  Indians, 
who  stopped,  and  pretty  soon  started  for  the  timber  ; 
but  instead  of  going  back  the  way  they  came  they  went 
in  a  northeasterly  direction  towards  Powder  river,  and  I 
knew  they  were  going  on  to  the  main  trail  to  Powder 
river.  In  fact,  when  I  saw  that  the  scouts  had  scared 
the  Indians,  I  waited  until  they  had  got  up  to  me.  Then 
I  took  four  of  them  and  started  after  the  Indians  to 
keep  them  out  of  sight  of  the  command.  The  Indians 


LOOKING  FOR  INDIANS.  187 

didn't  wait  for  us,  but  just  kept  going.  But  they  were 
out  of  the  way  of  the  command.  They  didn't  see  it.  I 
was  satisfied  that  they  couldn't  recognize  whether  we  were 
Indians  or  whites.  Probably  they  would  think  we  were 
a  war  party  of  Crows,  and  go  for  camp  as  fast  as  they 
could.  We  went  across  Otter  creek  for  convenience.  The 
command  had  got  there,  and  I  told  the  General  about  it. 
It  made  me  mad,  because  the  scouts  had  got  away  from 
the  command.  I  told  him,  that  if  he  had  kept  the  scouts 
away  the  Indians  would  not  have  known  of  our  coming, 
and  it  would  have  been  no  trouble  getting  into  their 
camp. 

The  General  said  he  gave    them    orders  but  they  es 
caped  the  command.      He  said  he    didn't    think    the    com 
mand     so     close    to    me    as    it     was.       I    explained    that 
they  were  getting  close    to  the  Indians,   and    I   could  not 
tell  how  near    we    were,   and    that    was  the  reason  I  had 
asked  him   to  keep  the  scouts    with    the    command.       He 
asked  me  what  1  intended  to  do.      I    replied    that    I    in 
tended    to    jump    the    village    tomorrow   morning    if   he 
would  give  me  four  companies  of  cavalry.       There    were 
ten  companies  in  the  command.     The  General  asked  : 
"Do  you  think  you  can  find  a  village?" 
I   said,  "I  don't  think  anything  about  it;  I  know  it." 
"AH  right,"  he    says;  "I    will    give    you    six    com 
panies,  and  will  keep  four  with    the    pack    train.       When 
do  you  want  to  start  ? '' 

"I    want    to    start    about    an    hour  by  sun,  so  I  can 
reach  the  forks  of    Otter  creek  before  dark,"  I  replied. 
I    was    going    to    follow    the    back    tracks  of  the  In- 


188      jj  Zr        LOOKING  FOR  INDIANS. 


dians,  or  that  was  my  intention.       The    General    said    he 
would  have  the  horses  fed  what  grain    there    was    left  - 
there  was  only  one  day^s  forage    left  —  and  that  the  cav 
alry    would   be    ready    to     start     by    the     time    I    wanted 
them,  with   Col.  Reynolds  in  command. 

Reynolds  was  Colonel  of  the  Third  cavalry.  Gen. 
Crook  gave  the  necessary  orders,  and  then  called  the 
Colonel  over  to  headquarters  and  gave  him  his  orders 
in  my  presence,  no  other  person  being  present.  His 
orders  were  very  strict — that  we  should  jump  the  vil 
lage  and  capture  the  horses,  take  all  the  dried  meat 
we  could  get,  and  keep  the  Indian  saddles  and  burn 
the  village,  and  to  hold  the  village  until  we  could 
get  a  courier  back  to  him.  We  were  to  capture  the 
Indians  if  possible.  That  was  the  purport  of  Gen. 
Crook's  verbal  orders  to  Col.  Reynolds. 

Everything  being  ready,  we  started  and  reached  the 
forks  of  Otter  creek  about  sundown.  Finding  that  the 
Indians  we  had  seen  had  come  down  the  left  hand 
fork,  I  was  almost  satisfied  where  the  viliage  lay. 


CHAPTER   XXXI. 


THE  BATTLE  WITH  CRAZY  HORSE. 

That  night  was  the  coldest  one  I  ever  experienced 
in  the  northern  country.  It  was  the  night  of  the  16th 
of  March.  Just  as  quick  as  it  became  dark  I  got  off 
of  my  horse?  and  gave  him  to  one  of  the  scouts  to  lead. 
I  had  to  go  afoot  in  order  to  follow  the  Indian  tracks. 
I  footed  it  all  night  long.  It  was  warm  work  for  me. 
I  came  to  the  Powder  river  divide  some  six  miles  from 
Powder  river,  about  3  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  went 
on  to  locate  the  village,  leaving  the  command  six  milea 
to  the  rear  to  await  my  return.  One  of  the  men  with 
me  was  Buckskin  Jack,  a  notorious  scout  ( who  is  now 
traveling  with  Buffalo  Bill),  then  a  young  man.  He 
might  be  called  the  "  Midget  of  the  Plains."  The  other 
man's  name  was  Phoenix.  He  was  hanged  afterwards 
down  on  the  Yellowstone  for  horse  stealing. 

When  I  started  out  it  was  sixty  degrees  below  zero; 
I  think  they  said  it  was  sixty-three.  We  had  a  couple 
of  doctors  with  us.  Dr.  Hartsoff,  now  ranking  colonel, 
was  one  of  them.  Just  at  daylight  we  came  up  a  hill 
above  Powder  river.  There  was  an  immense  fog,  so  thick 
I  could  not  see  anything.  It  had  raised  out  of  the 


190    "^  [THE  BATTLE  WITH  CRAZY  HORSE. 

river,  but  I  could  hear  the  bells  on  the  Indian  ponies. 
Of  course  that  satisfied  me  that  there  was  a  village  there. 
I  sent  Buckskin  Jack  back  after  the  command,  telling 
him  to  bring  them  up  as  soon  as  possible,  while  I  went 
down  and  located  the  village.  I  could  not  tell  where  it 
was,  on  account  of  the  fog.  I  was  up  about  one  thous 
and  feet,  and  it  was  straight  down  to  the  village.  I  got 
about  half  way  down  the  hill  when  the  fog  raised,  so 
that  I  could  look  in  under  it  and  see  the  village  down 
below  me,  about  a  mile  off.  1  could  see  the  tops  of  the 
lodges,  and  the  horses,  and  could  hear  the  Indians  talk. 
An  Indian  was  haranguing  the  camp,  and  it  was  from 
this  one  that  I  learned  that  a  party  of  the  Indians  had 
gone  back  the  trail  to  find  out  who  we  were,  for  they  had 
seen  us  on  Otter  creek;  but  instead  of  going  the  upper 
trail,  they  had  gone  the  lower  one,  so  that  we  had  missed 
them.  I  found  this  out  through  the  crier.  I  cou!d  hear 
it  as  plain  as  could  be.  I  could  not  tell  how  large  a 
village  it  was  from  where  I  stood.  They  had  camped  in 
a  low  bed  of  a  river,  or  where  a  river  had  been  perhaps 
a  hundred  years  ago,  right  under  a  big  bank.  The  In 
dians  had  camped  in  the  circle  of  this  old  river  bed. 
There  was  .timber  scattered  all  through  the  bottom,  and 
they  were  camped  amongst  this  timber.  I  supposed  there 
were  some  one  hundred  lodges,  and  from  seven  hundred 
to  one  thousand  Indians.  I  came  back  up  on  the  hill. 
Just  as  I  reached  there,  Col.  Reynolds  and  his  company 
came  up  close  to  me.  Said  I : 

u  Colonel,  here  are  the  Indians.  Now,  that  I  have 
found  them,  all  you  have  got  to  do  is  to  fight  them." 

He  says,  "What  am  I  going  to  do?1' 


THE  BATTLE  WITH  CRAZY  HORSE.  191 

"Fight  them  Indians,"  I  replied.  "I  suppose  that  is 
what  you  want." 

He  says,  «  What  can  I  do  ?" 

He  seemed  lost.     I  says  : 

kt  Fight  them  Indians ;  that  is  all  you  have  to  do." 

"How  will  I  place  my  command?"  he  asked. 

If  I  had  known  as  much  then  as  I  do  now,  I  would 
have  told  him  terrible  quick.  I  said  : 

"  You  wanted  me  to  find  the  Indians.  Now,  there 
they  are.  Do  what  you  want  to  with  them." 

He  asked:  "  Can  you  place  the  command?  Tell 
me  how  to  place  it?" 

I  said  :  "  Yes,  I  can  do  that.  Send  some  down  this 
way,  and  some  down  the  other  way,  and  keep  the  Indians 
from  going  into  the  hills." 

44  Will  you  place  them?"  he  asked. 

I  replied:  u  Yes,  I  will  place  one  party,  and  send 
another  man  with  the  other." 

He  gave  the  orders.  Captain  Egan  of  the  Second 
Cavalry  was  to  make  the  charge  down  the  river  into  the 
village.  Captain  Mills  of  the  Third  Cavalry  was  to  sup 
port  him.  Captain  Moore  of  the  Third  was  to  keep  the 
Indians  from  going  into  the  hills.  Captain  Noyes  of 
the  Third  Cavalry,  with  the  scouts,  was  to  help  run  the 
ponies  off.  -  I  sent  Buckskin  Jack  with  Captain  Noyes, 
Little  Bat  and  Charlie  Jennesse  with  Captain  Egan's 
company.  I  went  with  Captain  Moore's  battalion  to  put 
it  into  position.  It  was  7  o'clock  when  we  started  to 
take  our  positions.  It  was  9  o'clock  before  we  got  into 
position.  It  was  10:30  when  Captain  Egan  charged  the 
village. 


193  THE  BATTLE  WITH  CRAZY  HORSE. 

After  I  put  Moore's  battalion  into  position  I  started 
down  across  the  flat  towards  the  village.  I  suppose  it 
was  about  half  a  mile  from  there  right  down  across  the 
flat.  The  horses  and  everything  were  right  in  sight,  and 
we  had  been  in  sight  ourselves  ever  since  seven  o'clock, 
and  the  Indians  had  not  seen  us.  We  had  been  just 
where,  if  they  had  looked  up  the  hill,  they  would  have 
seen  us,  and  they  had  not  caught  sight  of  us.  I  went 
right  down  across  this  flat  and  walked  up  to  within  twenty 
yards  of  the  village  and  commenced  talking  to  the  In 
dians  before  they  knew  there  was  anybody  around.  By 
this  time  Capt.  Egan  had  come  up  in  sight. 

This  was  the  17th  of  March,  1876,  fight.  When  I 
got  within  twenty  yards  of  the  camp  I  yelled  to  Crazy 
Horse.  I  recalled  what  he  had  told  me  during  my  en 
deavors  to  secure  the  Black  Hills  treaty — that  he  would 
rather  fight  than  make  a  treaty  —  and  told  him  that 
now  was  the  time  to  come  out  and  get  all  the  fighting 
he  wanted,  as  the  troops  were  all  around  his  camp! 

He  did  not  have  time  to  answer.  The  charge  had 
begun.  Egan's  command  came  right  up  by  the  side  of 
them.  The  battalion  that  I  had  stationed  to  keep  the 
Indians  from  going  into  the  hills,  instead  of  going  to  the 
position  assigned  it,  commenced  firing  from  the  position 
it  held.  I  don't  know  whether  they  thought  they 
were  firing  at  the  Indians  or  not,  but  they  were  firing 
into  Egan's  company.  I  suppose  they  imagined  they 
were  fighting  the  Indians.  I  had  to  go  in  with  Egan's 
troops  to  keep  from  being  shot.  We  charged  right  down 
into  the  center  of  the  village.  As  Capt.  Egan  entered 


THE  BATTLE  WITH  CRAZY  HORSE.  198 

the  village,  Hospital  Steward  Will  Bryant  was  riding 
alongside  of  him.  As  he  dashed  in  among  the  lodges  an 
Indian  came  from  one  of  the  tepis  aiming  to  kill  the 
Captain.  Bryant,  seeing  that  Egan  was  in  danger,  ran  in 
front  of  him,  his  horse  receiving  the  bullet  in  its  head, 
killing  it  instantly.  Bryant  took  in  after  the  Indian  on 
footr  He  was  a  foot-racer,  but  he  didn't  catch  him, 
though  he  ran  the  Indian  in  amongst  the  lodges. 

The  horses  and  soldiers  charged  right  through  the 
village.  They  fought,  I  guess,  for  thirty  minutes,  when 
Capt.  Mills'  command  came  to  their  relief.  When  Mills 
came  to  their  relief  the  Indians  went  right  into  the  hills, 
as  there  was  nobody  to  stop  them  or  head  them  oft*. 
They  went  right  into  the  rocks.  We  had  no  chance  to 
kill  or  capture  many  of  them,  but  secured  the  village 
and  horses  and  one  Indian.  I  forget  how  many  soldiers 
there  were  killed.  Everything  belonging  to  the  village 
was  destroyed  by  fire,  even  the  saddles  and  meat.  The 
Indians  escaped  to  the  hills  with  the  loss  of  but  one 
buck  and  one  old  squaw,  and  she  was"  not  lost,  as  she 
was  captured  after  being  shot;  and  as  nobody  in  the  com 
mand  wanted  her,  she  was  left  there. 

She  told  me  that  Sitting  Bull's  village  was  situated 
down  the  river  about  sixty  miles.  The  village  we  had 
destroyed  was  Crazy  Horse's  village.  I  knew  this  village 
by  the  horses.  Knew  every  horse  there  was  there.  The 
old  squaw  told  me  Sitting  Bull's  village  was  at  the  mouth 
of  Beaver  creek,  but  I  had  suspected  this  all  the  time. 

It  was  about  an  hour  after  the  fight  commenced  that 
Col.  Reynolds  sent  for  me,  and  told  me  to  be  ready  to 


194  THE  BATTLE  WITH  CRAZY  HORSE. 

move  at  one  o'clock,  as  he  wanted  to  go  to  the  mouth  of 
Clear  creek  that  night.  That  was  the  first  I  knew  of  the 
orders  he  had  given.  I  asked  him  if  he  was  going  to 
keep  the  dried  meat  and  saddles,  and  he  said  he  had 
given  orders  for  everything  to  be  burned ;  that  he  would 
not  let  any  of  .the  soldiers  take  anything;  they  had  pos 
itive  orders  for  everything  to  be  burned  up.  We  cap 
tured  between  twelve  and  fifteen  hundred  head  of  ponies. 
I  asked  the  Colonel  then  to  give  me  some  soldiers  to  drive 
the  ponies  up  with,  as  I  'only  had  twelve  men  to  drive 
the  herd.  He  said  : 

"No;  the  scouts  will  have  to  drive  them." 
I  said,  "  There  are  too  many  for  them  to  drive." 
ulf  they  can't  drive  them,"  he  replied,  "  shoot  them." 
I  said,  "They  have   not   got  ammunition   enough   to 
shoot  them." 

And  he  answered,  "  What  they  can't  kill,  let  go." 
Captain    Egan    then    came   up   and    said,  "I   am   the 
rear  guard,  and  I  will  see   that   the  ponies  get  into  camp 
tonight." 

Soon  after  this  we  left  there.  I  put  a  scout  with 
each  battalion.  I  put  two  men  in  two  battalions,  and  I 
took  a  battalion  myself,  so  as  to  guide  them  during  our 
night's  travel  and  keep  them  from  getting  lost.  I  was 
not  very  long  going  that  twenty  miles  with  one  battalion. 
We  got  there  just  at  dusk  ;  was  expecting  to  meet  Gen. 
Crook  there.  ~  Not  finding  him  in  camp  at  that  point,  we 
went  into  camp  there  ourselves.  It  was  about  nine  o'clock 
before  the  other  battalions  came  in.  It  was  about  twelve 
o'clock  before  the  ponies  came  in  with  Captain  Egan  as 
rear  guard. 


THE  BATTLE  WITH  CRAZY  HORSE.  198 

I  asked  the  Colonel  then  if  he  would  give  me  a 
guard  for  the  ponies  during  the  night ;  but  he  said 
the  men  were  too  tired  and  he  didn't  think  the  ponies 
were  in  any  danger  ;  that  they  would  be  perfectly  safe 
turned  loose,  or  that  the  scouts  could  guard  them  until 
morning.  I  caught  up  my  horse  and  mule,  tied  them  up 
and  told  the  scouts  to  do  the  same  with  theirs,  together 
with  the  horses  they  wanted  to  ride,  and  turn  the  rest 
loose ;  made  down  a  bed  and  went  to  sleep.  I  didn't 
think  I  had  been  asleep  ten  minutes  before  somebody 
came  and  woke  me  up,  and  told  me  the  Indians  were 
driving  off  the  ponies.  I  jumped  up,  and  it  was  just 
break  of  day.  Off  about  one  half  mile  from  camp  were 
the  Indians  driving  off  the  ponies.  I  went  to  the  Colo 
nel  and  woke  him  up,  asking  him  for  a  company  of  sol 
diers  to  go  out  and  capture  the  ponies.  He  told  me  the 
men  not  having  anything  to  eat,  were  both  hungry  and 
tired,  and  he  could  not  send  them  out.  He  told  me  I 
had  better  take  the  scouts  and  go  out  and  see  what  I 
could  do  with  them.  There  were  probably  twenty-five  or 
thirty  Indians  driving  off  the  ponies. 

I  didn't  send  the  scouts  out.  I  just  asked  if  there 
was  anybody  wanted  to  go,  but  there  were  only  four 
men  volunteered — Little  Bat,  John  Shangreau,  Buck 
skin  Jack  and  another  scout.  We  saddled  our  horses 
and  started  after  the  Indians.  They  were  going  in  the 
way  that  Gen.  Crook  was  coming  from,  and  I  thought 
most  probably  that  I  could  meet  him  ;  and  as  the  Gen 
eral  had  four  companies  of  soldiers  it  would  have  been 
a  sure  thing  that  we  could  have  taken  the  horses  away 


196  THE  BATTLE  WITH  CRAZY  HORSE. 

from  the  Indians.  I  overtook  the  Indians  about  two 
miles  from  camp,  and  had  a  kind  of  running  fight  with 
them  until  about  1  o'clock.  We  recaptured  the  horses 
and  they  got  them  back  again.  They  did  this  two  or 
three  times.  There  were  too  many  of  them  for  us,  and 
the  last  time  we  tried  to  recapture  the  ponies  we 
charged  in  on  them,  and  they  shot  Little  Bat's  horse 
out  from  under  him,  and  left  him  afoot,  and  he  had  to 
get  on  behind  me. 

It  was  not  very  pleasant,  fighting  the  Tndians  in 
that  fashion.  They  saw  that  one  of  us  was  afoot  and 
came  right  down  for  us.  I  kept  them  at  bay  as  much 
as  I  could,  and  finally  they  left  us  alone.  We  were 
about  twenty  miles  from  the  river  on  the  head  of  Ot 
ter  creek  when  this  occurred,  and  not  meeting  the  Gen 
eral  I  turned  around  and  started  back.  It  was  dark 
when  we  reached  where  the  camp  had  been  in  the 
morning,  but  it  had  moved.  We  followed  the  trail  right 
up  Powder  river.  We  went  up  about  ten  miles  and 
saw  the  camp  seven  or  eight  miles  above  us.  We 
could  see  the  reflection  from  the  camp  fires. 

On  our  way  we  ran  into  another  lot  of  Indians.  It  was 
perfectly  dark  and  cloudy  and  I  heard  something  coin 
ing  along  the  trail  and  waited  for  them  to  come  up, 
and  who  should  it  be  but  some  Indians  driving 
horses.  I  sent  one  of  the  boys  ahead  of  the  horses 
the  Indians  were  driving,  and  one  of  the  scouts  and 
myself  went  to  head  the  horses  off,  and  the  other  two 
scouts  fired  into  the  Indians.  Not  knowing  how  many 
there  were  of  us,  the  Indians  just  dropped  everything 


THE  BATTLE  WITH  CRAZY  HORSE.  19T 

and  ran.  We  captured  the  horses,  and  Little  Bat  got  an 
animal  to  ride  from  there  to  camp,  and  we  drove  the 
other  animals  in  with  us. 

There  were  eleven  head  of  horses.  The  horses  had 
been  stolen  from  George  Harris,  who  lived  on  the  Platte 
river.  The  Indians  had  been  to  Harris'  place,  driven  off  the 
horses,  and  were  taking  them  down  to  Crazy  Horse's 
camp,  not  knowing  of  the  battle  that  had  been  fought 
there.  So  from  there  we  were  fixed  comfortably  until  we 
got  into  camp.  We  got  within  about  half  a  mile  of 
camp,  when  who  should  we  meet  but  Gen.  Crook,  who  had 
been  watching  for  us.  lie  came  down  and  met  us,  say 
ing  he  had  been  watching  there  ever  since  dark,  about' 
one-half  mile  from  the  command.  The  first  thing  I  knew 
he  asked  me  if  that  was  me,  and  I  said  it  was,  and  he 
came  up  and  shook  hands  with  me.  He  told  me  he  had 
just  caught  up  with  the  ranks,  and  had  got  into  camp  a 
little  before  sundown.  I  was  plumb  played  out.  I  had 
been  three  nights  without  any  sleep  to  amount  to  any 
thing.  The  General  didn't  say  much  to  me  that  night. 
When  I  got  to  camp,  Captain  Egan  came  over  to  where 
I  was,  and  says : 

u  Frank,  I  have  something  warm  for  you." 
He  took  me  over  to  his  quarters  and  gave  me  a  cup 
of  coffee  and  some  hot  biscuits  and  butter,  and  I  think 
that  was  the  finest  meal  I  ever  ate  in  my  life.  After 
I  got  through  eating,  the  General  told  me  to  go  to  bed, 
and  I  don't  believe  it  was  over  five  seconds  before  I  was 
asleep.  The  Indians  and  soldiers  were  fighting  all  night, 
but  I  never  heard  it.  The  General  woke  me  the  next 


198  THE  BATTLE  WITH  CRAZY  HORSE. 

morning,  and  the  camp  was  about  ready  to  move, 
never  knew  anything  about  the  tight.  He  asked  me  about 
everything  that  had  occurred  at  the  Crazy  Horse  battle, 
and  why  the  orders  were  not  obeyed.  I  didn't  spare  them 
a  bit  in  the  world.  I  told  him  just  how  the  whole  thing 
had  been  run.  He  didn't  say  anything  to  them,  but  said 
that  as  Col.  Reynolds  was  in  charge  of  the  command,  he 
didn't  want  to  take  the  charge  away  from  him.  He  never 
said  he  was  going  to  put  him  under  arrest.  He  just  sim 
ply  went  to  work  and  put  him  under  arrest,  and  never 
told  anybody.  Reynolds  was  not  relieved  of  his  com 
mand  until  we  got  to  Cheyenne. 


[Grouard,  when  the  battle  with  Crazy  Horse  oc 
curred,  knew  nothing  of  the  stories  concerning  himself 
that  were  being  circulated  in  the  command,  nor  did  he 
find  out  anything  about  them  until  Gen.  Crook  explained 
matters  on  the  way  to  Fort  Fetterman  at  the  close  of 
the  campaign. 

He  says  the  indecision  of  Reynolds  nonplussed  and 
worried  him.  He  did  not  then  even  dream  that  Reynolds 
and  some  other  officers  of  the  command  suspected  or 
doubted  his  loyalty  ;  but  after  his  talk  with  Gen.  Crook 
everything  was  made  plain.  Fear  of  an  ambush — a 
vision  hatched  in  the  jealous  brain  of  some  "carpet 
warrior  " —  prompted,  so  Grouard  says,  Reynolds  in  order 
ing  a  retreat,  when  every  principle  of  war  and  manhood 
demanded  the  exact  reverse.  It  was,  as  Captain  Bourke 
so  tersely  expresses  it,  "one  of  those  things  that  no  man 
can  explain."  General  Crook  divined  the  motive,  how- 


THE  BATTLE  WITH  CRAZY  HOUSE.  199 

• 

ever,  and  in  his  soldierly  way  placed  the  responsibility 
where  it  belonged.  The  facts  related  by  Grouard  are 
admirably  borne  out  by  the  narrative  of  Captain  Bourke, 
who,  in  speaking  of  the  battle  says,  that  "both  Mills 
and  Egan  were  doing  excellent  work  in  the  village  (de 
stroying  it),  while  the  pony  herd  was  held  by  -Noyes." 
He  does  not  try  to  find  any  excuse  for  the  failure  of 
Reynolds  to  fortify  his  position  and  send  word  to  Crook 
(who  was  at  no  great  distance  with  four  companies)  to 
come  at  once  to  the  assistance  of  the  rest  of  the  com 
mand.  He  must  have  known  that  the  captured  pony  herd 
consisted  of  over  one  thousand  head  ;  that  the  number  of 
saddles  run  up  to  nearly  two  hundred  ;  that  a  thousand 
robes  and  furs  were  in  the  captured  tepis;  that  a  great 
amount  of  ammunition  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  his 
soldiers,  and  that  "  tons  upon  tons  of  meat "  had  been 
left  by  the  fleeing  savages  ;  yet,  in  the  face  of  all  this, 
Reynolds  not  only  abandoned  the  camp  of  Crazy  Horse, 
but  did  it  so  precipitately  that  the  dead  and  wounded 
were  left  for  mutilation  and  butchery.  And  Captain 
Bourke  says,  with  considerable  feeling,  that  it  was  whis 
pered  among  the  men  "  that  one  of  our  poor  soldiers 
fell  alive  into  the  enemies  hands  and  was  cut  limb  from 
limb."  The  captain  does  not  make  this  statement  from 
his  "own  knowledge,"  but  adds,  "I  can  only  say  I  be 
lieve  it  to  be  true." 

Referring  to  the  bivouac  at  the  mouth  of  Lodge 
Pole  creek  on  the  night  succeeding  the  battle  with  Crazy 
Horse,  Captain  Bourke  says  there  was  neither  feed  for 
the  animals  nor  rations  for  the  men  — "  not  even  for  the 


200  THE  BATTLE  WITH  CRAZY  HOUSE. 

i 

wounded  men,  of  whom  we  had  six."  The  men,  after 
two  days'  hard  riding,  marching  and  fighting,  were  com 
pletely  tired  out,  and  no  attempt  was  made  to  place  a 
guard  over  the  captured  pony  herd;  and  "  even  when  the 
loss  was  discovered " — when  the  report  was  carried  to 
Reynolds  the  following  morning,  as  detailed  by  Grouard, 
that  the  Indians  were  driving  off  the  ponies — "  no  at 
tention  was  paid  and  no  attempt  made,"  concludes 
Bourke,  "to  pursue  and  regain  the  mainstay  of  Indian 
hostility." 

When  Crook  reached  camp  about  noon  on  the  day 
after  the  battle,  says  this  same  authority,  he  was  very 
much  gratified  to  learn  that  the  attempt  to  find  the  village 
of  Crazy  Horse  had  been  successful  ;  but  he  could  not 
hide  his  chagrin  and  disappointment  upon  discovering 
that  the  dead  and  wounded  had  been  left  in  the  hostile 
camp,  and  that  his  soldiers  were  suffering  from  cold  and 
hunger  when  a  great  abundance  of  furs  and  provisions 
had  been  lost  to  the  command  through  the  hasty  with 
drawal  from  the  Indian  village  of  the  victorious  troopers. 
There  was  no  other  alternative  for  General  Crook  but 
to  abandon  the  campaign  and  return  to  Fetter  man,  which 
meant  a  long,  suffering  journey  of  over  one  hundred  and 
eighty  miles,  with  the  thermometer  thirty  degrees  below 
zero.  From  Fetterman  the  troops  were  distributed  to 
various  forts  pending  the  organizing  of  the  spring  cam 
paign. 

"We  had  no  beef,"  says  Bourke,  "as  our  herd  had 
been  run  off  on  account  of  the  failure  to  guard  it ;  we 
were  out  of  supplies,  although  we  had  destroyed  enough 


to 
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lx 

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o 
o 
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tt 


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O 

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a 


THE  BATTLE  WITH  CRAZY  HOUSE.  201 

to  last  a  regiment  for  a  couple  of  months  ;  we  were  en 
cumbered  with  sick,  wounded,  and  cripples  with  frozen 
limbs,  because  we  had  not  had  sense  enough  to  save  the 
furs  and  robes  in  the  village." 

There  is  the  story  from  the  standpoint  of  as  brave 
a  soldier  as  ever  carried  weapon  in  defense  of  country; 
and  yet  there  has  been  a  monstrous  waste  of  sentiment 
over  the  fact  that  the  battle  with  Crazy  Horse  led  to  a 
court  martial  and  other  unpleasant  recollections  for  Gen 
eral  Reynolds. 

Grouard  maintains  that  the  key  to  the  immediate 
settlement  of  all  the  Indian's  troubles  was  lost  in  failing 
to  follow  up  the  advantage  gained  through  the  capture 
of  the  Crazy  Horse  village.  The  village  of  Sitting  Bull, 
situated  but  sixty  miles  below  where  Crazy  Horse  was 
found,  would  have  fallen  into  -the  hands  of  the  troops 
also  had  proper  precaution  been  taken  to  capture  the  flee 
ing  savages  under  Crazy  Horse.  But  somebody  blun 
dered,  and  the  year  1876  was  destined  to  bear  awful 
fruit  from  this  terrible  error.  With  Crazy  Horse  and 
Sitting  Bull  conquered,  the  world  would  never  have  re 
ceived  the  shocks  it  felt  successively  when  news  of  the 
battle  of  the  Rosebud,  the  Little  Big  Horn,  the  War  Bon- 
nett  and  Slim  Buttes  electrified  and  horrified  the  people. 
AUTHOR.] 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 


CLOSE    OF    THE    SPRING    CAMPAIGN. 

The  third  day  after  the  Crazy  Horse  battle,  General 
Crook  asked  me  how  long  it  would  take  me  to  go  up  to 
the  wagon  train  camp  at  old  Fort  Reno  on  Powder  river. 
I  told  him  three  days  or  so.  On  the  morning  of  the 
third  day  after  we  had  started  for  the  wagon  train,  Gen. 
Crook  wanted  me  to  take  a  message  to  Fort  Reno,  and 
asked  me  how  far  it  was.  I  said  about  thirty  miles.  He 
said  : 

"I  want  you  to  get  ready  so  as  to  start  right  away." 

I  said,  "All  right." 

"What  time  can  you  get   there?"  he  asked. 

I  said  about  twelve  o'clock. 

He  said,  "  If  you  can  make  it  by  twelve,  we  can  by 
three." 

I  started  on  the  trip.  It  was  just  about  fifty  miles 
from  there  up  to  the  wagon  train.  I  got  there  at  twelve 
o'clock.  The  wagonmen  were  eating  their  dinners  when 
I  arrived.  The  General  and  soldiers  got  there  at  dark. 

"I  would  like  to  buy  land  by  your  measurement  of 
miles,"  Gen.  Crook  remarked,  when  we  met. 

I  told  him  I  didn't  know  anything  about  a  mile,  and 


CLOSE  OF  THE  SPUING  CAMPAIGN.  208 

I  guess  he  believed  it,  for  he  never  again  asked  me  about 
a  mile  as  long  as  I  knew  him.  I  was  guided  solely  by 
the  time  I  could  get  there.  This  is  the  Indian  way  of 
telling  distances.  We  laid  over  at  Reno  the  next  day, 
and  the  following  morning  started  out.  Gen.  Crook  told 
me  to  go  in  his  ambulance,  and  said  he  was  going  right 
through  to  Fort  Fetterman.  I  got  in  and  went  with  him. 
On  the  trip  to  Fetterman  he  spoke  of  the  stories  that 
had  been  told  against  me  by  the  scouts  ;  the  bad  reputa 
tion  they  had  been  giving  me.  He  said  that  he  had  not 
paid  any  attention  to  what  they  had  reported,  and  that  he 
had  as  much  confidence  in  me  as  if  he  had  not  heard 
any  such  stories.  This  March  campaign  in  1876  was  the 
opening  of  what  is  known  and  called  the  Sioux  war. 
After  the  Crazy  Horse  fight  the  troops  were  withdrawn 
from  active  service  until  May. 

Keshaw  had  been  trying  to  put  up  a  job  on  me 
from  the  time  I  had  started  out  by  myself  on  Tongue 
river.  He  had  circulated  stories  around  amongst  the 
officers,  and  told  the  General  that  I  was  in  communica 
tion  with  the  Indians  every  night ;  that  I  was  fixing  up 
a  plot  with  them  to  have  the  command  massacred.  That 
was  the  story  he  tried  to  make  them  believe,  and 
Gen.  Crook  told  me  that  all  the  officers  believed  it  ex 
cept  himself.  Reshaw  tried  to  make  them  believe  that  I 
was  working  against  the  command ;  that  my  object  in 
leaving  the  Indians  was  to  run  the  command  into  the 
hostile  country  far  enough  to  give  the  Sioux  a  chance  to 
kill  off  the  last  one  of  them  —  Crook,  and  his  officers  as 
well.  Of  course,  I  didn't  know  anything  about  it,  so  i* 
didn't  affect  me  the  least  bit. 


204  CLOSE  OF  THE  SPRING  CAMPAIGN. 

You  see,  Reshaw  was  jealous  of  my  knowledge  of 
the  country  and  the  Indians.  I  had  not  met  any  of  the 
officers  very  much.  Deere  was  the  only  man  I  was  ac 
quainted  with  ;  and  the  officers,  not  knowing  me  or  any 
thing  about  me,  were  suspicious  after  hearing  these  stories 
about  me.  Louie  Reshaw  was  a  brother  -'of  John  Re 
shaw.  The  latter  killed  a  soldier  at  Fort  Fetterman  in 
1866,  and  fled,  going  among  the  hostile  Indians  to  live. 
He  was  supposed  to  have  been  one  of  the  instigators  of 
the  war  waged  by  the  redmen  afterwards,  which  led  to  the 
massacre  of  Col.  Fetterman  and  his  command  at  Fort 
Phil  Kearney  that  same  year.  This  war  continued  until 
the  treaty  was  made  with  the  government  at  Fort  Lar- 
amie  in  1868.  John  Reshaw  was  pardoned  by  the  pres 
ident  in  1868,  the  pardon  being  one  of  the  treaty  stipu 
lations,  but  was  killed  shortly  afterwards  by  his  brother- 
in-law,  an  Indian.  Louie  had  been  interpreter  for  the 
different  treaties  and  councils  they  had-  with  the  Indians, 
and  acquired  quite  a  reputation,  and  made  two  or  three 
trips  to  Washington.  He  was  a  half-breed. 


CHAPTER    XXXIII. 


WORKING    OFF     "  BILE. " 

Shortly  after  the  command  reached  Fort  Fetterman, 
all  of  the  scouts  were  discharged  except  Louie  Reshaw, 
Big  Bat  and  myself.  Reshaw  was  sent  over  to  the  Red 
Cloud  Agency,  Bat  was  sent  to  Fort  Laramie  and  I  was 
stationed  at  Fetterman.  Speed  Stagner  was  also  recom 
mended  as  guide  at  Fort  Fetterman.  I  was  ordered  to 
Cheyenne  from  there  on  the  court  martial  of  Col.  Rey 
nolds.  Court  had  been  convened  to  try  him  for  disobey 
ing  orders  at  the  Powder  river  fight  with  Crazy  Horse. 
I  didn't  stop  in  Cheyenne  but  a  few  days,  and  then  took 
a  stage  down  to  Sydney,  and  went  from-  there  to  Fort 
Robinson.  I  was  ordered  down  there.  That  is  where  I 
first  found  out  that  Louie  Reshaw  was  trying  to  get  me 
killed. 

Shortly  after  I  reached  there  I  went  down  to  a 
dance  one  night,  just  below  the  Agency.  Of  course,  Re 
shaw  and  his  relatives  were  there,  five  or  six  of  them. 
After  I  got  through  dancing  I  went  to  the  door.  It  was 
very  dark  outside,  and  I  stood  there  cooling  myself.  The 
door  was  near  the  corner  of  the  house,  just  about  a  foot 
and  a  half  from  the  corner.  While  I  stood  there  some- 


306  WORKING  OFF  "BILE." 

body  tried  to  fire  a  revolver  in  my  face.  The  only 
thing  that  kept  me  from  being  killed  was  that  the  cap 
flashed.  I  think  it  was  an  old-fashioned  Colt's  revolver, 
for  there  was  no  report  —  nothing  but  the  flash  of  the 
cap.  The  pistol  was  held  right  in  my  face.  I  took 
right  after  the  party,  but  I  could  not  catch  him.  I 
had  no  idea  who  it  was,  and  didn't  find  out  for  some 
time.  About  two  weeks  later  I  was  at  another  dance. 
This  was  a  half-breed  dance.  Big  Bat  came  in  and  said: 

"You  had  better  be  on  the  watch.  They  are  going 
to  try  and  kill  you  to-night,  and  have  fixed  a  plan  to 
shoot  you.  I  will  watch  while  you  dance." 

He  didn't  dance  any.  In  the  room — it  was  small 
— we  could  only  dance  one  set.  There  was  an  up-stair 
room  in  the  house,  and  steps  leading  up  to  it.  Bat 
was  sitting  on  the  third  or  fourth  step.  He  had  told 
me  that  whenever  he  gave  me  the  signal  I  wanted  to 
be  ready.  I  was  to  watch  every  move  that  was  going 
on.  I  was  dancing  so  that  I  could  face  Bat,  when  he 
gave  me  the  signal.  I  saw  that  there  were  four  half- 
breeds  standing  against  the  wall,  and  Bat  nodded  his 

head    as   much    as   to   say: 

u  Watch  out  for   that   party." 

After  he  had  given  me  the  signal,  I  heard  him  call 
ing  to  me  to  watch  out.  As  I  looked  around,  he  had 
got  after  these  men,  having  seen  them  make  some 
kind  of  a  move  ;  and  before  I  could  get  my  partner 
out  of  the  room,  Bat  had  all  four  of  the  half-breeds 
piled  up  in  the  corner,  going  after  them  right  and  left. 
He  never  used  a  revolver — only  his  fist ;  but  he  was  a 
powerful  man,  anyway. 


WORKING  OFF  -BILE.'1  20 ; 

< 
Of    course,   after    that    we    didn't   think    any  more  of 

dancing.  The  dance  broke  up.  I  had  to  keep  on 
the  watch  all  the  time.  Bat  told  me  .who  was  trying  to 
take  my  life.  Two  of  these  men  were  hid  brothers-in-law. 
He  married  a  sister  of  Reshaw.  Two  of  them  were  Re- 
shaw's  boys.  He  told  me  then  that  Louie  was  the  insti 
gator  of  it,  and  was  trying  to  down  me  ;  for  me  to  be  on 
the  watch  for  him.  I  never  told  the  General  about  this, 
but  Captain  Egan  got  to  hear  about  it,  and  asked  me  to 
tell  him  the  story,  and  I  told  him  as  far  as  I  knew  what 
had  happened.  He  told  the  General  about  this  trouble. 
The  General  asked  me  about  it,  but  I  never  told  him  any 
thing  about  it.  Shortly  after  this  Reshaw  was  discharged 
from  the  service. 

When  the  expedition  was  getting  ready  to  go  on  its 
summer  campaign,  the  General  gave  me  orders  to  hire 
some  more  scouts.  Not  knowing  why  he  had  discharged 
Reshaw,  I  hired  him  over  again,  with  other  parties.  Af 
ter  we  had  started  on  the  expedition,  Crook  asked  me  the 
reason  why  I  had  hired  Reshaw.  I  told  him  he  was  one 
of  the  best  men  I  knew  of — men  not  being  very  plenty— 
the  kind  of  men  we  wanted.  That  was  all  that  was  said 
about  it.  After  the  summer's  campaign  we  went  back  to 
the  agency,  and  Reshaw  was  discharged  again.  In  the 
winter  campaign  I  got  orders  to  hire  some  more  men,  and 
I  hired  Reshaw.  After  I  gave  the  list  to  the  General, 
he  told  me  why  he  discharged  this  man  ;  told  me  if  I 
hired  him  again,  he  would  discharge  me.  So  that  ended 
the  Reshaw  trouble,  for  after  the  fall  (1876)  campaign, 
Reshaw  was  never  hired  again  by  the  government. 


CHAPTER  XXXIY. 


IN    A    TIGHT    PLACE. 

It  was  in  May  of  1876  that  the  summer  expedition 
was  fitted  out  at  Fort  Laramie  ;  that  is,  it  congregated 
there.  Fetterman  was  the  starting  point.  While  the  ex 
pedition  had  moved  to  Fetterman  and  was  getting  ready 
and  waiting  for  other  troops  and  some  Indians  to  join  the 
command,  I  was  sent  out  to  look  after  the  crossing  of 
Powder  river  with  ten  picked  men.  The  Platte  being 
high,  we  took  our  things  over  in  a  boat,  swam  the  horses 
across  and  started  for  Powder  river.  I  had  not  gone 

more  than  five  miles  from  the  Platte  before  I  found  that 

< 

the  Indians  were  watching  on  both  sides  of .  us.  Paying 
no  attention  to  them,  but  watching  very  close,  I  kept  on 
my  way  to  the  crossing  of  the  Cheyenne  river,  and  halted 
about  fifty  yards  above  the  road  where  it  crosses  the 
creek,  where  I  made  preparations  to  camp  for  the  night. 
It  was  along  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  when 
we  went  into  camp.  The  Indians  had  followed  me  and 
were  watching  all  my  movements.  But  I  was  watching 
theirs,  also. 

Not  saying  anything  to  the  men  about  the  Indians, 
I  ordered  them  to  get  their  supper  ready,  as  we  would 


COL.  W.  F.  DRUM,  COMMANDER  OF  FORT  YATES  IN  1890-91. 


IN  A  TIGHT  PLACE.  209 

pull  out  after  dark,  and  I  told  them  to  get  a  big  pile  of 
wood  up  so  that  we  could  make  a  great  fire  on  leaving 
camp.  I  had  two  pack  mules  loaded  with  provisions  pick 
eted  near  the  camp,  and  seeing  that  it  would  be  impossi 
ble  to  keep  the  animals  with  us,  ordered  the  men  to  take 
the  rations  on  their  saddles,  hide  the  pack  saddles  and 
let  the  mules  run  loose.  After  the  sun  had  gone  down 
and  darkness  began  to  settle,  we  built  a  big  fire,  put 
dummies  up  all  around  the  fire  and  made  our  beds  down. 
Of  course,  we  had  to  leave  our  blankets,  in  order  to  fool 
thDse  Indians.  I  was  certain  they  were  watching  pretty 
close  every  movement  we  were  making. 

Taking  our  horses  down  into  the  bed  of  the  creek 
and  smuggling  our  saddles  off  to  them,  we  saddled  up 
where  we  could  not  be  seen.  I  had  the  men  show  them 
selves  around  the  fire  with  the  dummies,  and  then  we 
quietly  slipped  off  to  the  bed  of  the  creek  where  the 
animals  were.  Mounting  our  horses  we  went  up  the  river 
in  a  westerly  direction,  almost  the  opposite  direction  we 
had  originally  been  traveling.  We  moved  very  carefully 
until  I  thought  we  had  got  out  of  reach  and  hearing  of 
the  Indians.  Then  we  gradually  turned  and  made  a  cir 
cle  in  the  direction  that  I  wanted  to  travel.  Making  a 
very  wide  circuit,  we  traveled  until  almost  daylight,  and 
went  into  camp  in  a  deep  ravine  and  waited  there  for 
daylight.  In  the  meantime,  shortly  after  leaving  our  first 
camp,  I  heard  the  firing  of  the  Indians.  I  supposed  they 
were  shooting  at  the  dummies,  which  I  found  out  after 
wards  to  have  been  the  case.  They  had  crept  up  to  the 
place  where  the  camp  was  and  fired  in  on  the  dummies, 


210  IN  A  TIGHT  PLACE. 

supposing  we  were  there.  Not  finding  us,  they  had 
started  off  in  the  direction  they  supposed  we  were  trav 
eling,  that  is,  toward  Powder  river.  The  next  morning 
I  could  see  them  riding  over  the  country  looking  for 
our  tracks. 

Keeping  our  horses  in  the  ravine,  and  a  close 
watch-out,  I  camped  there  the  balance  of  the  day,  leav 
ing  there  after  dark  and  traveling  most  of  the  night 
until  I  reached  the  head  of  Dry  Fork  of  Powder  river. 
From  there  on  I  had  to  travel  in  the  daytime.  I  was 
expecting  to  meet  the  crow  Indians  who  were  to  join 
the  command,  and  had  to  be  on  the  watch  for  them  and 
could  not  travel  after  night.  The  next  morning  after 
starting  out  I  kept  the  men  traveling  in  a  ravine  every 
chance  that  I  could,  or  out  of  sight,  so  that  they 
could  not  be  seen  from  a  distance,  and  kept  on  ahead 
of  them  myself.  After  traveling  that  way  for  about  ten 
miles  I  found  out  that  the  Indians  had  discovered  us, 
and  had  laid  a  very  nice  trap  for  us  to  fall  into.  The 
men  were  some  distance  behind  me  when  I  discovered 
this.  I  got  off  of  my  horse,  crept  up  on  the  highest 
point  I  could  reach  and  watched  the  redskins'  movements. 

The  trail  which  I  was  traveling  ran  right  down  into 
the  forks  of  the  creek.  The  Indians  were  stationed  on 
each  side  of  this  trail,  so  that  as  we  passed  through  they 
would  have  a  cross  fire,  and  this  would  not  have  left 
us  much  chance  to  get  out  if  we  should  have  happened 
to  get  in  there ;  but  I  could  see  their  plans  so  well  that 
as  soon  as  the  men  came  up  to  where  my  horse  was,  I 
sent  them  right  back  the  way  they  had  come.  After 


IN  A  TIGHT  PLACE.  211 

they  got  some  distance  away  and  were  out  of  sight,  I 
again  got  on  my  horse,  rode  up  on  the  hill  where  the 
Indians  could  see  me,  and  waited  there  a  little  while. 
Then  I  carelessly  rode  down,  as  if  I  was  in  no  hurry 
to  leave  the  locality. 

As  quick  as  I  got  out  of  their  sight,  however,  I 
started  back  the  way  the  men  had  gone  as  fast  as  my 
horse  could  carry  me.  Overtaking  them,  I  gave  orders 
to  travel  rapidly  in  the  direction  they  were  going  until  I 
overtook  them  —  not  to  stop  until  then.  I  then  went 
back  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  hostiles.  I  saw  there 
was  no  show  for  me  to  reach  Powder  river,  so  had  made 
up  my  mind  to  go  back  to  Fetterman.  As  soon  as  the 
Indians  found  out  that  I  had  discovered  them,  they  turned 
back  and  gave  us  a  very  close  chase.  I  remained  behind 
long  enough  to  discover  the  intentions  of  the  Indians, 
when  I  made  quick  time  in  rejoining  the  party  I  had 
sent  on  ahead,  and  pushed  them  toward  Fetterman  as 
rapidly  as  the  horses  would  travel.  We  arrived  at  the 
fort  after  dark,  but  the  Indians  did  not  give  up  the  chase 
until  we  were  so  close  to  the  command  that  they  were 
afraid  to  follow  any  further.  I  have  always  considered 
that  trip  as  close  a  call  as  I  ever  had,  and  I  have  been 
in  positions  where  the  chances  of  escape  were  so  slight 
that  I  would  have  played  the  Indians  for  favorites  if  I 
had  been  buying  pools  on  the  outcome. 


CHAPTER   XXXY. 


THROUGH     THE     HOSTILE     COUNTRY. 

When  our  scouting  party  reached  Fetterman  the 
command  was  camped  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and 
1  left  the  men  on  this  side  and  went  over  myself  and 
told  the  General  what  had  happened.  The  General  told 
me  that  he  was  ready  to  move  the  command  across  the 
next  day,  which  he  did.  They  were  two  or  three  days 
getting  everything  across  —  the  beef  cattle,  rations  and 
ammunition. 

It  was  the  third  day  after  crossing  that  the  command 
started.  The  same  scouts  we  had  on  the  spring  campaign 
were  with  us.  Of  course  the  command  didn't  move  very 
far  the  first  day,  being  late  in  starting,  and  the  next  night 
they  camped  near  the  place  where  I  had  camped  a  few 
nights  before.  This  was  the  second  night  out.  The  In 
dians  were  around  watching  all  our  movements.  I  had 
seen  them  that  day.  They  were  watching  around  thq 
command  very  close.  I  had  the  beef  herd  in  charge,  an<| 
was  given  two  men  to  herd  the  cattle  at  night. 

Along  about  11  o'clock  a  shot  was  fired,  and  I  hearc) 
an  awful  yell.  The  yelling  continued  for  several«minutes, 
indicating  that  the  person  was  in  great  misery.  I  jumped 


THROUGH  THE  HOSTILE  COUNTRY.  213 

on  my  horse  and  went  out  to  the  herd,  and  found  one  of 
the  herders  in  the  throes  of  death.  An  Indian  had  rode 
up  to  him  and  shot  him,  and  then  stampeded  the  beef 
herd.  We  overtook  the  beef  herd,  and  got  some  of  the 
animals  back,  but  some  of  them  we  never  did  get  back. 
We  did  not  try  to  follow  the  Indians.  Don't  recollect 
whether  the  herder  died  in  camp  and  was  buried,  or 
whether  he  was  taken  to  Fort  Fetterman  and  buried,  as  I 
left  there  the  next  morning  at  daylight. 

I  had  orders  to  go  to  Powder  river  to  find  out  if  that 
stream  was  fordable.  In  going  this  time  I  took  two  com 
panies,  or  one  battalion.  Leaving  the  road  to  our  right, 
our  first  camp  Avas  on  the  head  of  the  Seventeen  Mile- 
creek,  a  dry  fork  of  Powder  river.  One  of  our  men 
accidentally  shot  himself.  I  was  sitting  right  opposite 
him  when  he  did  it.  He  let  his  gun  fall  suddenly,  and 
it  turned  over  and  hit  a  rock,  the  bullet  entering  just 
about  the  calf  of  the  leg.  The  wounded  man  was  sent 
back  to  the  command  the  next  morning,  but  as  he  could 
not  be  sent  to  Fetterman  then,  he  was  kept  in  camp, 
and  was  afterwards  brought  to  the  norfeli,  where  he  died, 
and  was  buried  on  the  banks  of  the  Big  Goose,  near 
where  the  city  of  Sheridan  now  stands.  [The  body  was 
taken  up  in  1892  and  transferred  to  Ouster,  and  buried 
in  the  military  burying  ground.]  The  next  day  we  re 
sumed  our  journey  and  reached  Powder  river  that  evening, 
but  found  no  Crow  Indians.  The  river  was  fordable. 
In  the  morning  we  started  back  and  joined  the  command. 


CHAPTER   XXXVI. 


A    PERILOUS    JOURNEY "LEFT    HAND." 

Gen.  Crook  was  much  disappointed  at  not  meeting 
his  allies,  the  Crow  Indians,  at  Powder  river.  He  had 
telegraphed  to  the  agent  of  the  Crows,  and  sent  an  order 
up  to  have  a  lot  of  the  friendlies  enlisted  as  scouts. 
They  were  to  join  him  at  the  crossing  of  Powder  river. 
He  w^as  very  anxious,  because  he  had  not  heard  from 
them.  He  asked  me  if  it  were  possible  for  me  to  reach 
the  Crow  agency,  knowing  that  the  entire  country  was 
infested  by  Sioux — filling  the  whole  country  between  Fort 
Fetterman  and  the  Crow  Agency.  I  told  him  I  would 
make  the  attempt,  but  it  might  be  possible  that  I  could 
not  get  through.  He  asked  me  what  way  I  wanted  to  go, 
and  how  many  men  I  desired.  I  told  him  I  would  take 
two  men  with  me.  I  would  be  back  in  fourteen  days  if 
I  lived.  Of  course,  there  was  a  great  deal  of  danger. 
I  took  Louie  Reshaw  and  Big  Bat  with  me. 

Leaving  camp  that  night,  we  started  on  our  trip, 
reaching  Crazy  Woman  creek  next  morning.  We  laid 
over  in  daylight  and  traveled  by  night.  We  killed  some 
buffaloes  on  Crazy  Woman,  and  cooked  up  what  meat  we 
wanted  for  the  trip,  so  as  not  to  make  any  more  fires,  and 


A  PERILOUS  JOURNEY— "LEFT  HAND."  215 

left  there  at  daylight  the  next  morning.  In  crossing 
Clear  creek  a  bear  jumped  us,  and  I  had  to  kill  it.  I 
didn't  want  to  fire  off  the  gun,  but  there  was  no  help  for 
it.  While  riding  up  onto  the  hill  after  this,  we  discov 
ered  a  big  camp  of  Indians  right  down  on  the  creek  be 
low  us.  Of  course,  I  had  to  go  up  into  the  mountains 
to  get  out  of  their  way.  The  Indians  had  not  heard  the 
shot  when  I  killed  the  bear,  which  was  lucky  for  us. 
Keeping  in  the  mountains  all  day,  we  went  down  on  the 
Piney  creek  after  dark.  I  intended  to  stop  there  for  the 
night,  but  I  ran  on  to  a  camp  of  Indians,  so  that  I  had 
to  keep  on  the  move.  I  reached  Little  Goose  creek 
some  time  after  daylight,  and  stopped  there  until  the  next 
morning.  The  next  night  we  camped  on  Twin  creek,  but 
seeing  the  Indians  at  all  times  of  the  day,  it  kept  me  all 
the  time  dodging  out  of  their  way,  so  that  I  could  not 
travel  very  fast. 

The  next  morning  we  resumed  our  journey.  We  had 
not  gone  far  when  we  came  on  to  five  Indians  asleep 
in  the  brush ;  but  not  caring  about  any  trouble,  I  left 
them  alone.  Crossing  the  Little  Big  Horn  and  going 
over  on  to  Soap  creek  we  camped  there  for  the  night. 
Early  the  next  day,  right  after  starting  out,  we  discov 
ered  a  large  number  of  Indians  trying  to  trail  us  up. 
They  were  on  our  tracks.  Of  course,  I  kept  out  of 
their  way  as  much  as  I  could.  Reaching  the  mouth 
of  the  Black  Canyon,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Big 
Horn  river,  I  saw  three  Indians  horseback.  That  being 
the  Crow  country,  I  thought  possibly  they  were  Crows. 
I  always  carried  a  pocket  looking  glass.  I  used  it  for 


216  A  PERILOUS  JOURNEY— "LEFT  HAND." 

signaling  the  Indians.  Taking  the  looking  glass  out  I 
signaled  to  these  three  Indians.  As  quick  as  they  saw 
the  signal  they  went  down  on  the  other  side  of  the 
hills.  A  short  time  afterward  two  more  Indians  came 
in  sight  way  below  old  Fort  Smith,  and  I  signaled  to 
them.  As  soon  as  they  discovered  us  they  went  in 
the  same  direction  the  others  had  taken. 

After     waiting     awhile     to      see      if     I     could      dis 
cover   any    more    Indians,  I    started  for  the  river,   intend 
ing    to    make    a    raft   to    cross    on.       That    was    the    first 
time    after    leaving    Crazy    Woman    that    I    had   to    make 
a   fire.     We    left    Louie    Reshaw    cooking   some    dinner, 
while    Big    Bat    and    myself    went    down    the    river    to 
make   a    raft.       Bat    thought    it   was    better    to    have    a 
smoke   before   we'  started,  so    we    sat  down  on   the    river 
bank  and  commenced     smoking.       Looking    around    while 
enjoying   my    smoke,    I    saw    that    a    large    party    of   In 
dians    had    tracked    us    and    were   charging    down    on    us. 
I   told   Bat    the  Indians    were   charging,  and  told    him  to 
yell   to   Louie   to  catch    the   horses,  which    he    did.       We 
were  quite   a    distance    from    them.       At    the    same    time 
Bat    was    looking    over    on    the    other    side    of    the   river. 
He    says:      " Yonder    come    a    lot    more    Indians    on    the 
other    side."     There  were   probably   five    or    six    hundred 
Indians    charging    down   on    us    from    both    sides    of    the 
river.      So    we    ran    for  our  horses,  got    on  to  them  bare 
back    and    came    over    on  to   the  bank   of    the  river.     We 
had    nothing     to    do     but    fight    it    out.     There    was    no 
chance    of  our  getting    away,  and    I    told    Bat    we  would 
get    on    to    the    flat   and   fight    as    long    as    our    ammuni- 


H 
O 


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A  PERILOUS  JOURNEY— "LEFT  HAND."  217 

tion  lasted.  Reshaw  wanted  to  run  for  the  mouth  of 
the  canyon ;  but  there  was  no  use  of  our  trying  to  run, 
and  Bat  told  him  so;  that  if  he  started  to  run  ho 
would  shoot  him  himself. 

It  was  hard  to  tell  what  Indians  they  were.  I 
could  not  hear  anything  but  the  noise  *of  their  horses7 
hoofs,  and  I  suspected  that  they  might  be  Crows,  for  I 
had  never  known  the  Sioux  to  be  on  that  side  of  the 
river ;  but  I  was  certain  that  the  other  party  were  Sioux. 
Looking  around  for  them  I  found  they  had  turned,  had 
got  out  of  sight,  so  that  we  only  had  this  other  party  to 
contend  with,  if  they  were  Sioux.  Of  course,  being  such 
a  distance  we  could  not  tell  whether  they  were  Sioux  or 
Crows.  The  river  beiag  in  between  us  I  thought  prob 
ably  it  would  kind  of  check  them  for  awhile,  and  we 
would  have  the  advantage  of  them  crossing  the  river, 
and  the  great  trouble  was  they  never  hallooed  or  spoke 
a  word  or  signaled  until  they  got  to  the  bank,  and  when 
they  did  reach  it  they  plunged  in  and  -  commenced  swim 
ming  across  as  if  there  had  been  no  river  there. 

All  we  could  see  were  the  heads  of  the  horses  and 
the  Indians.  The  Indians  that  were  on  the  bank  com 
menced  firing  on  us  and  began  hallooing  and  giving  their 
war-cry,  to  let  us  know  what  tribe  it  was.  Bat  was  very 
well  acquainted  with  the  CroAVS,  as  he  had  lived  with 
them  for  some  time.  They  called  him  the  "Left  Handed.'7 
As  soon  as  he  found  out  that  they  were  Crows  he  com 
menced  yelling  that  he  was  "Left  Hand,"  and  as  quick 
as  they  heard  the  name  they  stopped  all  hostilities.  You 
could  hear  them  hallooing  "Left  Hand"  from  mouth  to 


218  A  PERILOUS  JOURNEY— "LEFT  HAND." 

mouth  all  over  the  line.  The  Indians  were  strung  out 
for  a  mile,  and  you  could  hear  nothing  but  uLeft  Hand." 

The  Indians  swam  right  across  to  where  we  were, 
and  shook  hands  with  us,  and  I  thought  they  would  go 
wild  with  joy  at  meeting  "  Left  Hand."  They  asked  us 
where  we  were  from,  where  we  were  going  and  what  was 
our  business.  •*  We  told  them  we  were  from  Gen.  Crook's 
command  (they  called  Gen.  Crook  Lone  Star);  that  we 
were  going  to  their  village  ;  that  we  had  come  after  them. 
They  went  to  work  and  made  a  raft  and  put  us  and  our 
trappings  on  it.  Three  or  four  of  them  got  hold  of  our 
horses  and  swam  them  across.  After  we  got  across  the 
river  there  was  shaking  of  hands  for  two  or  three  hours. 

Indians  are  very  demonstrative,  and  it  don't  make 
any  difference  how  urgent  the  business  is  they  are  on,  if 
they  meet  a  friend  or  friends  they  drop  everything  else 
to  renew  old  associations.  The  Crows  were  overjoyed  at 
seeing  Bat,  and  every  one  of  them  wanted  to  grasp  his 
hand,  after  which  Reshaw  and  myself  were  greeted  in 
the  same  friendly  manner,  so  that  our  meeting  might  be 
termed  a  great  American  hand-shaking  tournament.  This 
turn  of  affairs  was  very  pleasant  for  us,  as  we  had  an_ 
ticipated  a  fight,  and  it  wouldn't  have  taken  much  of  a 
guesser  to  name  the  victors  if  such  a  contingency  had 
arisen. 

Finally  we  got  onto  our  horses  and  went  to  the 
Crow  camp,  which  was  about  eight  miles  from  the  river. 
The  Crows  had  seen  my  signals  with  the  looking  glass, 
but  never  thinking  that  anybody  besides  an  Indian  would 
know  their  signals,  they  had  supposed  we  were  the  ad- 


A  PERILOUS  JOURNEY— "LEFT  HAND."  219 

vance  guard  of  a  war  party  of  Sioux.  That  night,  after 
reaching  their  camp,  they  held  a  council,  and  I  told 
them  what  we  came  for,  and  asked  them  if  they  would  go 
with  us;  telling  them  that  Lone  Star  (Gen.  Crook) 
wanted  them  to  be  sure  and  come,  and  had  telegraphed 
them  before  through  their  agent.  But  they  didn't  seem 
much  in  favor  of  going  with  us  ;  that  is,  they  didn't  say 
anything  whether  they  would  go  or  not.  Black  Foot  and 
Crazy  Head  being  there,  the  next  day  I  got  them  to 
gether  and  talked  to  them  alone.  They  gave  me  their 
promise  ;  said  they  would  call  another  council  of  all  the 
young  men. 

The  next  day  they  called  another  council.  If  they 
would  not  go  I  should  start  back  the  next  day  —  so  I  told 
them  at  the  council;  that  I  was  going  the  next  morning, 
ard  that  anybody  who  wanted  to  go  with  me  should  let 
me  know.  They  told  me  if  I  would  wait  they  would 
move  down  on  to  the  river  the  next  day,  and  a  lot  of 
young  men  would  go  with  me.  So  I  waited  over.  The 
next  day  the  camp  moved  to  the  Big  Horn.  Then  there 
was  more  delay.  They  were  very  changeable  about  the 
business.  They  were  a  little  afraid  of  the  Sioux,  or 
something,  I  could  not  tell  what.  An  Indian  by  the 
name  of  Old  Crow,  who  seemed  to  be  one  of  the  head 
men,  came  to  me  and  asked  me  when  I  intended  to  start, 
and  I  told  him  the  next  morning.  He  says,  u  All  right, 
I  will  go  with  you."  So  he  got  onto  his  horse  and 
went  around  haranguing  the  camp,  telling  his  people  that 
he  was  going  to  start,  and  asking  what  they  were  afraid 
of.  Of  course  it  made  a  great  deal  of  talk.  The  next 


220       .        A  PERILOUS  JOURNEY— "LEFT  HAND." 

morning  he  and  three  others  came   up  to  where  we  were 
making  a  raft  ready  for  the  trip. 

It  didn't  take  long  to  make  a  raft,  and  we  soon 
crossed  the  river  and  went  into  camp  on  the  other  side. 
Before  night  we  had  one  hundred  and  fifty-nine  Indians 
ready  to  start  back  the  next  morning.  Next  day  we 
started  back  to  the  command,  camping  on  the  Little  Big 
Horn  that  night,  sending  scouts  out  down  the  river  to 
find  out  whether  the  Sioux  were  in  the  immediate  vicin 
ity.  Next  morning  we  were  killing  buffalo ;  could  not 
travel  very  far  on  account  of  airing  the  meat,  and  camped 
at  the  head  of  Owl  creek.  The  command  was  to  be 
camped  at  the  mouth  of  Prairie  dog,  and  was  to  wait 
there  for  me  until  my  return  ;  so  I  came  through  the 
Wolf  mountains.  After  going  on  top  of  the  mountains 
I  could  see  the  camp  right  at  the  forks  of  Big  and  Little 
Goose  creeks. 

The  Indians,  on  seeing  the  camp  all  in  white  tents, 
thought  it  was  a  Sioux  village,  and  it  was  all  that  I 
could  do  to  keep  them  from  turning  back.  They  began 
to  suspect  that  we  were  connected  with  the  Sioux,  and 
were  trying  to  bring  them  into  camp  to  have  them  killed. 
I  told  them  that  what  they  saw  were  the  tents  of  the 
troops  and  the  soldiers  of  Lone  Star's  camp  ;  that  if  they 
would  wait  there  I  would  leave  Bat  and  Louie  with  them 
and  would  go  into  camp  and  send  an  officer  out  to  meet 
them.  They  consented  to  that,  and  promised  to  stay 
there  until  the  officer  came.  So  I  went  on  into  camp, 
rode  up  to  the  General's  tent  and  told  him  to  send  Capt. 
Burt  (he  being  acquainted  with  the  Crows)  out  to  meet 


A  PERILOUS  JOURNEY— "LEFT  HAND."  221 

them ;  that  they  refused  to  come  until  I  sent  some 
officer  out.  Capt.  Burt  immediately  started  out  to  meet 
the  Crow  Indians. 

The  General  supposed  that  I  had  been  killed.  How 
they  got  the  information  that  I  had  been  shot  1  don't 
know,  but  they  showed  me  a  paper  in  which  it  was  stated 
that  I  had  had  a  terrible  fight  with  the  Indians  and  had 
been  killed  by  them.  I  suppose  some  of  the  reporters 
wanted  to  write  something,  and  put  that  down.  The  Gen 
eral  was  very  glad  to  see  me  when  I  got  back.  I  was 

three    davs    over    time.     Along    about    three    o'clock    the 

«/ 

Crow  Indians  arrived.  About  two  hours  afterwards  the 
sentinel  gave  the  alarm  signal.  Going  out  to  learn  the 
cause  I  found  it  was  the  Snake  ( Shoshone)  Indians,  with 
Tom  Cosgrove  as  their  interpreter,  coming  to  join  the 
command.  I  think  he  had  one  hundred  and  sixty-four  or 
one  hundred  and  eighty-two  Indians — I  am  not  quite 
certain  which.  Their  chief,  Washakie,  was  with  them. 

During  my  absence  Gen.  Crook  had  given  an  order 
to  mount  the  infantry,  and  the  only  animals  available 
were  the  mules  belonging  to  the  wagon  train.  On  the 
day  following  the  arrival  in  camp  of  our  Indian  allies 
(June  15)  the  work  mules  were  turned  over  to  the  tender 
mercies  of  the  infantrymen  (or  vice  versa),  and  the  first 
circus  the  Goose  Creek  valley  ever  beheld  begun.  Many 
of  the  infantry  ("  walk-a-heaps,"  as  the  Indians  called 
them),  had  never  been  in  a  saddle  in  their  lives,  while 
none  of  the  mules  had  ever  had  a  saddle  on  their  backs, 
and,  under  supervision  of  experienced  riders,  the  officers 
proposed  to  give  the  infantry  a  lesson  in  equestrianism. 


222  A  PERILOUS  JOURNEY— "LEFT  HAND." 

1  never  saw  so  much  fun  in  all  iny  life.  The  valley  for 
a  mile  in  every  direction  was  filled  with  bucking  mules, 
frightened  infantrymen,  broken  saddles  and.  applauding 
spectators.  Having  nothing  else  to  do,  the  entire  com 
mand  took  a  half  holiday  to  enjoy  the  sport,  and  some 
of  the  most  ludicrous  mishaps  imaginable  were  witnessed. 
But  the  average  soldier  is  as  persevering  as  the  mule  is 
stubborn,  and  in  the  end  the  mule  was  forced  to  surren 
der.  The  city  of  Sheridan  is  now  located  on  the  immense 
flat  where  this  incident  occurred,  and  I  never  pass  down 
the  streets  of  the  place  but  what  the  memories  of  those 
ludicrous  scenes  are  brought  vividly  to  mind,  and  I  laugh 
as  heartily  as  I  did  on  that  bright  June  day  in  the  mem 
orable  year  of  1876. 


COLONEL  GUY  V.  HENRY. 

BY    PERMISSION    OF    JOHN    F.  FINERTY. 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 


BATTLE    OF    THE    ROSEBUD. 

The  General  asked  me,  upon  my  arrival  in  camp, 
from  my  trip  to  the  village  of  the  friendly  Crows, 
if  I  had  any  idea  where  the  Sioux  camp  ;was.  From 
all  signs  I  had  seen  I  supposed  they  were  on  the  Hose- 
bud,  and  I  so  informed  him.  He  told  me  that  he 
wanted  to  start  as  soon  as  he  could  get  ready.  Two 
days  afterward  the  infantry  was  mounted  on  mules,  and 
the  command  started  for  the  Rosebud,  leaving  the  wagon 
train  upon  the  Big  Goose,  about  a  mile  from  the  forks. 
We  traveled  in  light  marching  order,  taking  as  little 
with  us  as  possible  —  much  less  than  we  needed.  The 
first  night  out  we  camped  on  Tongue  river,  near  the 
mouth  of  Big  Goose,  the  next  morning  starting  off 
through  the  hills  over  to  Badger  creek,  sending  out  two 
parties  of  scouts  from  there  to  try  and  discover  the 
Sioux  village. 

There  being  plenty  of  buffaloes  along  the  line  of 
march,  the  Indians  killed  hundreds  of  them.  Camping 
on  the  Rosebud,  we  ran  onto  a  scouting  party  of  Sioux 
just  before  reaching  the  river,  but  from  the  direction  they 
took  I  was  satisfied  the  camp  was  on  the  Rosebud, 


224  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD. 

down  the  stream.  The  next  morning  we  moved  down 
toward  the  Big  Bend  of  the  Rosebud  and  went  into 
temporary  camp  there  to  await  the  report  of  the  scouts 
who  had  been  sent  out  to  discover  the  hostile  village. 
We  had  not  reachejl  the  Big  Bend  before  we  went  into 
camp. 

It  was  the  morning  after  the  scouts  had  been  sent 
out  that  the  Sioux  were  reported  to  be  coming  in  large 
numbers.  Then  we  moved  down  to  the  Big  Bend.  There 
we  laid  down  our  arms  and  rested  without  unsaddling. 
Our  Indian  allies  had  caught  up  their  horses  ready  for 
anything  that  happened  to  turn  up.  The  scouts  com 
menced  to  come  in  then,  telling  us  that  the  Indians  were 
coming.  Not  having  had  much  experience  with  the 
troops  I  could  not  tell  whether  they  were  ready  to  meet 
the  enemy  or  not ;  but  I  supposed  that  they  were  al 
ways  ready  for  a  fight,  and  did  not  pay  much  attention 
to  them.  It  was  not  long  before  an  Indian  they  called 
Humpy,  a  little  hunch-backed  Sioux,  came  riding  down 
over  the  hills  as  fast  as  his  horse  could  carry  him,  hal 
looing  u  Sioux  r  As  he  came  into  camp  he  said  the 
Sioux  were  charging  on  us,  and  almost  at  the  same  time 
you  could  hear  the  Sioux  war-cry. 

The  Indians  and  the  scouts  jumped  on  their  horses, 
and  just  then  the  Sioux  came  charging  down  over  the 
hills.  But  the  troops  were  not  ready  to  meet  the  at 
tack,  so  the  Crows  met  the  first  charge  of  the  Indians, 
and  I  believe  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  Crows,  the  Sioux 
would  have  killed  half  of  our  command  before  the  sol 
diers  were  in  a  position  to  meet  the  attack.  It  was  a 


BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD.  225 

hand-to-hand  fight  for  quite  a  while  between  the  Crows 
and  Sioux.  It  was  on  a  kind  of  plateau  where  they 
were  fighting,  and  the  troops  were  down  under  the  hills. 
I  charged  up  the  hill  when  the  Shoshones  and  Crows 
started  out,  so  that  I  could  see  everything  that  occurred. 
It  was  all  of  twenty  minutes,  I  think,  before  the  soldiers 
appeared  over  the  hill.  As  soon  as  the  soldiers  came 
up  and  commenced  fighting,  the  Sioux  fell  back.  The 
coming  together  of  the  Sioux,  Crows  and  Shoshones  I 
think  was  the  prettiest  sight  in  the  way  of  a  fight  that 
I  have  ever  seen.  They  were  all  mixed  up  and  I  could 
hardly  distinguish  our  allies  from  the  hostiles.  After  the 
fight  became  general  with  the  troops,  our  Indians  drew 
back.  I  passed  where  one  Crow  Indian  was  sitting  on 
the  ground,  and  he  didn't  act  as  if  he  was  one  bit  hurt. 
He  was  watching  the  fight  between  the  Indians,  and 
every  once  in  awhile  he  would  yell  like  a  madman.  He 
was  unable  to  get  on  his  feet,  having  been  shot  just 
above  the  knee,  and  the  bone  was  terribly  shattered. 
His  horse  was  lying  dead  by  his  side.  He  seemed  to 
be  so  interested  in  the  fight  that  he  had  entirely  forgot 
ten  his  wound.  The  soldiers  could  not  tell  one  Indian 
from  another,  but  the  redskins  knew  each  other  all  right, 
and  if  a  man  was  familiar  with  them  he  would  know  ; 
but  it  was  very  hard  to  keep  the  soldiers  from  firing 
into  our  allies  after  the  troops  became  engaged  with  the 
Sioux,  mistaking  the  Crows  and  Shoshones  for  the  enemy. 
After  the  troops  came  up  they  formed  into  line  and 
commenced  driving  the  Sioux  back.  Then  the  Shoshones, 
Crows  and  Sioux  commenced  separating.  The  friendly 


226  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD. 

Indians  came  back,  and  the  Sioux  went  on  the  hills. 
The  soldiers  kept  driving  the  hostiles  back  until  they  got 
them  on  the  big  flat  beyond  the  first  line  of  hills.  Col. 
Guy  Y.  Henry,  with  his  battalion,  was  stationed  on  the 
left,  and  he  was  ordered  up  the  river.  Mills'  battalion 
was  down  below  on  the  right,  and  the  other  battalions 
were  in  the  centre  of  the  fight.  The  Crow  and  Snake 
Indians  goto  scattered  out,  but  would  keep  in  behind  the 
troops  out  of  harm's  reach  as  much  as  possible.  I  was 
close  to  the  position  held  by  General  Crook,  and  he  was  in 
about  the  centre  of  the  field.  The  General  ordered  a 
battalion  to  charge  the  Indians  and  drive  them  back. 

In  the  charge  that  followed,  one  poor  fellow's  horse 
ran  away  with  him,  and  the  animal  went  right  for  the 
Indians,  just  as  the  order  had  been  given  to  retreat.  The 
horse  kept  straight  ahead  after  the  command  had  driven 
the  Indians  away  and  turned  back,  and  ran  up  to  within 
forty  or  fifty  yards  of  the  hostiles  before  they  turned. 
Of  course,  they  began  shooting  at  the  horseman,  and  as 
his  horse  began  to  turn,  both  of  his  hands  were  shot  off 
at  the  wrists.  When  he  came  past  me  both  of  his  hands 
were  dangling.  The  Indians  had  turned  the  horse  by 
firing  at  it.  I  rode  up  on  the  hill,  and  the  poor  fellow 
was  calling  for  some  one  to  check  his  horse.  I  rode  very 
rapidly  and  tried  to  get  in  ahead  of  the  frightened  ani 
mal,  and  then  I  could  see  his  hands  dangling  from  his 
wrists. 

I  tried  to  head  off  the  horse,  but  the  animal  got  in 
ahead  of  me,  started  down  the  divide  and  went  right 
through  the  troops,  never  stopping  for  anything.  The 


BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD.  221 

Indians  were  on  that  side  of  the  flat  fighting,  and  he 
went  through  the  line  of  troops  towards  them,  and  I  went 
after  him.  I  got  up  as  close  as  I  could  to  him.  My 
horse  was  a  fast  one,  but  I  could  not  reach  the  runaway 
animal's  bridle,  and,  whip  as  much  as  I  would,  I  was  una 
ble  to  grasp  it.  If  he  had  been  a  man  of  any  nerve  or 
had  not  lost  his  head,  he  might  have  helped  turn  the 
horse  by  grasping  the  reins  with  his  wrists.  I  hit  the 
horse  over  the  head  as  hard  as  I  could  in  an  effort  to 
turn  it,  but  the  horse  was  stubborn  and  frightened  and 
was  not  very  easily  turned.  I  told  the  wounded  man  to 
throw  himself  off  when  I  hit  the  horse  the  second. time. 
He  gave  me  one  look  that  I  will  never  forget.  I  got  up 
as  close  as  I  could  to  the  horse  and  hit  it  on  the  side  of 
the  head.  The  blow  turned  the  horse  some,  but  not  clear 
around,  and  the  wounded  man  threw  himself  off.  The 
horse  went  right  in  among  the  Indians  and  was  lost  to 
view.  The  wounded  man  picked  himself  up  and  ran 
down  over  the  hill  out  of  sight.  The  Indians  were  shoot 
ing  at  us  all  of  this  time. 

When  I  got  back  to  the  command  the  Indians  were 
going  down  below  us,  and  the  General  had  sent  all  of 
his  aids  out  with  orders  to  the  different  commanders. 
It  was  right  after  this  runaway  horse  incident  occurred 
that  the  Indians  got  Col.  Henry's  battalion  in  a  tight 
place,  and  seriously  wounded  that  gallant  officer.  The 
Indians  were  pressing  down  pretty  close.  Henry's  bat 
talion  received  an  order  to  retreat,  but  I  do  not  know 
who  gave  the  order.  I  suppose  while  standing  there 
Col.  Henry  was  shot.  As  quick  as  they  commenced  to 


228  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD. 

retreat  the  Indians  rushed  down.  Ytite  John  made  a 
dash  to  the  place  where  the  Colonel  fell,  got  off  his 
horse  and  turned  it  loose  just  as  the  Indians  got  to  Col. 
Henry.  Single-handed  he  stood  them  oft  until  the  sol 
diers  commenced  shooting  and  drove  the  Indians  away. 

In  the  meantime,  Yute  John,  as  quick  as  the  Indians 
were  driven  away,  put  Col.  Henry  on  his  back  and  carried 
him  over  to  where  Henry's  battalion  was.  If  it  had  not 
been  for  this  Indian  (Yute  John)  Col.  Henry  would 
have  been  killed  and  scalped  where  he  fell.  The  bat 
talion  that  was  on  the  other  side  of  Henry  had  retired 
at  the  same  time  that  Henry's  battalion  retreated. 

I  saw  an  Indian  run  right  in  among  the  soldiers  as 
they  were  retreating.  I  don't  know  whether  it  was  done 
purposely,  but  I  saw  a  soldier  hold  up  a  gun  as  though 
he  were  giving  it  to  this  Indian ;  but  I  think  the  gun 
was  held  up  to  protect  his  head  from  a  blow  aimed  at 
it  by  the  Sioux.  There  were  several  soldiers  killed.  It 
was  right  after  Henry  was  shot  that  I  went  over  to  where 
Gen.  Crook  was.  There  were  no  aids  there  with  him, 
so  he  told  me  to  go  down  and  tell  Capt.  Mills  to  drive 
the  Indians  out  of  the  Rosebud  canyon.  I  went  down 
and  carried  the  order  to  Mills.  It  was  but  a  short  time 
afterwards  that  one  of  the  aids  came  to  me  and  said  the 
General  wanted  to  see  me.  When  I  got  to  Crook,  he 
said: 

"I  am  going  to  move  down  the  Rosebud  canyon, 
and  want  you  to  go  with  two  battalions  as  far  as  you 
can  down  the  defile  and  find  out  whether  the  village  is  at 
the  other  end  of  the  canyon  or  not." 


BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD.  221) 

I  went  down  the  canyon  with  the  two  battalions. 
After  getting  down  into  the  rocky  pass,  and  seeing  what 
was  going  on  amongst  the  Indians,  I  became  convinced 
they  would  not  attack  us ;  would  not  pay  any  attention 
to  a  detachment  when  they  wanted  the  entire  command. 
I  was  aware  of  this  as  quick  as  I  got  in  there.  They 
wanted  to  draw  the  entire  command  down  into  this  can 
yon  and  massacre  every  soul  in  it.  I  had  not  been  in 
the  canyon  twenty  minutes  before  I  knew  what  was  going 
on.  The  canyon  rose  to  a  height  of  one  thousand  feet 
on  both  sides  of  us.  The  Indians  had  all  of  this  forti 
fied.  I  had  got  almost  through  the  canyon  with  the  two 
companies  when  an  aide-de-camp  (Col.  Nickerson )  over 
took  us.  The  Indians  had  tried  so  hard  to  draw  the 
command  down  into  the  canyon  that  the  General  thought 
it  was  a  fresh  attack  made,  and  wanted  the  two  battalions 
to  come  back  to  the  field  and  take  the  Indians  in  the 
rear — wanted  us  to  come  up  in  behind  them.  So,  going 
up  into  the  right  of  the  canyon  on  the  north  side,  we 
attempted  to  come  in  behind  the  redskins.  But  the  In 
dians  were  watching  all  our  movements,  and  before  we 
could  get  in  behind  them  they  had  drawn  off. 

["Subsequent  investigation  shows  what  an  awful  fate 
we  escaped  by  obeying  Crook's  order  to  file  out  of  the 
trap  by  our  left  flank.  Immense  piles  of  felled  trees  in 
our  path  and  on  the  sides  of  that  savage  ravine  showed 
where  the  Sioux  had  lain  in  ambush  for  our  approach. 
Half  a  mile  further  on,  and  not  a  man  of  our  battalion 
would  have  come  out  alive.  The  five  companies  of  the 
Second,  following  to  support  us  (the  Third  Cavalry) 


230  BATTLE  OF  THE  EO8EBUD. 

i 

would  have  been  massacred  without  fail,  for  there  was 
no  room  to  deploy  or  rally.  The  Indians  held  the  tim 
ber  barricades  in  front  and  flank.  They  would  have 
closed  upon  our  unguarded  rear,  and  another  horror 
would  have  been  added  to  the  long  and  ghastly  cata 
logue  of  Indian-American  warfare.  However,  a  rniss  is 
as  good  as  a  mile,  and  we  felt  duly  thankful  that  we 
escaped  being  the  awful  example  of  that  unfortunate 
campaign."  -Finerty's  Warpath  and  Bivouac. 

"In  one  word,"  says  Capt.  Bourke  in  his  "On  the 
Border  with  Crook,"  "  the  battle  of  the  Rosebud  was  a  trap, 
and  Crazy  Horse,  the  leader  in  command  here,  as  at  the 
Custer  massacre  a  week  later,  was  satisfied  he  was  going 
to  have  everything  his  own  way.  He  stated  afterwards, 
when  he  had  surrendered  to  General  Crook  at  the  agency 
{  Red  Cloud )  that  he  had  no  less  than  six  thousand  five 
hundred  men  in  the  fight,  and  that  the  first  attack  was 
made  with  fifteen  hundred,  the  others  being  concealed 
behind  the  bluffs  and  hills.  His  plan  of  battle  was  either 
to  lead  detachments  in  pursuit  of  his  people,  and  turning 
quickly  cut  them  to  pieces  in  detail,  or  draw  the  whole 
of  Crook's  forces  down  into  the  canyon  of  the  Rosebud, 
whence  escape  would  have  been  impossible,  as  it  formed 
a  veritable  cul  de  sac,  the  vertical  walls  hemming  in  the 
sides,  the  front  being  closed  by  a  dam  and  abatis  of 
broken  timber  which  gave  a  depth  of  ten  feet  of  water 
and  mud,  the  rear,  of  course,  to  be  shut  off  by  thousands 
of  yelling,  murderous  Sioux  and  Cheyennes.  That  was 
the  Sioux  programme,  as  learned,  that  day,  or  afterwards 
at  the  agencies  from  the  surrendered  hostiles'  in  the 
spring  of  the  following  year." 


BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD.  231 

It  will  be  seen  from  what  both  Finerty  and  Bourke 
say  of  the  Rosebud  canyon  that  Grouard  had  noted  things 
very  accurately,  and  divined  the  purpose  of  the  Sioux 
to  a  nicety  as  he  passed  down  the  "  cul  desac"*  in  advance 
of  Mill's  courageous  battalion.  He  knew,  because  his 
six  years*  experience  with  these  same  Indians  had  been 
a  practical  lesson  to  him,  that  death  awaited  the  entire 
command  at  the  lower  end  of  the  canyon.  One  of  the 
great  wonders  now  is  why  Crazy  Horse,  when  it  was  dis 
covered  that  Mills'  battalion  turned  to  leave  the  death 
trap,  did  not  fall  upon  and  annihilate  it.  The  explana 
tion  seems  to  be  found  in  the  words  of  Crazy  Horse 
himself.  He  wanted  the  entire  command,  and  even  then 
had  hopes  of  getting  it.  Failing,  he  repeated  the  tactics 
then  attempted  at  the  Caster  battle,  and,  with  the  same 
force  he  had  thrown  against  Crook,  caught  the  five  troops 
of  the  Seventh  Cavalry  ( rank  and  file )  to  the  very  last 
soul. — AUTHOR.] 

I  had  seen  all  I  wanted  to  see  to  convince  me  of 
what  was  going  on,  and  when  I  got  back  the  General  was 
just  ready  to  start  down  the  canyon.  In  fact,  the  whole 
command  had  started  when  I  met  it.  I  asked  Gen- 
Crook  where  they  were  going.  He  said  : 

"Down   to  take  the  village." 

"You  can't  go  through  the  canyon,"  I   told  him. 

He   asked   why. 

I  said,  "You  can't  go  through.  They  will  kill  your 
whole  command  if  you  attempt  to  go  through  there." 

He  could  not  believe  that ;  laughed  quietly  about  it. 
I  did  everything  I  could  to  dissuade  him,  and  the  only 


232  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD. 

way  I  could  prevail  on  him  to  abandon  the  undertaking 
was  by  telling  him  there  was  no  ammunition  in  the 
command.  The  scouts  didn't  have  any,  and  a  great 
many  of  the  companies  didn't  have  any,  and  when  the 
General  gave  orders  to  find  out  how  much  ammunition 
there  was,  it  didn't  average  ten  cartridges  to  the  man  ; 
and  that  was  the  only  thing  that  stopped  him.  In  fact, 
it  was  the  only  thing  that  saved  his  command,  because 
he  would  have  made  the  attempt  to  go  through  the 
canyon  under  any  other  circumstances. 

When  Crook  made  up  his  mind  to  do  anything,  it 
was  generally  done.  The  only  way  1  could  convince  him 
not  to  go  was  by  satisfying  him  of  there  being  no  am 
munition  in  the  command.  I  had  seen  all  day,  how  the 
Indians  and  troops  were  firing,  and  especially  the  scouts 
so  I  asked  the  General  to  find  out  the  amount  of  ammu 
nition  each  company  had.  He  found  he  would  have  to 
wait  until  he  got  more  ammunition  from  the  wagons  be 
fore  taking  the  offensive.  We  went  into  camp  at  the 
lower  end  of  the  battle-field.  As  far  as  the  fight  was 
concerned,  I  don't  think  that  either  side  could  claim  a 
complete  victory,  although  the  troops  held  the  ground. 
The  Indians  had  tried  to  lead  the  troops  down  through 
the  canyon  where  they  had  fortified  on  each  side  ;  and  if 
the  troops  had  ever  gone  down  through  there,  there  would 
not  have  been  one  of  them  left  to  tell  the  tale,  for  the 
Indians  were  fixed  in  such  a  way  that  they  could  have 
cross-fired  them  without  getting  hurt  themselves,  or  could 
even  have  rolled  rocks  down  in  amongst  them  and  crushed 
them. 


CAPTAIN  JOHN  G.  BOURKE. 

BY    PERMISSION    OF    JOHN    F.  FINERTY. 


BATTLE  OF  THE  HOSE  BUI).  233 

Seeing  this  while  I  was  going  down  through  the 
canyon  is  the  reason  I  tried  so  hard  to  stop  the  command 
from  going  through.  To  sum  up  the  whole  battle,  there 
were  twenty-eight  soldiers  killed  and  fifty-six  wounded. 
One  of  the  Indian  scouts  was  killed  and  three  of*  them 
wounded.  On  the  Indian  side  there  were  thirteen  of  them 
killed,  that  I  know  of,  and  I  could  not  tell  the  number 
that  were  wounded,  but  there  were  a  good  many  of  them. 
The  next  morning  we  started  back  to  the  wagon  train. 
Starting  up  the  Rosebud,  we  camped  at  the  head  of  it. 
After  we  had  been  in  camp  sometime  the  Crow  allies  got 
stampeded  for  some  cause,  drove  in  their  ponies,  saddled 
them  up  and  left  us,  starting  back  for  their  village,  taking 
their  wounded  along  with  them,  and  nothing  we  could  say 
or  do  would  stop  them.  Breaking  camp  next  morning,  we 
reached  the  wagon  train  the  same  evening,  and  the  wagon 
train  and  a  large  escort  of  troops  were  sent  back  to  Fet- 
terman  for  supplies. 


[Finerty,  the  Chicago  Times  war  correspondent,  who 
in  common  with  the  soldiers  shared  all  the  dangers  of 
the  campaign,  entered  into  the  battles  with  all  the  spirit 
of  a  free  lance  and  had  many  narrow  escapes  from  cap 
ture  and  death,  still  "kept  one  eye  open"  as  a  news 
paper  correspondent.  He  missed  little  of  detail  and  lost 
nothing  of  the  horrors  or  humor  of  battle.  I  here  quote 
(with  his  permission)  from  his  wonderful  volume  (War 
path  and  Bivouac)  some  portions  of  his  account  of  the 
battle  of  the  Rosebud  : 


234  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD. 

Gen.  Crook  divined  that  the  Indian  force  before  him 
was  a  strong  body  —  not  less  perhaps  than  2,500  war 
riors —  sent  out  to  make  a  rear  guard  fight,  so  as  to 
cover  the  retreat  of  their  village,  which  was  situated  at 
the  other  end  of  the  canyon.  lie  detached  Troop  I  of 
the  Third  Cavalry,  Capt.  Andrews  and  Lieut.  Foster,  from 
Mills  to  Henry,  after  the  former  had  taken  the  first  line 
of  heights.  He  reinforced  our  line  with  the  friendly  In 
dians,  who  seemed  to  be  partially  stampeded,  and  brought 
up  the  whole  of  the  Second  Cavalry  within  supporting  dis 
tance.  The  Sioux,  having  rallied  on  the  second  line  of 
heights,  became  bold  and  impudent  again.  They  rode 
up  and  down  rapidly,  sometimes  wheeling  in  circles, 
slapping  an  indelicate  portion  of  their  persons  at  us.  and 
beckoning  us  to  come  on. 

One  chief,  probably  the  late  lamented  Crazy  Horse, 
directed  their  movements  by  signals  made  with  a  pocket 
mirror  or  some  other  reflector.  Under  Crook's  orders, 
our  whole  line  remounted,  and,  after  another  rapid  charge, 
we  became  masters  of  the  second  crest.  When  we  got 
there,  another  just  like  it  rose  on  the  other  side  of  the 
valley.  There,  too,  were  the  savages,  as  fresh,  apparently, 
as  ever.  We  dismounted  accordingly,  and  the  firing  be 
gan  again.  It  was  evident  that  the  weight  of  the  firing 
was  shifted  from  our  front,  of  which  Maj.  Evans  had  gen 
eral  command,  to  our  left  where  Royall  and  Henry 
cheered  on  their  men.  Still  the  enemy  were  thick  enough 
on  the  third  crest,  and  Colonel  Mills,  who  had  active 
charge  of  our  operations,  wished  to  dislodge  them.  The 
volume  of.  fire,  rapid  and  ever  increasing,  came  from  our 


BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD.  235 

left.  The  wind  freshened  from  the  west,  and  we  could 
hear  the  uproar  distinctly. 

Soon,  however,  the  restless  foe  came  back  upon  us, 
apparently  reinforced.  He  made  a  vigorous  push  down 
our  center  down  some  rocky  ravines,  which  gave  him 
good  cover.  Just  then  a  tremendous  yell  arose  behind 
us,  and  along  through  the  intervals  of  our  battalions, 
came  the  tumultuous  array  of  the  Crow  and  Shoshone 
Indians,  rallied  and  led  back  to  action  by  Maj.  George 
M.  Randall  and  Lieutenant  John  G.  Bourke,  of  General 
Crook's  staff.  Orderly  Sergeant  John  Van  Moll,  of  Troop 
-A,  Mills'  battalion,  a  brave  and  gigantic  soldier,  who 
was  subsequently  basely  murdered  by  a  drunken  mutineer 
of  liis  company,  dashed  forward  on  foot  with  them.  The 
two  bodies  of  savages,  all  stripped  to  the  breech-clout, 
moccasins  and  war  bonnet,  came  together  in  the  trough 
of  the  valley,  the  Sioux  having  descended  to  meet  cm- 
allies  with  right  good  will.  All,  except  Sergeant  Van 
Moll,  were  mounted.  Then  began  a  most  exciting  en 
counter.  The  wild  foemen,  covering  themselves  with 
their  horses,  while  going  at  full  speed,  blazed  away 
rapidly.  Our  regulars  did  not  fire,  because  it  would  have 
been  sure  death  to  the  friendly  Indians,  who  were  barely 
distinguishable  by  a  red  badge  which  they  carried. 
Horses  fell  dead  by  the  score -- they  were  heaped  there 
when  the  tight  closed  -  -  but,  strange  to  relate,  the  casual 
ties  among  the  warriors,  including  both  sides,  did  not 
certainly  exceed  five  and  twenty. 

The  whooping  was  persistent,  but  the  Indian  voice 
is  less  hoarse  than  the  Caucasian,  and  has  a  sort  of  wolfish 


BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD. 


bark  to  it,  doubtless  the  result  of  heredity,  because  the 
Indians,  for  untold  ages,  have  been  imitators  of  the 
vocal  characteristics  of  the  prairie  wolf.  The  absence  of 
very  heavy  losses  in  this  combat  goes  far  to  prove  the 
wisdom  of1  the  Indian  method  of  fighting. 

Finally  the   Sioux  on    the    right,  hearing  the  yelping 
and  firing  of  the  rival  tribes,  came  up  in  great  numbers, 
and  our  Indians,  carefully  picking  up  their  wounded,  and 
making   their    unwounded    horses    carry    double,   began  to 
draw    off  in    good    order.       Sergeant  Yan    Moll    was    left 
alone    on    foot.     A    dozen   Sioux    dashed    at   him.      Major 
Randall    and    Lieutenant    Bourke,  who    had    probably    not 
noticed  him   in  the  general   melee,  but  who,  in  the  crisis, 
recognized  his  stature  and  his  danger,  turned  their  horses 
to  rush  to  his  rescue.     They  called  on  the  Indians  to  follow 
them.      One   small,  misshapen    Crow    warrior,  mounted  on 
u   fleet    pony,   outstripped    all    others.      He  dashed    boldly 
in    among  the  Sioux,  against  whom  Van  Moll  was  daunt- 
lessly  defending    himself,  seized    the   big    Sergeant   by  the 
shoulder,   and    motioned    him    to  jump    up    behind.       The 
Sioux  were  too  astonished   to  realize  what  had  been  done 
until  they  saw  the   long-legged  Sergeant,  mounted   behind 
the    little    Crow,   known    as  4'  Humpy,"  dash    towards  our 
lines    like    the    wind.       Then    they  opened    fire,    but    we 
opened   also,  and   compelled  them   to  seek  higher  ground. 
The  whole    line  of    our    battalion    cheered  u  Humpy"  and 
Yan   Moll  as  they  passed  us  on   the  home-stretch.     There 
were    no    insects    on    them,  either. 

In    order   to    check    the    insolence    of   the    Sioux,   we 
were   compelled  to  drive  them  from  the  third  ridge.      Our 


BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD.  237 

ground  was  more  favorable  for  quick  movements  than 
that  occupied  by  Royall,  who  found  much  difficulty  in 
forcing  the  savages  in  his  front  —  mostly  the  flower  of 
the  brave  Cheyenne  tribe  —  to  retire.  One  portion  of 
his  line,  under  Captain  Vroom,  pushed  out  beyond  its 
supports,  deceived  by  the  rugged  character  of  the  ground, 
and  suffered  quite  severely.  In  fact,  the  Indians  got 
between  it  and  the  main  body,  and  nothing  but  the  cool 
ness  of  its  commander  and  the  skillful  management  of 
Colonels  Royall  and  Henry  saved  Troop  L  of  the  Third 
Cavalry  from  annihilation  on  that  day.  Lieutenant  Mor 
ton,  one  of  Colonel  RoyalFs  aids,  Captain  Andrews  &.nd 
Lieutenant  Foster  T)f  Troop  I,  since  dead,  particularly 
distinguished  themselves  in  extricating  Yroom  from  his 
perilous  position. 

In  repelling  the  audacious  charge  of  the  Cheyennes 
upon  his  battalion,  the  undaunted  Col.  Henry,  one  of  the 
most  accomplished  officers  in  the  army,  was  struck  by  a 
bullet,  which  passed  through  both  cheek  bones,  broke  the 
bridge  of  his  nose  and  destroyed  the  optic  nerve  of  one 
eye.  His  orderly,  in  attempting  to  assist  him,  was  also 
wounded,  but,  temporarily  blinded  as  he  was,  and  throw 
ing  blood  from  his  mouth  by  the  handful,  Henry  sat 
his  horse  for  several  minutes  in  front  of  the  enemy. 
He  finally  fell  to  the  ground,  and,  as  that  portion  of 
our  line,  discouraged  by  the  fall  of  so  brave  a  chief, 
gave  ground  a  little,  the  Sioux  charged  over  his  pros 
trate  body,  but  were  speedily  repelled,  and  he  was  hap 
pily  rescued  by  some  soldiers  of  his  command. 


238  BATTLE  OF  THE  ftOSEBUD. 

Several  hours  later,  when  returning  from  the  pur 
suit  of  the  hostiles,  I  saw  Col.  Henry  lying  on  a  blanket, 
his  face  covered  with  a  bloody  cloth,  around  which  the 
summer  flies  were  buzzing  fiercely,  and  a  soldier  keeping 
the  wounded  man's  horse  standing  in  such  a  position  us 
to  throw  the  animal's  shadow  upon  the  gallant  sufferer. 
There  was  absolutely  no  other  shadow  in  that  neighbor 
hood.  When  I  ventured  to  condole  with  the  Colonel 
he  merely  said,  in  a  low  but  firm  voice,  "It  is  nothing. 
For  this  are  we  soldiers  !  "  and  forthwith  he  did  me  the 
honor  of  advising  me  to  join  the  army.  Col.  Henry's 
sufferings,  when  our  retrograde  movement  began,  and,  in 
fact,  until — after  a  jolting  journey  of  several  hundred 
miles,  by  mule  litter  and  wagon — he  reached  Fort  lins- 
sell,  were  horrible,  as  were,  indeed,  those  of  all  the 
wounded. 

As  the  day  advanced,  Gen.  Crook  became  tired  of 
the  indecisiveness  of  the  action,  and  resolved  to  bring 
matters  to  a  crisis.  He  rode  up  to  where  the  officers  of 
Mills'  battalion  were  standing,  or  sitting,  behind  their 
men,  who  were  prone  on  the  skirmish  line,  and  said,  in  ef 
fect,  "It  is  time  to  stop  this  skirmishing,  Colonel.  You 
must  take  your  battalions  and  go  for  their  village  way 
down  the  canyon."  "All  right,  sir,"  replied  Mills,  and 
the  order  to  retire  and  remount  was  given. 

Troops  A,  E  and  M  of  Mills'  battalion,  having  re 
mounted,  guided  by  the  scout  Grouard,  plunged  immedi 
ately  into  what  is  called,  on  what  authority  I  know  not, 
the  Dead  Canyon  of  Rosebud  valley.  It  is  a  dark,  narrow 
and  winding  defile,  over  a  dozen  miles  in  length,  and 


BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD.  23ft 

the  main  Indian  village  was  supposed  to  be  situated  in 
the  north  end  of  it.  Lieut.  Bourke,  of  Crook's  staff,  ac 
companied  the  column.  A  body  of  Sioux,  posted  on  a 
bluff  which  commanded  the  west  side  of  the  canyon,  was 
brilliantly  dislodged  by  a  bold  charge  of  Troop  E,  under 
Capt.  Sutorious  and  Lieut.  Yon  Leuttewitz.  After  this  out 
march  began  in  earnest. 

The  bluffs,  on  both  sides  of  the  ravine,  were  thickly 
covered  with  rocks  and  fir  trees,  thus  affording  am 
ple  protection  to  an  enemy,  and  making  it  impossible 
for  our  cavalry  to  act  as  flankers.  Col.  Mills  ordered 
the  section  of  the  battalion  moving  on  the  east  side  of 
the  canyon  to  cover  their  comrades  on  the  west  side,  if 
fired  upon,  and  vice  versa.  This  was  good  advice,  and 
good  strategy  in  the  position  in  which  we  were  placed. 
We  began  to  think  our  force  rather  weak  for  so  ven 
turesome  an  enterprise,  but  Lieut.  Bourke  informed  the 
Colonel  that  the  five  troops  of  the  Third  Cavalry,  under 
Maj.  Noyes,  were  marching  behind  us.  A  slight  rise  in 
the  valley  enabled  us  to  see  the  dust  stirred  up  by  the 
supporting  column -some  distance  in  the  rear. 

The  day  had  become  absolutely  perfect,  and  we  all 
felt  elated,  exhilerated  as  we  were  by  our  morning's  ex 
perience.  Nevertheless,  some  of  the  more  thoughtful  offi 
cers  had  their  misgivings,  because  the  canyon  was  cer 
tainly  a  most  dangerous  defile,  where  all  the  advantage 
would  be  on  the  side  of  the  savages.  Gen.  Custer,  al 
though  not  marching  in  a  position  so  dangerous,  and  with 
a  force  nearly  equal  to  ours,  suffered  annihilation  at  the 
hands  of  the  same  enemy,  about  eighteen  miles  further 
westward,  only  eight  days  afterward. 


MO  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD. 

Noyes,  marching  his  battalion  rapidly,  soon  overtook 
our  rear  guard,  and  the  whole  column  increased  its  pace. 
Fresh  signs  of  Indians  began  to  appear  in  all  directions, 
and.  we  began  to  feel  that  the  sighting  of  their  village 
must  be  only  a  question  of  a  few  miles  further  on.  We 
came  to  a  halt  in  a  kind  of  cross  canyon,  which  had  an 
opening  toward  the  west,  and  there  tightened  up  our 
horses'  girths,  and  got  ready  for  what  we  believed  must 
be  a  desperate  fight.  The  keen-eared  Grouard  pointed 
toward  the  Occident,  and  said  to  Col.  Mills,  "1  hear  firing 
in  that  direction,  sir."  Just  then  there  was  a  sound  of 
fierce  galloping  behind  us,  and  a  horseman,  dressed  in 
buckskin,  and  wearing  a  long  beard,  originally  black,  but 
turned  temporarily  gray  by  the  dust,  shot  by  the  halted 
command,  and  dashed  up  where  Col.  Mills  and  the  other 
officers  were  standing. 

It  was  Maj.  A.  H.  Nickerson,  of  the  General's  staff. 
He  has  been  unfortunate  since,  but  he  showed  himself  a 
hero  on  that  day  at  least.  He  had  ridden,  with  a  single 
orderly,  through  the  canyon  to  overtake  us,  at  the  immi 
nent  peril  of  his  life. 

"Mills,"  he  said,  "Koyall  is  hard  pressed,  arid  must 
be  relieved.  Henry  is  badly  wounded,  and  Vroom's  troop 
is  all  cut  up.  The  General  orders  that  you  and  Noyes 
defile  by  your  left  flank  out  of  this  canyon  and  fall  on 
the  rear  of  the  Indians  who  are  pressing  Hoy  all."  This, 
then,  was  the  firing  that  Grouard  had  heard. 

Crook's  order  was  instantly  obeyed,  and  we  were  for 
tunate  enough  to  find  a  comparatively  easy  way  out  of 
the  elongated  trap  into  which  duty  had  led  us.  We  de- 


BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD.  241 

Hied,  as  nearly  as  possible,  by  the  heads  of  companies,  in 
parallel  columns,  so  as  to  carry  out  the  order  with  greater 
celerity.  We  were  soon  clear  of  Dead  Canyon,  although 
we  had  to  lead  our  horses  over  and  among  the  boulders 
and  fallen  timber.  The  crest  of  the  side  of  the  ravine 
proved  to  be  a  sort  of  plateau,  and  there  we  could  hear 
quite  plainly  the  noise  of  the  attack  on  Royall's  front. 
We  got  out  from  among  the  loose  rocks  and  scraggy 
trees  that  fringed  the  rim  of  the  gulf,  and  found  ourselves 
in  quite  an  open  country.  " Prepare  to  mount  —  mount!" 
shouted  the  officers,  and  we  were  again  in  the  saddle. 

Then  we  urged  our  animals  to  their  best  pace,  and 
speedily  came  in  view  of  the  contending  parties.  The 
Indians  had  their  ponies,  guarded  mostly  by  mere  boys, 
in  the  rear  of  the  low,  rocky  crest  which  they  occupied. 
The  position  held  by  Royall  rose  somewhat  higher,  and 
both  lines  could  be  seen  at  a  glance.  There  was  very 
heavy  firing,  and  the  Sioux  were  evidently  preparing  to 
make  an  attack  in  force,  as  they  were  riding  in  by  the 
score,  especially  from  the  point  abandoned  by  Mills'  bat 
talion  in  its  movement  down  the  canyon,  and  which  was 
partially  held  thereafter  by  the  friendly  Indians,  a  few 
infantry  and  a  body  of  sturdy  mule  packers,  commanded 
by  the  brave  Tom  Moore,  who  fought  on  that  day  as  if 
he  had  been  a  private  soldier.  Suddenly  the  Sioux  look 
outs  observed  our  unexpected  approach,  and  gave  the 
alarm  to  their  friends.  We  dashed  forward  at  a  wild 
gallop,  cheering  as  we  went,  and  I  am  sure  we  were  all 
anxious  at  that  moment  to  avenge  our  comrades  of 
Henry's  battalion. 


242  BATTLE  OF  THE  ROSEBUD. 

But  the  cunning  savages  did  not  wait  for  us.  They 
picked  up  their  wounded,  all  but  thirteen  of  their  dead, 
and  broke  away  to  the  northwest  on  their  fleet  ponies, 
leaving  us  only  the  thirteen  u  scalps,"  one  hundred  and 
fifty  dead  horses  and  ponies  and  a  few  old  blankets  and 
war  bonnets  as  trophies  of  the  fray.  Our  losses,  includ 
ing  the  friendly  Indians,  amounted  to  about  fifty,  most  of 
the  casualties  being  in  the  Third  Cavalry,  which  bore  the 
brunt  of  the  fight  on  the  Rosebud.  Thus  ended  the  en 
gagement  which  Avas  the  prelude  to  the  great  tragedy 
that  occurred  eight  days  later  in  the  neighboring  valley 
of  the  Little  Big  Horn. 


GENERAL  GEORGE  A.  CUSTER. 

FURNISHED  BY  CUSTER  POST,  G.  A.  R.,  ST.  JOSEPH,  MO. 


CHAPTER    XXXVIII. 


THE     CCSTER     MASSACRE. 

A  short  time  after  the  battle  of  the  Rosebud,  Gen. 
Crook  got  dispatches  ordering  him  to  await  the  arrival 
of  reinforcements  ( the  Fifth  Cavalry ).  In  the  meantime 
the  command  moved  up  the  Little  Goose  creek  close  to 
the  Big  Horn  range.  Our  Snake  or  Shoshone  Indians 
had  left  us,  so  that  we  were  without  any  Indian  allies 
whatever.  There  was  not  much  going  on  for  awhile. 
Gen.  Crook  spent  most  of  his  time  in  the  mountains 
hunting.  While  the  General  was  up  in  the  mountains 
hunting,  I  was  out  riding  around  the  country  trying  to 
find  some  traces  of  hostile  Indians  ;  and  one-  day,  happen 
ing  to  be  up  on  the  mountains,  I  saw  some  Indian  signals 
down  on  the  divide  between  the  Rosebud  and  Little  Big 
Horn.  These  signals  were  to  the  effect  that  the  Indians 
and  troops  were  fighting,  and  the  Indians  had  the  best 
of  it.  This  was  between  9  and  10  o'clock  in  the 
morning.  Getting  on  my  horse  and  going  down  into 
camp,  I  told  the  ofiicers  that  the  Indians  were  having  a 
fight — I  supposed  with  the  troops — and  had  got  way  the 
best  of  them.  The  officers  had  never  heard  of  Indian 
signals,  and  didn't  suppose  such  things  were  in  existence. 


244  THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE. 

They  laughed  at  the  idea  of  Indians  having  smoke  signals  ; 
hardly  crediting  my  statement.  It  made  me  a  little  bit 
out  of  temper  the  way  they  talked  about  it,  and  I  told 
them  that  I  would  prove  to  them  I  was  right. 

I  saddled  up  my  horse  and  started  for  where  the 
signals  had  been  given,  reaching  what  at  first  seemed  to 
be  the  trail  of  troops  on  the  divide  between  the  Rosebud 
and  Little  Big  Horn  just  about  dark  on  the  night  of 
June  25th,  and  soon  found  that  troops  had  been  along 
there.  I  started  to  follow  up  the  trail,  which  led  down 
a  creek.  In  following  up  the  trail,  it  led  me  almost 
to  the  mouth  of  the  creek  where  it  empties  into  the  Little 
Big  Horn,  then  turning  off  to  the  right,  traveling  along 
parallel  to  the  creek  and  back  into  the  bluffs.  I  found 
out  afterwards  that  Custer  and  Reno  had  separated  there 
where  the  trail  left  this  creek,  but  not  knowing  this  at 
the  time,  I  could  only  follow  the  plainest  trail  I  could 
find.  I  followed  the  trail  out  where  the  Custer  command 
had  tried  to  cross  the  Little  Big  Horn,  out  again,  and 
went  still  further  down  the  creek,  but  away  from  it.  It 
was  just  11  o'clock  at  night  when  I  got  to  this  place. 
I  must  have  passed  close  to  where  Reno's  command  was 
entrenched,  but  did  not  know  it.  It  was  very  dark  and 
I  could  not  se-e  things  plainly.  It  was  cloudy  and  trying 
to  rain;  in  fact,  a  few  big  drops  of  rain  diJ  fall. 

The  first  intimation  I  had  of  getting  onto  the  battle 
field  was  when  my  horse  got  scared  at  something  lying 
in  the  trail  ahead  of  me,  and  I  could  not  get  him  to  pass 
it.  I  was  riding  an  animal  that  did  not  usually  scare  at 
anything — a  jet  black  beauty  that  Gen.  Crook  had  given 


THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE.  245 

me.  Getting  off  the  horse  and  stooping  down,  so  that  I 
could  feel  along  with  my  hands,  I  came  in  contact  with 
some  object.  I  did  not  know  what  it  was,  so  I  commenced 
examining  it,  when  I  found  that  I  had  my  hand  on  the 
head  of  a  man  who  had  been  scalped.  Well,  of  course, 
I  cannot  exactly  tell  the  feelings  I  did  have  ;  but  I  got 
onto  my  horse  pretty  quickly  after  [  found  out  what  it 
had  frightened  at.  I  was  going  on  to  a  kind  of  divide 
—  on  to  the  main  divide.  It  seemed  as  though  the 
soldiers  had  tried  to  reach  a  main  divide  from  there,  and 
I  thought  by  taking  down  the  ridge  I  would  avoid  any 
more  such  horrible  objects,  such  as  I  had  found  on  the 
lower  ridge ;  but  instead  of  that  I  got  right  into  the  midst 
of  the  dead,  and  was  forced  to  follow  the  ridge  all  the 
way  down.  It  seemed  to  me  for  a  long  time  —  I  could 
not  see  them,  but  could  tell  by  the  way  my  horse  acted 
-that  I  was  traveling  amongst  dead  people  all  the  way 
down  the  ridge.  I  don't  think  I  was  over  ten  minutes 
riding  down  the  ridge,  but  it  seemed  quite ~  awhile  before 
I  could  get  away. 

Finally  I  did  get  up  through  them,  and  went  down 
and  crossed  the  Little  Big  Horn  to  the  other  side  onto 
the  high  lands,  then  turned  and  followed  up  the  river, 
but  keeping  away  in  order  to  find  the  Indian  trail,  if 
possible.  It  was  along  toward  morning  before  I  found 
the  trail  leading  up  the  Little  Big  Horn  towards  the 
mountains.  Following  that  up  and  keeping  off  the  main 
trail,  I  could  hear  the  Indians  traveling  backwards  and 
forwards,  but  could  not  see  them.  I  heard  no  firing  of 
guns.  Reaching  the  outskirts  of  the  Indian  camp  on 


246  THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE. 

Pass  creek  at  the  mouth  of  Twin  creek  on  the  Big  Flat, 
I  arrived  at  their  main  camp  close  to  daybreak.  Hiding 
around  from  the  lower  end  to  the  upper  end,  and  keeping 
away  from  the  lodges,  I  found  an  old  Indian  driving  up 
his  ponies,  or  herding  them,  rather. 

I  rode  up  to  him  for  the  purpose  of  finding  out,  if 
I  could,  what  had  been  the  result  of  the  battle  I  knew 
had  so  recently  occurred.  I  was  dressed  up  as  an  In 
dian,  and  had  a  blanket  over  me,  so  the  old  fellow  could 
not  tell  who  or  what  I  was.  As  soon  as  I  commenced 
talking  to  him  in  the  Sioux  tongue,  he  asked  me  who  I 
was.  I  told  him  that  I  was  Sitting  Bull 's  brother  ;  that 
I  was  looking  for  my  horse  ;  that  I  had  been  out  on  a 
scout  and  had  not  seen  the  fight,  as  I  had  just  got  back 
that  evening  He  suspicioned  me  of  not  being  what  I 
said  I  was,  and  tried  to  find  out  who  I  was  by  getting 
up  close  to  me,  and  I  saw  I  could  not  get  any  informa 
tion  out  of  him.  It  was  then  daybreak,  and  on  his  ask 
ing  me  again  who  I  was,  I  told  him  that  they  had  al 
ways  called  me  the  "Grabber/1  That  was  the  nickname 
the  Indians  had  for  me  when  I  was  among  them. 

Quick  as  he  heard  who  I  was,  the  old  man  gave 
one  yell  and  about  two  jumps,  and  was  across  on  the 
other  side  of  the  creek  hallooing  that  the  troops  were  on 
them.  Well,  by  this  time  the  whole  camp  was  in  com 
motion.  I  had  started  back  toward  Tongue  river  on  a 
pretty  good  gallop.  I  got  quite  a  distance — five  or  six 
miles,  I  guess — before  any  of  them  came  in  sight,  and 
by  that  time  it  was  broad  daylight.  I  had  such  a  start 
of  them  that  they  could  not  catch  me.  They  ran  me 


MAJOR-GENERAL  A.  H.  TERRY. 

BY    PERMISSION    OF    JOHN    f.  FINERTY. 


THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE.  247 

clear  back  to  Tongue  river — a  distance  of  forty  miles. 
Not  being  able  to  overtake  me,  they  gave  up  the  chase. 
After  they  left  me  I  was  so  tired  out  that  when  I  got 
over  on  Soldier  creek  I  went  into  the  brush,  unsaddled 
my  horse  and  went  to  sleep.  I  must  have  slept  there 
all  that  night  until  the  next  morning  between  10  and  11 
o'clock. 

When  I  woke  up  I  could  hear  Indians  talking. 
Crawling  out  so  that  I  could  see  what  was  going  on,  I 
discovered  that  quite  a  large  scouting  party  had  camped 
right  in  below  me — not  over  five  hundred  yards  from 
where  I  was  resting.  For  fear  they  might  run  across 
me  or  see  me  I  led  my  horse  into  the  brush,  threw  him 
down,  tied  his  feet  so  that  he  could  not  get  up  and 
went  off  to  the  best  hiding  place  I  could  find  and  stayed 
there  until  after  dark.  Then,  everything  being  safe,  I 
untied  my  horse,  saddled  him  up  and  started  to  get  out 
of  there  as  quietly  as  I  could.  I  reached  the  command 
about  4  o'clock  the  next  day.  The  command  had  re 
ceived  rumors  of  the  Custer  massacre  just  before  I  got 
back. 


[The  Custer  massacre  will  always  be  a  prolific 
theme  for  speculative  minds.  The  story  today  is  an  oft- 
told  tale,  and  writers  will  never  tire  of  relating  it.  The 
responsibility  for  the  awful  catastrophe  will  forever  re 
main  in  doubt,  and  mayhap  it  is  as  well  that  it  should. 
Custer  had  every  confidence  in  himself,  and  his  men 
shared  that  confidence.  When  the  junction  had  been 
formed  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rosebud  on  the  15th  of 


248  THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE. 

June,  1876,  between  the  different  battalions  of  Gibbons' 
command,  Indian  scouts  were  sent  out  to  discover  the 
whereabouts  of  the  hostiles,  and  secure,  as  near  as  possi 
ble,  the  numbers  of  the  enemy.  Upon  the  return  of 
these  scouts,  who  located  the  Indian  village  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Little  Big  Horn,  they  reported  the 
strength  of  the  hostiles  to  be  between  three  and  five 
thousand  fighting  warriors.  But  the  agents  at  the  dif 
ferent  agencies  had  previously  given  it  as  their  opinion 
that  the  hostile  force  did  not  amount  to  over  one 
thousand  fighting  men  ;  and,  strange  as  it  may  appear, 
both  Gibbon  and  Terry  seemed  to  have  placed  greater 
reliance  on  the  estimates  of  the  agents  than  in  the  actual 
observation  of  the  friendly  Indian  scouts.  Ouster,  from 
all  accounts,  shared  the  opinion  of  his  superiors,  and  ex 
pressed  himself  as  able  to  whip  the  allied  forces  of  Sioux 
and  Cheyennes  with  his  own  regiment  if  he  were  only 
permitted  the  apportunity. 

Camp  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rosebud  was  broken  on 
the  morning  of  June  22d,  Ouster,  with  his  regiment  (the 
Seventh  Cavalry)  and  pack  train,  moving  up  the  Eose- 
bud,  and  Terry  and  Gibbon  with  their  forces,  going  up 
the  Yellowstone.  At  the  council  of  war  held  before  the 
commands  separated,  what  was  determined  upon  as  the 
line  of  action  is  now  shrouded  in  doubt,  some  holding 
that  Custer  was  not  to  attack  the  hostiles  until  the  differ 
ent  commands  were  close  enough  together  to  form  a 
junction,  while  others  maintain  that  Custer  himself  said 
he  was  authorized  to  attack  the  enemy  whenever  and 
wherever  he  found  him. 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN  GIBBON. 

BY  PERMISSION  OF  JOHN  F.   FINERTY. 


THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE.  249 

But  there  is  documentary  evidence  in  existence 
which  goes  far  toward  proving  that  Ouster  received 
"definite"  instructions,  and  that  he  permitted  his  enthu 
siasm  to  take  advantage  of  the  loophole  left  in  them. 
He  was  to  have  moved  up  the  Rosebud  in  pursuit  of  the 
Indians  whose  trail  Reno  had  discovered  some  days  pre 
vious.  "It  is  of  course  impossible  to  give  any  definite 
instructions,"  reads  this  interesting  memento,  uin  regard 
to  this  movement,  and,  were  it  not  impossible  to  do  so, 
the  department  commander  places  too  much  confidence 
in  your  zeal,  energy  and  ability  to  wish  to  impose  upon 
you  precise  orders  which  might  hamper  your  action  when 
nearly  in  contact  with  the  enemy.  He  will,  however, 
indicate  to  you  his  own  view  of  what  your  action  should 
be,  and  he  desires  that  you  should  conform  to  them, 
unless  you  shall  see  sufficient  reason  for  departing  from 
them.'" 

Here's  a  case  of  "close  the  door,  please,  unless  you 
desire  to  leave  it  open." 

If  Ouster  found  that  the  Indian  trail  (discovered  pre 
viously  by  Reno)  turned  toward  the  Little  Big  Horn,  he 
was  to  have  kept  to  the  left  toward  the  headwaters 
of  the  Tongue  river,  in  order  that  no  band  or  bands  of 
hostiles  should  be  permitted  to  escape  to  the  south  or 
southeast  by  passing  around  his  left  flank.  He  was  to 
feel  his  way  cautiously  from  the  Tongue  river  westward 
to  the  valley  of  the  Little  Big  Horn,  where  he  was  to 
carefully  examine  Tullock  creek  (a  tributary  of  the  Big 
Horn)  at  its  upper  end,  and  report  to  Gen.  Gibbon,  whose 
command  would  be  located  at  the  forks  of  the  Little  and 


250  THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE. 

Big  Horn  rivers.  With  Caster's  command  on  the  head 
waters  of  the  Little  Big  Horn  (east),  Crook's  in  the  Goose 
creek  valley  (south),  and  Gibbon's  at  the  head  of  the  Lit 
tle  Big  Horn  valley  (north),  the  Indians  (if  located  in  the 
latter  valley,  and  it  was  almost  impossible  to  suppose  they 
were  anywhere  else,  as  the  trail  led  in  that  direction  and 
the  scouts  had  located  their  village  on  or  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  Little  Big  Horn),  would  find  it  impossible  to  escape 
the  cordon  of  troops  unless  they  penetrated  the  moun 
tains  and  crossed  the  range  to  the  west,  a  move  which 
was  highly  improbable  because  next  to  impossible. 

But  Custer  did  not  allow  instructious  to  "hamper  his 
actions  "  when  he  found  himself  upon  the  hot  trail  of  the 
Indians  on  the  Kosebud.  The  headwaters  of  the  Tongue 
were  permitted  to  take  care  of  themselves.  Custer  saw 
sufficient  reason  for  departing  from  his  orders,  and  pressed 
on  in  pursuit  of  the  savages.  By  the  time  the  valley  of 
the  Little  Big  Horn  was  reached,  he  had  other  plans  than 
the  one  mapped  out  by  the  commanding  General  to  examine 
the  upper  part  of  Tullock  creek.  His  scouts  had  reported 
the  Indian  village  but  a  short  distance  ahead,  but  whether 
they  also  reported  on  the  strength  of  the  hostiles  will 
never  be  known. 

It  is  enough  to  know,  however,  that  the  hostiles'  trail 
was  discovered  when  the  Custer  command  reached  a  point 
twenty  miles  up  the  Rosebud,  after  leaving  the  Gibbon 
command.  '  It  lead  up  that  stream  for  many  miles,  and 
finally  turned  off  to  a  tributary  of  the  Little  Big  Horn. 
When  Custer  reached  a  point  eighteen  miles  from  the  Indian 
village,  he  called  Reno,  Benteen,  McDougal  and  his  other 


THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE.  251 

officers  together  and  divided  his  command  into  three  bat 
talions,  taking  troops  C,  E,  F,  I  and  L  himself.  Troops 
A,  M  and  G  were  assigned  to  Reno,  while  Benteen  was 
given  charge  of  troops  H,  D  and  K.  B  troop,  under 
Captain  McDougal,  was  made  an  escort  to  the  pack  train. 
From  the  scouts  the  exact  location  of  the  Indian  village 
had  been  obtained.  Some  authorities  claim  that  Benteen 
was  to  cross  the  Little  Big  Horn  and  attack  the  village 
at  its  upper  end  ;  Reno  was  to  keep  on  the  east  side  of 
the  stream  until  he  carne  to  about  the  center  of  the  vil 
lage  and  then  begin  the  attack,  and  Ouster  was  to  follow 
down  stream  to  the  extreme  lower  end  of  the  camp  and 
attack  it  there,  so  that  the  three  forces  would  begin  the 
fight  at  different  points  almost  simultaneously.  When  the 
three  battalions  had  reached  a  point  five  miles  from  the 
village,  Benteen  crossed  the  river  and  followed  down 
under  the  shadows  of  the  mountain,  while  the  Ouster  and 
Reno  commands  marched  side  by  side  yet  a  little  further. 
Then  Ouster  bore  off  to  the  east,  into  the  hills,  while 
Reno  passed  down  to  the  river  and  soon  after  engaged 
the  Indians.  He  met  a  force  that  he  could  not  drive — 
a  host  that  he  had  not  looked  for.  Demoralization  took 
possession  of  his  battalion,  and  in  the  retreat  which 
ensued  his  men  were  mowed  down  like  grass. 

Benteen,  in  a  statement  made  to  Mr.  Finerty,  says 
there  was  to  have  been  no  connection  between  Reno, 
McDougal  and  himself  in  Ouster's  order.  He  was  sent 
off  to  the  left  several  miles  from  where  Ouster  was 
killed  to  "actually  hunt  up  more  Indians."  When  he 
set  off  on  his  mission,  he  left  the  remainder  of  the  regi- 


252  THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE. 

ment    at  a  halt  and  dismounted.      He  soon  saw,   he  says, 
after  carrying    out    Ouster's    order,   and    two    other   orders 
which    were    sent    to    him    by    the    General,   that   "the  In 
dians  had  too  much  horse   sense    to    travel  over  the  kind 
of  country  I  had  'been  sent  to  explore,   unless  forced  to,n 
and    concluding    that    his    battalion    would  have  plenty  of 
work  ahead    with    the    others,    obliqued    to    the    right    to 
strike    the   trail  of  the  main  column,   and  got  into  it  just 
ahead  of  McDougal  and    his    pack  train.      After  watering 
the  horses  of  his  battalion  at    a    morass  near  the  side  of 
the    road,   he    went    briskly    on,    "having    a    presentiment 
that    I'd  find  hot  work  very  soon."     On  the  way  he  met 
two  orderlies    with    messages — one    for    the    commanding 
officer    of    the    pack    train    and    one    for  himself,   written 
and    signed    by    the    regimental    adjutant,     Lieut.    Cook. 
They  read:   "Come  on.       Be  quick,"    and   "Bring  packs." 
Benteen  did  not  return    for    the    pack    train,   but  pushed 
on  at  a  trot,   and  (to  use  his  own  words)    "Got  there    in 
time    to    save    Eeno's    outfit."     McDougal    came  up  .ater, 
and  a  junction    was    then    formed.       From    that    time  on 
until    the    morning    of    the  27th  they  were  kept -busy  re 
pelling  the  attacks  of  the  hostiles. 

From  this  statement  of  Benteen's  it  does  not  seem 
that  he  had  received  any  orders  from  Custer  to  attack 
any  portion  of  the  Indian  village,  and  this  view  is  further 
borne  out  by  the  statement  of  Benteen  that  he  car 
ried  out  the  orders  that  Custer  had  given  him.  But 
both  he  and  Reno  must  have  known  that  Custer  was 
battling  with  the  hostiles  at  some  point  not  far  distant; 
and  yet  no  effort  was  made  to  reach  the  Custer  com 
mand  the  day  of  the  25th  of  June. 


THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE.  253 

There  is  little  if  any  doubt  but  what  Reno's  com 
mand  would  have  been  annihilated  had  it  not  been  for 
the  timely  arrival  of  Gibbon.  The  Indians  claimed  that 
they  had  Reno  just  where  they  wanted  him,  but  were  not 
given  time  enough  to  move  their  camp  far  enough  from 
the  scene  of  battle  before  making  their  final  cleanup  of 
the  soldiers.  NotAvithstanding  this  claim  of  the  Indians, 
and  admitting  that  Reno  would  have  taken  desperate 
chances  in  attempting  to  go  to  the  assistance  of  Custer, 
the  people  of  the  United  States  will  always  think  he 
should  have  taken  the  chances,  and  believe  and  know 
Custer  would  not  have  hesitated  a  second  in  making  such 
a  move  had  matters  been  reversed.  Custer  would  have 
fought  his  way  to  Reno,  under  such  circumstances,  or  died 
on  the  bluffs  in  making  the  attempt. 

Grouard,  whose  acquaintance  with  the  Indians  was 
more  extended  than  that  of  any  man  who  has  ventured 
to  speak  on  this  subject,  and  who  was  on  the  battlefield 
at  11  o'clock  on  the  night  succeeding  the  day  of  the 
butchery,  says  the  Indians  told  him  Custer  made  an 
attempt  to  cross  the  Little  Big  Horn  where  the  trail  of 
the  command  was  afterward  discovered  leading  down  to 
the  edge  of  the  river.  But  the  Indians  met  him  in  great 
numbers  at  this  point,  and  he  found  it  impossible  to 
cross.  The  water  was  high,  and  the  bed  of  the  river  at 
all  times  is  full  of  quicksand  at  this  point,  and  the  In 
dians  told  Grouard  that  one  of  the  soldiers'  pack  mules, 
loaded  with  ammunition,  was  swallowed  up  in  the  sand 
when  the  attempt  to  ford  the  river  was  made. 


254  THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE. 

Caster  then  seemed  determined,  after  his  first  re 
pulse,  to  cross  the  river  at  a  point  loAver  down.  To  do 
this  he  was  forced  to  back  out  into  the  bluffs,  and  the 
Indians,  divining  his  intention,  crossed  the  river  below 
his  command  in  thousands,  attacking  it  on  all  sides  at 
once.  Ouster  must  have  recognized  the  almost  hopeless 
ness  of  his  position  from  the  moment  he  found  himself 
unable  to  cross  the  Little  Big  Horn  where  he  first  made 
the  attempt ;  but  that  he  did  not  lose  his  head  is  proved 
by  the  fact  that  he  attempted  to  lead  his  command  on 
to  the  bluff's  overlooking  the  valley.  As  soon,  however, 
as  he  left  the  river,  the  Indians  got  in  between  it  and 
his  command,  so  that,  with  the  hostiles  occupying  the 
draws  on  the  south,  the  high  bluffs  on  the  east  and  the 
river  bottom  on  the  west,  the  soldiers  were  forced  to  oc 
cupy  a  midway  position  between  the  higher  points  and 
the  valley,  and  were  driven  along  the  slope  east  and 
north  until  the  last  one  had  been  killed. 

u  The  Indians  congregated  so  rapidly  and  were  in 
such  positions,"  said  one  of  Grouard's  Indian  informants, 
"that  there  was  no  earthly  chance  for  the  command  to 
extricate  itself.  The  troopers  fought  bravely  and  to  the 
last,  but  the  battle  was  over  in  less  than  one  hour  from 
the  time  Cnster  made  his  first  attempt  to  cross  the  Lit 
tle  Big  Horn." 

One  peculiar  thing  about  the  entire  matter  is 
found  in  the  uncertainty  expressed  by  all  the  officers  con 
cerning  the  time  of  day  when  the  attack  on  the  Sioux 
village  (made  by  Reno's  battalion)  occurred.  If,  as  the 
official  reports  claim,  Ouster  was  in  the  valley  of  the 


THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE.  255 

Little  Big  Horn  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  June 
25th,  it  would  seem  highly  probable  that  the  attack  oc 
curred  long  before  noon  of  that  date.  Some  of  .Reno's 
soldiers  claim  that  the  two  battalions  (Ouster's  and 
Reno's)  were  still  marching  side  by  side  when  the  indi 
cations  of  the  Sioux  village  were  so  plain  as  to  be  un 
mistakable,  and  that  the  Colonel  of  the  Seventh,  elated 
at  the  prospect  of  an  immediate  engagement,  cried,  "  Hur 
rah!  Ouster's  luck!"  Immediately  after  this  the  com 
mands  sepa"ated,  Reno  u  charging  down  the  valley  a  con 
siderable  distance,  finally  halting  in  the  timber,  where  he 
was  attacked  by  superior  numbers." 

Grouard  says  he  first  noticed  the  signals  made  by 
the  Indians  on  June  25  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock  in 
the  morning.  These  signals  indicated  a  big  battle  with 
the  soldiers,  the  Indians  having  "way  the  best  of  it,"  as 
the  scout  expresses  it.  Grouard  immediately  repaired  to 
Crook's  camp  on  the  Little  Goose  creek,  and  imparted 
his  information  to  the  officers  he  found  there  ( Gen. 
Crook  being  up  in  the  mountains  on  a  hunt).  Not  hav 
ing  had  any  experience  with  Indian  signals,  the  officers 
in  camp  ridiculed  the  idea  advanced  by  Grouard  that 
the  troops  and  savages  were  engaged.  The  scout  there 
upon  informed  them  he  would  prove  he  was  right,  and 
immediately  jumped  on  one  of  the  best  horses  in  the 
command  and  started  for  the  locality  whence  the  signals 
had  been  given.  The  distance  from  Goose  creek  to  the 
Ouster  battlefield  is  about  seventy  miles,  and  as  it  was  close 
to  noon  when  Grouard  started,  and  the  latter  part  of  the 
trip  was  made  after  dark,  he  necessarily  had  to  ride  at 


256  THE  CUTTER  MASSACRE. 

the  rate  of  seven  miles  an  hour  to  reach  the  Ouster  bat 
tlefield  by  eleven  o'clock. 

Horned  Horse,  who  related  the  story  of  the  battle 
many  times  after  he  arrived  at  the  agency,  maintained 
that  "by  noon  all  of  one  party  were  killed,  and  the  oth 
ers  (Reno's)  driven  back  into  a  bad  place.  The  reason 
we  did  not  kill  all  of  this  party  was  because  while  we 
were  fighting  his  (Reno's)  party,  we  heard  that  more  sol 
diers  were  coming  up  the  river,"  whereupon  the  hostiles 
drew  off.  uThe  troops  first  charged  from  up  the  river," 
he  said.  Then  all  the  young  bucks  charged  the  troops. 
"Then  there  was  another  party  of  troops  on  the  other 
side  of  the  river.  One  half  of  the  Indians  pursued  the 
first  body  of  troops  ;  the  other  half  went  after  the  other 
body."  Which  shows  that  Ouster's  attack  was  made  al 
most  simultaneously  with  that  of  Reno. 

Ouster  did  not  proceed  northward  over  three  miles 
from  the  spot  where  Reno's  fortifications  were  thrown  up 
after  his  retreat  across  the  river,  so  that  he  could  not 
have  been  over  two  miles  from  Reno  when  the  latter  was 
holding  the  Sioux  at  bay  in  the  timber.  Knowing  that 
Ouster  had  intended  to  strike  the  village  at  its  lower  end 
as  soon  as  he  could  make  the  distance  from  the  point 
where  he  and  Reno  separated,  and  the  latter  having  in 
vested  the  woods  on  the  southeast  side  of,  the  camp, 
people  can  not  but  wonder  why  he  failed  to  hold  this 
point  of  vantage  until  he  could  satisfy  himself  that  Ous 
ter  made  his  proposed  attack  below.  Instead  of  doing 
this,  however,  Reno  withdrew  from  the  woods,  retreated 
across  the  Little  Big  Horn,  and  took  up  a  position  infi- 


THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE.  25? 

nitely  less  desirable  than  the  one  he  had  first  held  on  the 
west  of  the  stream,  where  he  was  protected  by  a  heavy 
growth  of  timber.  This  retreat  is  said  to  have  been  so 
precipitous  that  many  of  the  fleeing  soldiers  were  actually 
dragged  from  their  horses  by  the  pursuing  savages  and 
hacked  to  death  at  leisure. 

There  must  have  been  a  respite  given  the  Reno  com 
mand  to  gain  its  second  position,  for  it  was  then  that 
Benteen  came  upon  the  scene  from  the  west,  and  he  was 
followed  somewhat  later  by  McDougal's  troop  and  the 
pack  train.  There  is  no  account  of  the  packs  having 
been  attacked  while  on  their  way  southeast  over  the  main 
trail  to  reach  .Reno's  position,  so  it  necessarily  follows 
that  the  Indians  at  that  particular  time  had  withdrawn 
from  Reno  to  repel  the  charge  of  the  Custer  battalion 
three  miles  down  the  stream.  "  Indecision "  on  the  part 
of  Reno  may  have  led  to  the  force  under  himself  and 
Benteen  being  kept  at  a  standstill  while  Ouster's  command 
was  undergoing  destruction  ;  but  military  men  used  a  very 
mild  term  when  they  called  it  such. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  massacre  the  soldiers  of 
Reno's  command  distinctly  heard  a  "charge"  sounded  on 
a  bugle,  and  they  arose  with  a  cheer  to  welcome  Ouster, 
only  to  be  met  with  a  yell  of  derision  from  the  savages. 
This  circumstance  could  not  have  escaped  the  notice  or 
knowledge  of  Reno,  and  yet  he  claims  he  had  no  sus 
picion  that  annihilation  had  overtaken  Caster's  command. 
A  little  later  on  in  the  day  the  white  hats  and  blue 
coats  of  soldiers  were  noticed  in  the  possession  of  the 
Indians  who  swarmed  about  Reno's  entrenched  position, 


258  THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE. 

but  this  circumstance  does  not  appear  to  have  made  any 
deep  impression  on  Maj.  Reno.  His  "indecision"  may 
have  saved  his  command,  but  it  will  never  write  the 
name  of  "hero"  on  his  monument. 

Grouard,  as  stated  in  his  narrative,  reached  the  Ous 
ter  battlefield  about  11  o'clock  on  the  night  of  June  25th. 

He  had   struck  the   trail    of    the    Ouster    command  .where 

?> 

the  commands  separated,  and  followed  it  down  to  the 
bluffs  on  which  the  bodies  of  the  killed  were  strewn. 
On  his  way  to  this  spot  he  must,  as  he  says,  have  passed 
close  to  the  entrenched  position  held  by  Reno,  but  he 
did  not  know  it.  When  he  crossed  the  Little  Big  Horn 
he  heard  ( but  did  not  see)  the  Indians  passing  backward 
and  forward  over  the  travoi  trails,  but  the  camp  at  that 
time  had  been  moved  to  a  point  fully  twenty  miles 
southwest  of  the  battlefield.  The  scout  heard  no  shoot 
ing  while  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Little  Big  Horn,  and 
saw  nothing  which  led  him  to  suppose  that  Reno's 
command  was  besieged.  He  was  in  the  Indian  camp  at 
sun-up  on  the  morning  of  the  26th  of  June,  and  left  that 
place  with  hundreds  of  the  savages  in  hot  pursuit,  reach 
ing  the  Crook  command  on  Goose  creek  two  days  after 
wards. 

In  their  haste  to  get  their  families  out  of  the  way 
of  danger,  the  Indians  undoubtedly  left  many  tepis  and 
much  rubbish,  and  which  was,  later  on,  destroyed  by 
the  savages  themselves,  as  they  had  no  means  to  convey 
it  from  the  spot,  the  travois  having  been  taken  to  a 
point  twenty  miles  to  the  southwest.  The  only  view 
Reno's  command  obtained  of  the  Indian  camp  was  at  the 


THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE.  259 

time  that  command  was  first  thrown  against  the  savages. 
Its  subsequent  retreat  across  the  river  cat  off  the  view 
of  the  camp  entirely,  and  Reno  could  not  know  when 
the  hostile  village  was  moved.  Grouard  states  positively 
that  it  was  moved  on  the  night  of  the  25th,  and  as  he 
visited  it  on  the  morning  of  the  26th  when  it  was  loca 
ted  twenty  miles  southwest  of  the  battlefield,  it  could  not 
have  occupied  its  former  site  on  the  banks  of  the  Little 
Big  Horn  on  the  morning  of  the  27th  of  June. 

The  Indians,  whose  numbers  were  constantly  aug 
menting,  were  getting  as  rapidly  as  possible  into  a  sec 
tion  of  country  where  game  was  plentiful.  They  there 
fore  had  their  families  with  them.  They  had  runners 
out  all  over  the  country,  north,  east  and  south ;  knew 
that  Crook's  command  was  in  the  valley  of  the  Goose 
creeks;  that  Gibbon  and  Terry  were  marching  up  the 
Yellowstone  from  the  mouth  of  the  Rosebud  and  that 
Ouster's  force  was  moving  rapidly  up  the  latter  stream 
toward  the  Little  Big  Horn  where  their  village  was  loca 
ted.  But  they  had  no  idea,  as  they  afterwards  said,  that 
Custer  would  be  rash  enough  to  attack  them  when  he 
discovered  their  force.  They  were  greatly  surprised  that 
he  did  so. 

Grouard  had  seen  their  village  on  two  occasions  — 
once  before  and  once  after  the  massacre  ;  and  he  states 
that  on  the  morning  after  the  battle  of  the  Little  Big 
Horn  there  were  no  less  than  nine  thousand  fighting  men 
in  the  hostile  camp.  He  says  there  were  fully  six  hun 
dred  wickiups  in  the  village.  These  wickiups  were  used 
by  the  young  bucks  who  had  escaped  from  the  different 


200  THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE. 

agencies  ;  and  the  scout  thinks  there  must  have  been  over 
or  quite  five  thousand  of  these  young  warriors,  while  the 
force  of  the  village  proper  was  not  less  than  four  thousand 
fighting  men.  Grouard  further  says  that  each  wickiup 
would  accommodate  from  six  to  ten  persons,  and  all  of 
them  were  crowded  to  their  fullest  capacity. 

The  Indians  told  Grouard  that  when  Ouster's  attempt 
to  cross  the  "Little  Big  Horn  had  been  frustrated,  the 
command  headed  directly  east  for  the  high  bluffs,  behind 
which  hundreds  of  Indians  were  secreted.  These  rose  up 
to  meet  Ouster  as  his  men  advanced.  Not  knowing  that 
the  savages  were  there,  Ouster  was  taken  completely  by 
surprise,  and  attempted,  by  a  charge,  to  force  his  way 
through  the  enemy  to  the  northeast.  But  he  met  with 
such  a  withering  fire  that  he  was  compelled  to  seek 
lower  ground,  and  in  doing  so  he  met  the  enemy's  force 
that,  by  this  time,  had  crossed  the  river  and  filled  all  the 
draws  to  the  north,  and  was  compelled  to  feel  his  way 
west  and  south,  which  accounts  for  the  finding  of  the 
bodies  of  his  command  lying  in  almost  a  perfect  circle. 

When  the  charge  up  the  bluff  was  made,  the  Indians 
stated  (and  they  related  the  story  many  times  to  the 
scout),  that  an  officer  on  a  magnificent  animal,  unable  to 
check  the  speed  of  his  charger,  rode  directly  through  the 
enemy's  line,  escaping  the  hundreds  of  bullets  that  were 
fired  at  him.  Some  of  the  young  braves  gave  chase,  but 
as  they  were  afoot  when  the  charge  was  made  and  lost 
some  little  time  in  getting  their  ponies,  the  officer  was 
soon  far  in  advance  of  his  pursuers.  They  followed  him 
for  several  miles,  however,  and  watched  him  as  he  crossed 


THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE*  261 

Poplar  creek  ( due  east  from  the  Ouster  battlefield ). 
Beyond  this  creek  is  an  immense  flat,  and  while  the  In 
dians  sat  upon  their  ponies,  having  given  up  the  chase, 
and  watched  the  fleeing  horseman  as  he  reached  the 
plain,  they  beheld  a  puff  of  smoke,  and  saw  the  officer 
fall  from  the  saddle.  They  then  rode  over  to  where  he 
fell,  secured  his  horse  and  trappings,  and  left  the  body 
lying  where  it  fell.  The  officer,  for  some  unknown 
cause,  had  ended  his  life  at  the  point  of  his  own  gun. 

Grouard's  explanation  is  that  the  officer,  being  con 
vinced  that  the  command  would  perish  to  a  man,  did  not 
wish  to  survive  his  comrades  in  arms,  so  put  an  end  to 
his  life  when  escape  was  within  his  grasp;  or,  that  being 
unable  to  rejoin  the  command,  and  fearing  that  his  escape 
would  be  construed  into  desertion  and  forever  remain  a 
blot  upon  his  honor,  he  ended  his  existence  within  sight 
of  the  spot  where  the  five  troops  of  the  heroic  Seventh 
met  their  Waterloo. 

This  story  of  the  Indians  is  borne  out  by  a  fact  : 
The  body  of  one  officer  (Second  Lieutenant  H.  M.  Harring 
ton  of  Troop  C)  was  never  recovered.  It  was  supposed 
that  he  fell  in  the  first  charge,  and  was  swallowed  up  by 
the  treacherous  quicksands  in  the  bed  of  the  Little  Big 
Horn  ;  but  it  is  just  as  possible  that  he  escaped  death  by 
the  river  and  found  it  on  the  plain  east  of  Poplar  creek, 
though  it  must  be  admitted  that  nothing  but  the  fact  that 
his  body  was  not  found  on  the  field  of  battle  lends  any 
evidence  to  his  identification  as  the  officer  referred  to  by 
the  savages. 


THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE. 


The  Indians  were  sure  that  the  officer  was  trying  to 
check  the  speed  of  his  horse  when  he  passed  through 
their  line  ;  but  the  animal  was  crazed  with  fright  and  could 
neither  be  stopped  nor  overtaken.  It  went  like  the  wind, 
and  proved  itself  afterwards  to  be  one  of  the  fleetest- 
footed  horses  possessed  by  the  savages. 

As  soon  as  possible  after  the  battle  begun,  the  camp, 
with  the  women  and  children,  was  moved,  the  mutilation 
of  the  Ouster  dead  having  been  done  by  the  bucks, 
Horned  Horse,  who  viewed  the  scene  from  a  distance, 
stating  that  the  warriors  only  desisted  in  their  horrible 
work  from  sheer  exhaustion. 

A  great  deal  has  been  said  and  written  about  the 
manner  in  which  Ouster  received  his  death  wound,  and 
to  Rain-in-the-Face,  whose  picture  will  be  found  in  these 
pages,  has  been  attributed  the  killing  of  this  gallant  and 
daring  spirit.  It  is  already  known  that  Ouster's  body 
was  the  only  one  escaping  mutilation;  also  that  the 
wound  which  caused  death  was  in  the  head  and  made 
by  a  bullet.  No  other  wound  or  mark  was  found  upon 
the  body,  and  it  apparently  lay  where  it  had  fallen.  The 
reading  world  need  not  be  shocked  by  the  knowledge 
that  no  man  has  honor  in  Ouster's  death.  "  Nothing  can 
be  retentive  to  the  strength  of  spirit."  Rain-in-the-Face 
did  not  kill  Gen.  Ouster.  But  Ouster,  brave  to  the  last, 
surrounded  by  the  dead  bodies  of  his  relatives  and 
troopers,  and  realizing  the  horrors  that  awaited  him  as  a 
captive  —  tortures  a  thousand  times  worse  than  death  - 
turned  his  weapon  against  himself  and  escaped  the  terri 
ble  fate  for  which  the  Indians  attempted  to  spare  him. 


RAIN-IN-THE-FACE,  REPUTED  SLAYER  OF  CUSTER. 


THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE.  263 

Ouster  was  well  known  to  and  by  the  savage  horde 
which  encompassed  him.  There  was  a  chance  for  his 
capture,  and  the  only  way  the  General  had  to  defeat  it 
was  in  anticipating  his  own  end.  The  gallant  Fetterman 
and  Brown  died  by  each  other's  hands  at  the  Phil  Kear 
ney  massacre  in  1866,  and  a  hundred  other  cases  might 
be  cited  of  a  like  nature.  The  friends  and  admirers  of 
Ouster  have  nothing  to  regret  in  the  knowledge  that  the 
brave  soldier  opened  the  gateway  to  eternity  with  his 
own  right  hand. 

Among  the  Sioux  there  exists  a  superstition  concern 
ing  those  who  suicide.  They  will  not  touch  the  body  of 
a  man  or  woman  who  meets  death  at  his  or  her  own 
election.  Ouster's  body  was  not  disturbed.  Had  it  not 
been  for  the  fact  that  all  the  bodies  of  the  Ouster  com 
mand  lay  in  the  scorching  sun  four  days  before  they 
were  recovered,  the  tell-tale  powder  marks  on  Ouster's 
temple  would  have  put  at  rest  the  question  of  Ouster's 
taking  off  without  recourse  to  the  evidence  of  savages. 

Curley,  a  Crow  scout,  who  accompanied  the  Ouster 
command,  and  is  the  only  survivor  of  the  battle  of  the 
Little  Big  Horn,  claims  to  have  saved  himself  by  hiding 
in  a  gulch  while  the  fight  was  going  on,  and  afterwards 
escaping  by  drawing  his  blanket  about  him  and  passing 
through  the  ranks  of  the  hostiles,  being  taken  for  one  of 
their  own  number  in  the  excitement  which  prevailed. 
Ourley's  account  of  the  battle  is  meagre,  as  his  time  was 
pretty  well  occupied  in  looking  to  his  own  safety.  His 
statement  that  the  fight  commenced  at  2:30  or  3  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon  (his  calculation  of  time  being  based 


264  THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE. 

upon  the  position  of  the  sun)  and  continued  until  nearly 
sunset,  is  entirely  overcome  by  the  statements  of  parties 
in  the  Reno  command  that  clothing  and  guidons  belong 
ing  to  the  Ouster  battalion  were  seen  and  recognized  in 
possession  of  the  Indians  who  besieged  Reno's  position 
early  in  the  afternoon  of  the  25th  of  June. 

Scores  of  the  Indians  who  were  engaged  in  the 
attack  upon  Ouster  have  told  Grouard  that  the  fight  with 
the  ill-fated  command  did  not  last  over  an  hour,  at  the 
end  of  which  time  every  man  in  it  had  been  killed. 
"Officers  in  Reno's  battalion,"  says  Finerty,  "who,  late 
in  the  afternoon,  from  high  points  surveyed  the  country 
in  anxious  expectation  of  Ouster's  appearance,  and  who 
commanded  a  view  of  the  field  where  he  had  fouglit,  say 
that  no  fighting  was  going  on  at  that  time --between 
five  and  six  o'clock.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  the  last 
of  Ouster's  command  was  destroyed  at  an  hour  earlier  in 
the  day  than  Curley  relates."  Some  of  Curley's  statements 
are  borne  out  by  facts  related  by  the  Indians,  while  some 
are  not  ;  therefore  his  story  gives  rise  to  many  perplex 
ing  doubts. 

The  battle  between  Reno  and  the  Indians  may  be 
said  to  have  been  almost  continuous  from  the  time  of 
the  attack  on  the  morning  of  June  25th  until  the  fore 
noon  of  the  27th,  when,  upon  the  approach  of  Gibbon's 
column,  the  hostiles  drew  off.  As  positive  proof  that 
the  engagement  between  Ouster  and  the  Indians  lasted 
but  a  very  short  time  may  be  mentioned  the  startling 
fact  that  but  seven  of  the  hostiles  were  killed  during  the 
three  days'  fighting  on  the  Little  Big  Horn,  and  but  few 


THE  CUSTER  MONUMENT. 


THE  OUSTER  MASSACRE.  265 

were  wounded.  This  statement  is  made  by  Grouard 
after  a  full  knowledge  of  all  the  facts,  and  demonstrates, 

without    further    argument,    that    Ouster's    battalion    was 

• 

literally  swept  from  the  face  of '  the  earth  by  the  storm 
of  bullets  which  savage  hatred  hurled  against  it. 

On  the  side  of  the  soldiers,  some  two  hundred  and 
seventy  officers,  privates,  scouts  and  civilians  were  killed 
outright,  and  many  received  wounds  from  which  they 
never  entirely  recovered.  The  dead  belonging  to  the 
Reno  command  were  collected  and  buried  by  Gibbon's 
battalion  on  the  27th  of  June,  and  on  the  following  day 
the  same  office  was  performed  by  the  same  command 
for  the  Ouster  battalion.  The  bodies  of  the  soldiers 
were,  in  most  cases,  horribly  mutilated,  accounts  of 
which  have  been  published  many  times.  General  Ouster's 
remains  were  not  disturbed  by  the  Indians.  They  were 
eventually  transferred  to  the  military  cemetery  at  West 
Point,  where  they  rest. 

On  a  knoll  overlooking  the  valley  of  the  Little  Big 
Horn — not  far  from  the  spot  where  Ouster  fell — a  monu 
ment  has  been  erected  to  the  memory  of  the  heroes  who 
perished  in  that  unequal  battle  which  has  no  counterpart 
in  the  history  of  our  country.  The  sides  of  this  mute 
remembrancer  are  tablets  upon  which  are  engraved  the 
names  of  those  who  perished  with  Ouster.  Relic  hunters 
have  defaced  this  monument  to  a  great  extent,  but  its 
erection  at  best  is  but  an  incident  in  the  wave  of  regret 
and  sorrow  that  passed  over  the  nation's  heart  when  the 
fate  of  Ouster  and  his  gallant  followers  was  learned — a 
slight  token  of  the  love  the  American  nation  cherishes 
for  her  heroic  dead. — AUTHOR.] 


CHAPTER   XXXIX. 

A    MIRACULOUS    ESCAPE. 

Some  days  after  my  return  from  the  Ouster  battle 
field,  1  started  out  in  company  with  Big  Bat  to  find  which 
way  the  Indians  were  moving.  I  found  the  Sioux  village 
up  the  other  side  (north)  of  Tongue  river.  I  returned  to 
camp  and  made  report  of  these  facts.  Gen.  Crook  ex 
pected  some  more  Crows  to  join  the  command,  and  thought 
it  was  best  for  me  to  go  on  the  north  side  of  the  Sioux 
village,  intercept  the  Crows  and  return  with  them.  When 
I  spoke  to  Bat  about  going  he  asked  me  to  take  an  es 
cort  along.  I  told  him  it  would  be  better  for  us  to  go 
by  ourselves  than  to  take  troops  with  us;  that  we  would  be 
perfectly  safe.  He  thought  not,  and  everybody  else 
thought  we  had  better  take  an  escort;  and  finding  the 
General  thought  it  would  be  best  to  take  soldiers  along 
with  me  so  that  the  Crows  would  recognize  them  and 
come  in  with  us,  I  finally  consented  to  take  them  ;  but  it 
was  against  my  judgment.  The  worst  thing  I  could  have 
done  was  to  take  those  soldiers  along. 

There  were  twenty-five  picked  men  and  one  officer 
(Lieut.  F.  W.  Sibley)  from  the  Second  cavalry  detailed 
to  £O  with  us.  The  names  of  the  soldiers  were  Oscar 


LIEUTENANT  F.  W.  SIBLEY. 

BY   PERMISSION   OF  JOHN   F.  FINERTY. 


A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE.  267 

Cornwall  (sergeant),  Henry  Collins,  W.  J.  Crolley,  W.  K. 
Cooper  (sergeant),  Wm.  Dougherty,  James  Dorr,  Charles 
W.  Day  (sergeant),  Charles  L.  Edwards,  Wm.  P.  Egan, 
Hugh  J.  Green,  Patrick  Hasson,  G.  P.  Harrington  (ser 
geant),  S.  W.  Hone,  Wm.  H.  Hills,  Martin  Hahon,  Daniel 
Munger,  Henry  Oakey.  Jacob  Rhend,  George  Rhode, 
George  Robinson,  Yalentine  Rufus,  George  A.  Stone, 
Thomas  C.  Warren  (corporal),  Joseph  Ward,  George  Watts. 
One  packer  volunteered  to  accompany  the  party.  The 
packer  was  called  Trailer  Jack.  A  reporter  of  the  Chi 
cago  Times,  Mr.  John  F.  Finerty,  also  volunteered  to  go. 
He  had  been  wanting  to  go  with  us  on  every  scout  that 
1  had  been  upon.  He  had  asked  me  to  go  several  tinies> 
but  it  had  never  been  so  that  I  could  take  him  before. 
He  accompanied  us  on  this  scout. 

Everything  being  in  readiness  we  left  camp  a  little 
before  8  o'clock  in  the  evening  on  July  5,  1876,  making 
our  way  along  the  foot  of  the  mountains  toward  Tongue 
river.  It  was  8  o'clock  when  we  reached  Big  Goose.  We 
left  there  about  4  o'clock  in  the  morning.  It  was  day 
light  on  reaching  Beaver  creek,  where  I  discovered  an 
Indian  looking  over  the  hills  at  us.  Not  seeing  any 
thing  but  this  solitary  sentinel,  I  got  onto  my  horse  and 
rode  up  to  where  this  Indian  was  in  hiding ;  but  he  got 
down  Beaver  creek  into  the  brush  before  I  could  get  to 
his  hiding  place.  It  was  through  this  Indian  that  all 
the  trouble  came  that  we  had  afterwards.  He  went  back 
to  the  hostile  village  and  reported  that  we  were  about  to 
make  an  attack.  He  must  have  rode  back  that  night. 

It  was  just  8  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  the  6th  when 


268  A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE. 

we  crossed  Beaver  creek ;  1  o'clock  when  we  reached 
Tongue  river  ;  but  I  was  getting  close  to  the  Sioux  vil 
lage.  After  crossing  the  river  we  rode  about  three  miles, 
got  off  our  horses,  picketed  them  out,  left  one  man  to 
wake  us  up  at  daylight  and  went  to  sleep.  I  gave  the 
sentinel  orders  to  wake  me  up  as  soon  as  day  commenced 
to  break.  It  seemed  to  me  that  I  had  no  more  than 
closed  my  eyes  when  he  woke  me  up.  Getting  on  my 
horse  and  telling  him  to  wake  the  others  up  and  tell 
them  to  follow  me  closely,  I  rode  up  half  a  mile  to  a 
little  butte.  Getting  off  my  horse  I  went  up  on  the 
butte.  It  had  got  light  enough  so  I  could  see.  With 
my  glass  I  discovered  that  the  whole  country  was  cov 
ered  with  Indians  on  horseback  moving  toward  Tongue 
river.  I  called  to  Bat  that  the  Indians  were  all  over 
the  country  and  moving  toward  Tongue  river,  lie  got 
off  his  horse  and  came  up  to  where  I  was.  He  was  no 
more  scared  than  I  was,  but  the  first  words  he  said 
were  : 

"My  God,  we  are  gone!" 

As  quick  as  it  became  light  enough,  I  could  see  they 
were  a  war  party  moving  along  with  the  expectation  of 
fighting  something  from  the  way  they  acted.  I  told  Bat 
to  go  down  and  get  the  party  ready ;  to  tell  the  men 
what  was  in  store  for  them  ;  that  as  soon  as  the  Indians 
struck  our  tracks  it  was  all  day  with  us ;  but  that  I 
would  watch  them  until  then.  So  I  'watched  their  move 
ments  until  they  came  onto  our  track.  One  of  the  In 
dians,  who  was  in  the  lead,  as  soon  as  he  saw  our  track, 
commenced  circling  his  horse  and  waving  his  blanket, 


A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE.  269 

and  it  was  just  about  ten  minutes  before  every  Indian  in 
the  country  knew  they  had  struck  our  trail.  Then  they 
commenced  moving  onto  this  one  place  and  to  follow 
our  trail  up.  Watching  them  until  they  got  close  to  us, 
I  gave  Bat  the  signal  to  start  for  the  mountains.  My 
only  hope  was  to  get  into  the  mountains  and  so  far 
ahead  of  the  Indians  that  they  could  not  catch  us,  and  I 
thought  that  we  would  have  a  better  chance  of  getting 
away  from  them  in  the  hills  than  we  would  down  on  the 
flat,  where  it  was  almost  impossible  to  fight  them.  My 
idea  was  to  keep  out  of  the  way.  I  thought  it  was  our 
only  chance.  If  we  could  possibly  keep  away  from  them 
we  might  save  ourselves. 

By  the  time  that  we  reached  the  trail  that  leads  up 
onto  the  mountains  from  Dayton,  the  Indians  were  within 
half  a  mile  of  us,  watching  us  while  we  were  climbing 
the  mountains,  but  not  attempting  to  follow  us  up  the 
trail  we  were  on,  but,  instead,  going  to  the  upper  trail 
on  the  head  of  Twin  creek  to  try  and  cut  us  off.  A 
large  number  of  them  stopped  at  Tongue  River,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  canyon,  in  case  we  might  attempt  to  come 
down  off  the  mountains  and  escape  that  way.  They  had 
us  shut  in  from  all  sides,  and  our  only  chance  was  to  go 
further  back  into  the  mountains.  I  thought  it  possible 
we  might  escape  them  by  traveling  very  fast.  As  soon 
as  we  reached  the  top  of  the  mountain  I  gave  orders  to 
Lieut.  Sibley  to  follow  up  the  trail  on  a  fast  trot,  but  on 
no  account  to  stop  anywhere  until  he  overtook  me.  I 
went  on  to  where  the  two  trails  met --Twin  creek  trail 
and  the  trail  that  we  were  on.  Riding  very  fast  and 


270  A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE. 

reaching*  this  point,  I  kept  on  the  watch  for  the  Indians 
to  make  their  appearance.  I  was  watching  the  Twin 
creek  trail  to  see  whether'  the  Indians  would  go  there. 
After  being  there  quite  a  while,  I  thought  enough  time 
had  elapsed  for  the  troops  to  reach  me  ;  and  by  their 
not  coming  up,  I  began  to  think  that  probably  the  In 
dians  had  got  across  some  way  and  headed  them  off. 
The  Indians  making  their  appearance  on  the  other  trail, 
I  got  on  my  horse  and  rode  back  to  meet  Sibley's 
party.  I  met  them  just  pulling  out  of  the  north  fork  of 
Tongue  river,  where  they  had  stopped  to  make  coffee. 

I  asked .  them  why  they  had  stopped-- what  excuse 
they  had.  They  said  the  men  were  hungry  and  wanted 
something  to  eat.  I  told  them  I  did  not  imagine  they 
would  want  anything  to  eat  after  this  ;  that  the  Indians 
had  got  in  ahead  of  us  and  cut  us  off  from  ever  get 
ting  away  from  them — had  cut  us  off  from  the  only 
chance  we  had  of  making  our  escape.  There  was  no  use 
of  making  any  trouble  about  it.  I  simply  told  them  to 
keep  close  together  and  ride  as  fast  as  they  could,  and 
to  keep  up  with  me.  I  was  well  aware  that  the  Indians 
were  in  ahead  of  us,  and  not  seeing  our  trail  they  would 
be  very  apt  to  meet  us  between  where  we  were  and  the 
forks  of  the  trail.  I  warned  every  man  to  be  ready,  as 
the  Indians  would  most  probably  charge  on  us  unexpect 
edly.  Instead  of  following  the  trail  I  kept  as  much  to 
the  right  of  it  as  I  could. 

But  as  short  a  time  as  the  red  devils  had  to  work 
on,  they  had  laid  a  trap  to  ambush  us.  The  main  trail 
ran  between  two  high,  tree-studded  buttes,  and  if  we  had 


03 


w 


C 


A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE.  271 

passed  through  there  they  would  have  been  most  likely 
to  have  killed  every  one  of  us  before  we  eould  have 
fired  a  shot  ;  but  my  going  to  the  right  had  saved  us 
from  getting  ambushed.  As  we  passed  these  buttes  about 
one  half  of  the  advance  Indian  party  got  a  chance  to 
fire  on  us.  There  were  from  one  hundred  and  fifty  to 
two  hundred  of  them  that  fired  on  us,  and  how  they 
missed  us --why  some  of  us  were  not  killed  —  is  more 
than  I  can  tell  ;  but  I  suppose  they  were  excited  and  so 
sure  of  getting  us  they  were  more  careless  about  their 
aim  than  is  their  custom.  There  was  only  one  horse 
shot  at  the  buttes,  and  that  was  the  animal  rode  by  tlie 
Chicago  Times  correspondent,  (Mr.  Finerty),  and  that  was 
the  only  mishap.  The  first  gun  fired  by  the  Indians 
stampeded  all  the  soldiers'  horses.  The  first  thing  I  saw 
was  Mr.  Finerty  lying  flat  on  his  back.  Supposing  him 
to  be  shot,  I  asked  him  where  he  was  hit.  He  said  he 
was  not  shot,  but  his  horse  had  thrown  him.  I  told  him 
to  get  into  the  edge  of  the  timber  right  below  us  ;  that 
I  would  get  the  men  together,  go  down  into  the  timber 
and  make  a  stand  there,  it  being  about  four  hundred 
yards  from  there  to  the  top  of  the  hill  where  the  Indians 
had  fired  on  us. 

Collecting  the  men  as  well  as  I  could,  and  pushing 
them  on  to  where  we  were  going  to  make  our  stand, 
keeping  Mr.  Finerty  in  ahead  of  me,  I  got  him  down 
into  this  timber,  the  rest  of  the  party  reaching  there  soon 
after.  Dismounting  and  tying  the  horses  all  in  a  bunch 
so  that  they  could  be  seen  by  the  Indians  from  the  top 
of  the  hill,  I  gave  the  men  orders  not  to  fire  a  shot.  I 


272  A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE. 

placed  them  in  position  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  yards 
away  from  the  horses.  After  instructing  them  not  to 
waste  their  ammunition  ;  that  we  could  expect  no  relief  ; 
that  we  had  to  fight  it  out  ourselves  as  long  as  our  am 
munition  lasted,  I  told  them  to  make  every  shot  they  fired 
kill,  if  possible.  The  Indians  had  recognized  me  when 
they  fired  the  first  volley,  and  had  spoken  to  me  in  the 
Sioux  language,  telling  me  there  was  no  chance  for  me 
to  get  away ;  that  I  could  not  "  go  up  into  the  air  nor 
clown  into  the  ground,"  and  that  they  would  get  me  be 
fore  sun-down. 

After  seeing  the  men  placed  and  giving  them  the 
caution  about  the  ammunition,  I  crept  back  to  the  edge 
of  the  timber  so  that  I  could  see  all  the  movements  the 
Indians  would  make.  I  was  asked  by  some  of  the  soldiers 
if  there  was  any  possible  chance  of  getting  out  of 
there,  and  I  told  them  there  was  no  more  chance  of 
our  getting  away  alive  than  there  was  of  onr  jumping 
into  the  moon  ;  that  the  only  thing  we  could  do  was  to 
fio-ht  as  long  as  our  ammunition  would  last,  and  to  save 
the  last  load  for  ourselves;  not  to  be  taken  alive  if  it  could 
be  helped  ;  that  I  didn't  expect  to  get  out  of  there,  but 
I  was  certain  I  was  going  to  save  my  last  shot  for  my 
self  ;  that  I  knew  the  Indians  were  going  to  try  to  cap 
ture  me  if  there  was  any  possible  show,  for  they  had 
told  me  so. 

Well,  on  some  of  the  men  this  had  a  very  queer 
effect.  Three  or  four  of  them  commenced  to  cry  about 
it.  Some  of  them  didn't  mind  it  at  all.  Finerty  was 
the  most  jovial  one  of  them  all.  Lieutenant  Sibley  took 


A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE.  273 

the  situation  very  coolly  and  deliberately.  As  near  as  I 
could  judge  the  Indians  were  increasing  every  minute. 
It  looked  to  me  as  if  they  were  thicker  than  the  pine 
trees  that  sheltered  us,  and  they  had  us  almost  com 
pletely  surrounded.  We  could  look  through  the  timber 
and  see  them,  and  it  did  look  as  though  there  was  no 
chance  of  getting  away  from  there.  It  was  about  10:30 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  July  7th,  1876,  that  we  took 
our  stand  in  the  timber,  and  from  the  time  we  got  in 
there  until  3  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  we  had  not  fired  a 
shot.  The  Indians  were  trying  in  every  way  to  draw 
our  fire.  The  trees  were  not  big  enough  to  .protect  our 
bodies,  they  all  being  small  spruce  and  pines,  and  our 
poor  horses  were  getting  the  full  benefit  of  the  Indian 
bullets.  They  were  firing-  into  them  all  the  time.  They 
could  see  them  from  the  top  of  the  hill,  and  at  3  o'clock 
there  were  only  eight  horses  standing  there  alive  ;  the 
rest  had  been  shot  and  killed. 

By  that  time  the  Indians  got  more  daring  and  kept 
riding  a  little  closer.  There  were  two  of  them  especially 
that  were  trying  to  outdo  the  others.  One  was  "White 
Antelope,  a  Cheyenne  chief  and  warrior.  I  eould  see 
right  away  that  these  two  Indians  were  the  most  daring, 
and  my  aim  was  to, get  one  of  them,  if  not  both  of  them. 
After  a  good  deal  of  waiting  I  got  a  chance  to  shoot 
them  both  at  once.  One  was  coming  right  towards  me  at 
a  slow  lope.  I  could  almost  see  the  color  of  his  eyes,  he 
was  so  close  to  me.  The  other  was  following  in  behind, 
very  close  to  him.  They  were  about- five  yards  from  each 
other,  but  it  so  happened  that  they  both  came  in 


274  A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE. 

and  it  was  such  a  pretty  shot  that  I  could  not  help 
taking  it.  After  a  good,  careful  aim,  I  pulled  the  trig 
ger  ;  but  instead  of  the  nearest  one  falling,  the  one  be 
hind  him  fell  off  his  horse.  The  foremost  one  fell  on  his 
horse's  neck  ;  but  before  he  could  fall  to  the  ground  two 
Indians  ran  up  and  held  him  on  his  horse  until  they  got 
him  over  the  hill  out  of  sight.  I  found  out  afterwards 
that  I  had  killed  them  both  at  one  shot. 

This  double  shot  raised  such  confusion  amongst  the 
Indians,  and  they  were  so  excited  about  it  that  a  chance 
of  our  getting  away  presented  itself.  This  chance  lasted 
probably  fifteen  minutes.  I  told  the  Lieutenant  to  take  the 
ammunition,  his  and  the  soldiers,  and  instruct  the  men  to 
crawl  on  their  hands  and  knees  down  to  a  kind  of  wash 
out  close  by  where  we  were,  as  the  Indians  were  so  con 
fused  and  stampeded  over  White  Antelope's  death  that 
they  would  not  notice  our  movements,  and  if  we  could 
once  get  through  the  line  we  would  be  all  right.  The 
Lieutenant  objected  a  little  to  going  off  and  leaving  the 
horses  ;  but  I  told  him  there  would  be  a  lot  of  horses  after 
we  were  dead  ;  that  it  was  our  only  chance,  and  we  had 
better  take  it ;  that  there  were  none  of  our  party  wounded, 
but  if  one  were  wounded  there  would  be  no  chance  of 
our  escape.  So,  getting  his  men  together  and  going 
down  on  their  hands  and  knees,  the  Lieutenant  and  party 
crawled  out.  I  stood  there  close  by  the  horses  and 
watched  them  till  they  got  clear  through  the  Indians  on 
the  outside  of  the  circle. 

Then  I  took  the  rope  from  my  own  saddle  and 
wound  it  about  my  body  and  followed  the  troops.  It 


A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE.  275 

didrft  take  me  long  to  overtake  them.  They  were  run 
ning  through  the  timber  when  I  did  overtake  them,  and 
some  of  them  had  pretty  heavy  falls,  but  they  didn't  mind 
it  in  the  least.  Much  of  the  timber  was  blown  down, 
and  we  had  to  step  from  log  to  log.  Some  of  the  men 
would  slip  and  get  awful  falls,  but  none  of  them  made 
complaint.  It  was  just  about  a  mile  from  where  we  had 
made  our  stand  down  to  the  main  fork  of  Tongue  river. 
The  men  never  waited  when  they  got  to  the  river,  to  find 
a  crossing,  but  just  plunged  into  it.  They  never  stopped 
until  they  got  into  the  timber  on  the  other  side  of  the 
river.  They  had  plunged  into  the  water,  and  it  was  very 
deep  there,  and  they  were  dripping  wet.  We  could  hear 
the  Indians  firing  into  the  trees  where  we  had  been. 
They  kept  up  a  continual  firing  there  until  after  dark.  I 
learned  afterward  that  they  did  not  know  we  were  gone 
until  the  next  day  about  10  o'clock.  Our  holding  fire 
there  all  day  long,  and  waiting  until  they  got  close  to  us 
and  then  firing  at  them  and  killing  two  of  their  leaders, 
scared  them,  and  they  did  not  dare  to  make  a  rush  into 
the  thicket  for  fear  a  lot  more  of  them  would  be  killed. 
They  just  kept  firing  in  there  in  hopes  of  killing  us  all 
without  any  danger  to  themselves. 

After  I  had  caught  up  with  the  soldiers,  I  put  Bat  in 
the  lead  and  cautioned  them  not  to  step  on  the  ground, 
but  from  rock  to  rock,  and  keep  away  from  the  timber 
and  avoid  touching  the  limbs  if  possible.  We  traveled 
on  until  dark  in  that  way.  Along  about  dark  it  com 
menced  blowing  and  raining,  and  I  think  one  of  the 
worst  electrical  storms  I  ever  saw  in  the  western 


276  A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE. 

country  overtook  us  that  night.  Timber  was  falling  all 
about  us,  so  that  it  was  dangerous  .to  travel;  but  we 
moved  along  pretty  well  until  midnight,  when  the  storm 
became  so  bad  that  we  could  not  travel  any  further. 
Getting  under  a  big  rock,  we  stopped  beneath  its  friendly 
shelter  until  the  wind  and  rain  ceased. 

Our  only  chance  of  getting  entirely  away  from  the 
Indians  was  to  keep  on  such  ground  that  they  could  not 
follow  us  on  horseback.  Keeping  well  up  in  the  moun 
tains  we  traveled  all  the  rest  of  the  night,  stopping  only 
for  a  few  minutes'  rest  at  a  time  until  we  reached  Wolf 
creek.  After  crossing  Wolf  creek  one  of  the  men  be 
came  unmanageable — went  stark  mad.  The  excitement 
had  turned  his  head.  He  imagined  everything  he  saw 
was  an  Indian,  so  that  I  had  to  keep  him  right  along 
by  my  side  all  the  while.  From  time  to  time  he  would 
commence  to  yell,  and  I  would  have  to  stop  his  mouth 
until  he  became  quiet.  After  we  crossed  Wolf  creek  I 
had  to  crawl  up  the  canyon  in  places  and  throw  my 
rope  down  to  the  rest  of  the  party  and  pull  them  up 
with  it. 

We  came  down  off  the  mountains  at  the  head  of 
Soldier  creek.  As  we  reached  the  foot  of  the  mountains  we 
came  onto  a  very  large  party  of  Indians  that  looked  to 
me  as  if  they  had  been  on  the  watch  for  us.  It  struck 
me  that  way  at  first;  but  I  found  out  afterwards  that 
they  were  going  down  to  the  command  to  make  a  fight 
with  Crook.  I  came  up  to  within  five  hundred  yards  of 
where  they  were  sitting,  smoking.  Their  horses  were 
feeding  with  their  saddles  OIL  They  had  apparently 


A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE.  277 

just  got  there  and  wanted  to  take  a  rest.  Of  course, 
we  thought  they  were  watching  for  us.  I  think  from 
the  way  the  men  in  our  party  expressed  themselves,  they 
would  have  fought  the  entire  Sioux  nation  then  and 
there  before  they  would  have  tried  to  run  or  get  away. 
Some  were  anxious  to  fight  this  small  body  of  Indians 
in  front  of  us,  especially  Mr.  Finerty. 

Just  at  sundown  the  Indians  mounted  their  horses 
and  started  toward  the  command.  We  sat  there  and 
watched  them  until  they  got  within  a  short  distance  of 
the  command,  when  it  became  so  dark  that  we  could  not 
see  any  longer.  By  this  time  the  men  were  thoroughly 
exhausted  and  hungry  ;  but  there  was  no  help  for  it,  we 
had  to  travel,  and  started  out  toward  the  command.  We 
could  not  walk  over  a  hundred  yards  at  a  time  without 
sitting  down  and  resting.  Reaching  Big  Goose  creek  we 
found  the  stream  had  been  swollen  by  the  rain  we  had 
had  the  previous  night,  and  the  current  being  very  swift 
it  was  hard  to  cross.  Two  of  the  men  refused  to  cross 
it.  These  two  had  gone  crazy  and  were  like  children. 
They  begged  to  be  allowed  to  lie  down  in  the  brush  and 
sleep.  We  could  not  get  them  to  cross,  and  there  was 
nobody  in  the  party  strong  enough  to  carry  them  across 
where  the  water  would  reach  up  to  our  necks.  There 
was  nothing  in  the  world  that  would  make  them  go  with 
us.  Finally  we  decided  to  leave  them,  the  rest  of  the 
party  crossing. 

Of  course,  after  getting  wet  it  made  it  a  great  deal 
worse  for  us  to  travel,  our  clothes  being  soaked  and  the 
water  cold.  I  don't  think  we  went  over  two  or  two  and 


278  A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE. 

one-half  miles  before  daylight,  and  the  men  were  so  hun 
gry  that  they  would  eat  anything  they  could  lay  their 
hands  on.  They  would  catch  little  birds  and  eat  them, 
feathers  and  all,  and  would  not  wait  to  kill  them,  even. 
There  would  be  four  or  five  young  birds  in  a  nest,  and 
the  men  would  get  them  and  eat  them  right  down. 
Finally  I  showed  them  some  Indian  turnips;  gave  each  one 
a  top  so  they  would  know  what  they  were,  and  set  them 
to  digging.  It  was  not  long  before  they  had  plenty  of 
these  wild  turnips,  and  their  hunger  was  thus  partially 
appeased. 

About  10  o'clock  we  discovered  a  man  on  horseback 
riding  along  the  hill  ahead  of  us.  Taking  out  my  glass 
I  saw  it  was  a  soldier.  He  waited  until  we  got  up  to 
him,  and  we  found  he  was  out  hunting.  He  told  us 
about  the  Indians  making  a  raid  on  the  camp  on  the 
previous  night.  We  sent  him  to  bring  horses  out  to  us, 
for  some  of  the  men  could  not  walk  any  further.  We 
waited  on  the  hill  until  the  horses  were  brought  to  us. 
As  soon  as  the  horses  arrived  we  got  on  to  them, 
and  it  was  but  a  short  time  before  we  were  in  camp. 
There  were  two  companies  of  cavalry  sent  out  with  the 
horses.  One  company  went  out  for  the  two  men  we 
had  left  on  the  other  side  of  the  Big  Goose  creek. 
The  soldiers  found  them  where  we  had  left  them,  sound 
asleep,  and  brought  them  in.  One  of  them  strayed  away 
from  the  command  afterwards  and  was  never  heard  of. 
I  think  the  Indians  must  have  captured  and  killed  him. 
The  other  one  was  taken  to  Washington,  but  never  got 
over  being  crazy.  Of  course  after  we  got  to  camp,  the 


A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE.  279 

first  tiling  we  did  was  to  eat,  and  then  we  went  to  sleep. 

I  told  the  General  as  quick  as  we   got  in   what   had 

happened — reported  it  to  him.     They  all  told  us  we  were 

pretty  lucky  in  getting  away,  but  we  knew  that  ourselves. 


uThe  'Sibley  Scout'  is  famous  among  Indian  fighters 
as  being  one  of  the  narrowest  escapes  from  savages  now 
on  record.  The  hero  (Lieutenant  Sibley)  of  that  hazard 
ous  encounter  with  the  dreaded  Sioux,  passed  the  winter 
at  this  place  in  company  with  the  writer,"  says  a  San 
Diego  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  "  and 
favored  him  with  a  sketch  of  that  memorable  action  of 
a  handful  of  troopers  away  up  in  the  Big  Horn  mount 
ains,  far  from  the  main  command.  It  was  in  1876,  at 
the  time  of  Ouster's  massacre,  when  E.  W.  Sibley  of 
General  Crook's  column,  then  a  young  lieutenant,  was 
ordered  out  with  twenty-five  mounted  men  to  look  about 
the  country  and  see  what  was  going  on.  Frank  Grouard, 
one  of  the  best  scouts  living,  accompanied  Sibley.  The 
young  officer  was  fresh  from  West  Point,  and  rather  in 
experienced  in  frontier  warfare,  so  cautious  General 
Crook  bade  him  heed  the  scout's  advice  should  emergency 
arise,  and  off  the  troopers  started  almost  at  the  very 
hour  when  Caster,  a  hundred  miles  or  so  away,  was 
being  cut  to  pieces  by  the  cut-throats  of  Sitting  Bull. 

uThe  scouting    party   was    ignorant  of  this,  however,    . 
and   traveled    for    two    days    without    incident.     As  they 
neared    the    mountains    Grouard,     who    always    traveled 
ahead,     suddenly    signaled    to    halt.       Indian    signs    were 


280  A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE. 

seen.  From  an  eminence  commanding  a  vast  area  of 
rolling  country,  little  specks  could  be  seen  here  and 
there.  The  glass  proved  that  each  speck  was  a  squad 
of  Sioux  in  war  costume.  The  specks  began  to  concen 
trate.  They  moved  toward  the  trail  made  by  the  troop 
ers,  but  without  discovering  it  for  a  long  time.  The 
Indians  were  ignorant  of  the  presence  of  soldiers.  After 
holding  a  pow-wow,  one  of  the  savages  rode  toward  the 
tell-tale  trail.  By  chance  he  discovered  it  and  returned 
to  his  comrades  waving  his  blanket  and  gesticulating.  It 
then  seemed  to  the  young  cavalry  officer  as  if  Indians 
sprang  from  the  earth  in  all  directions  to  see  what  had 
been  discovered.  There  were  swarms  of  them.  But, 
happily,  they  were  miles  away.  Then  began  the  race 
for  life.  The  mountains  offered  the  only  refuge. 

"Up  and  up  scrambled  the  horses.  On  came  the  In 
dians.  They  were  occasionally  along  canyons  in  the  rear. 
The  band  had  divided  and  was  trying  to  head  off  the 
soldiers  and  surround  them.  Suddenly,  as  the  soldiers 
ascended  the  side  of  a  gulch  and  gained  a  small  plateau, 
a  party  of  redskins  sprang  at  them,  firing  their  rifles  and 
yelling. 

u  The  men  scattered  like  sheep,"  says  Captain  Sib- 
ley,  u  and  I  confess  for  the  moment  iny  heart  was  in  my 
mouth.  My  horse  fell  down  an  embankment,  which  added 
to  my  discomfort.  I  ordered  the  men  to  fire,  even  if 
they  didn't  aim  at  the  enemy,  for  a  rifle  made  a  noise 
like  a  cannon  amid  those  hills.  Finally  the  men  got 
together  and  we  retreated  up  a  slope  to  a  bit  of  wooded 
ground  which  protected  us  from  the  Indians'  fire.  This- 


BAPTISTE  GAUNIER.    (LITTLE  BAT.) 


A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE.  281 

i 
was  about  9  o'clock  in  the  morning.     The  Indians  began 

to  gather  about  us  rapidly.  The  situation  was  growing 
more  serious  every  minute.  It  pleased  me  to  see  one 
man  shoot  a  noted  chief  right  through  the  heart.  That 
old  sinner  never  twitched  a  muscle  after  the  lead  hit 
him.  x  We  never  knew  how  many  we  killed,  because 
when  an  Indian  is  shot  his  comrades  keep  him  out  of 
sight.  Well,  we  held  them  off  for  four  hours,  and  they 
were  four  hours  of  red-hot  work,  I  can  tell  you.  My 
scout  then  told  me  that  the  Indians  were  on  three  sides 
of  us.  We  had  one  chance  left  to  retreat,  and  this 
chance  was  fast  lessening,  because  fresh  Indians  were 
coming. 

"I  did  not  like  to  abanbon  our  horses,  but  it  was 
that  or  die.  So  the  retreat  was  ordered.  I  inspected 
each  man  personally  to  see  that  his  equipment  was  all 
right,  but  owing  to  my  inexperience  and  the  excitement 
of  the  moment,  I  forgot  the  rations.  Only  one  man 
in  the  command  took  his  rations. 

"It  was  an  hour  or  so  before  the  Indians  discovered 
we  had  fled.  By  that  time  we  were  up  in  the  mountains 
in  places  so  steep  that  one  man  had  to  help  the  other  up. 
Horses  could  not  follow  us.  So,  for  the  time  being,  the 
Sioux  would  not  strike  us.  Grouard  took  a  mountain 
trail  which  we  followed  on  foot  for  fifty  hours  without  a 
mouthful  to  eat.  Such  fearfully  vigorous  exercise  with 
out  food  nearly  killed  us.  Toward  the  end  of  the  perilous 
march  we  all  became  so  weakened  that  we  marched  for 
ten  minutes  and  then  would  lie  down  and  rest.  Several 
of  the  most  robust  men  became  insane  and  one  or  two 


282  A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE. 

never  regained  their  wits.  When  we  reached  Crook's 
camp  I  slept  for  twenty-four  hours  without  waking,  and 
during  that  time  the  camp  was  sharply  attacked  by  In 
dians.  .  Even  the  roar  of  the  musketry  did  not  disturb 
my  sleep  in  the  least.  Not  a  single  man  was  lost  on 
this  trip." 


[The  escape  from  peril  so  imminent — the  very  jaws 
of  death — is  graphically  told  by  Mr.  John  Finnerty  in 
his  highly  interesting  volume,  "Warpath  and  Bivouac." 
Finnerty  devotes  many  pages  to  the  object  and  movement 
of  the  "Sibley  Scout,"  as  it  has  always  been  called,  and 
by  his  kind  permission  we  reproduce  in  this  volume  his 
realistic  account  of  the  escape  of  the  Sibley  party  (him 
self  included)  from  the  horde  of  bloodthirsty  savages 
which  surrounded  it. — AUTHOR.] 

As  the  volume  of  the  Indian  fire  seemed  to  increase, 
says  Finnerty,  u  no  surrender"  was  the  word  passed  from 
man  to  man  around  the  thin  skirmish  line.  Each  of  us 
would,  if  necessary,  have  blown  out  his  own  brains  rather 
than  fall  alive  into  the  Indians'  hands.  Doubtless,  if  we 
had  remained  long  enough,  the  Indians  would  have  re 
lieved  us  of  all  responsibility  on  that  score.  A  disabling 
wound'would  have  been  worse  than  death.  I  have  often 
wondered  how  a  man  felt  when  he  thought  he  saw  inev 
itable,  sure  death  upon  him.  I  know  it  now,  for  I 
had  little  or  no  idea  that  we  could  effect  our  escape,  and, 
mentally  at  least,  I  could  scarcely  have  felt  my  position 
more  keenly  if  an  Indian  knife  or  bullet  had  wounded 
me  in  some  vital  spot.  So,  I  think,  it  was  with  all  the 


A  MIEACULOUS  ESCAPE. 

command,  but  nobody  seemed,  therefore,  to  weaken.  It 
is  one  thing,  however,  to  face  death  in  the  midst  of  the 
excitement  of  a  general  battle.  It  is  quite  another  thing 
to  face  him  in  almost  cold  blood,  with  the  certain  pros 
pect  of  your  dishonored  body  being  first  mutilated  in  a 
revolting  manner,  and  then  left  to  feed  the  wolf  or  the 
vulture  among  the  savage  mountains.  After  a  man  once 
sees  the  skull  and  cross  bones  as  clearly  as  our  party  saw 
them  on  the  afternoon  of  Friday,  July  7th,  1876,  no  sub 
sequent  glimpse  of  grim  mortality  can  possibly  impress 
him  in  the  same  manner. 

Well,  the  eternal  shadows  seemed  to  be  fast  closing 
around  us  ;  the  Indians'  bullets  were  hitting  nearer  every 
moment,  and  the  Indian  yell  was  growing  stronger  and 
fiercer,  when  a  hand  was  laid  on  my  shoulder,  and  Rufus, 
a  soldier  who  was  my  neighbor  on  the  skirmish  line, 
said,  "the  rest  are  retiring.  Lieutenant  Sibley  tells  us 
to  do  the  same."  I  quietly  withdrew  from  the  foot  of 
the  friendly  pine  tree,  which,  with  a  fallen  trunk  that  lay 
almost  across  it,  kept  at  least  a  dozen  Indian  bullets 
from  making  havoc  of  my  body,  and  prepared  to  obey. 
As  I  passed  by  Sibley,  who  wanted  to  see  every  man 
under  his  command  in  the  line  of  retreat  before  he  stirred 

himself,  the  young  officer  said,  u  Go  to  your  saddle  bags, 

* 
with  caution,  and  take  all  your  ammunition.      We  are  going 

to  abandon  our  remaining  horses.  The  Indians  are  get 
ting  all  around  us,  so  we  must  take  to  the  rocks  and 
thick  timber  on  foot.  It  seems  to  be  our  only  chance  of 
escape."  I  did  as  directed,  but  felt  a  pang  at  leaving 
my  noble  animal,  which  was  bleeding  from  a  wound  in 


284  A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE. 

the  right  side.  We  dared  not  shoot  our  surviving  horses, 
for  that  would  have  discovered  our  movement  to  the 
enemy. 

Grouard  advised  this  strategy,  saying  that  as  the  In 
dians  occupied  the  passes  east,  west  and  north  of  us  — 
all  of  them  being  difficult  at  the  best — we  could  not 
possibly  effect  a  retreat  on  horseback,  even  if  our  ani 
mals  had  escaped  uiiwounded.  If  the  grass  had  happened 
to  have  been  a  little  bit  dryer,  and  it  would  not  take 
long  to  dry,  as  there  had  been  only  a  light  thunder- 
shower  during  the  afternoon,  the  Indians,  in.  Grouard 's 
opinion,  would  have  tried  to  burn  us  out  of  the  timber. 
He  bluntly  told  the  Lieutenant  that  the  position  was  un 
tenable,  at  such  a  distance  from  Crook's  camp.  And  even 
if  a  man  could  succeed  in  getting  through  to  the  Gen 
eral,  we  could  not  expect  timely  relief,  and  all  would  be 
over  with  us  long  before  an  attempt  at  rescue  could  be 
made.  Therefore,  Grouard  said,  if  Lieutenant  Sibley  did 
not  choose  to  take  his  advice,  upon  the  officer  should 
rest  the  responsibility  of  whatever  might  happen. 

There  was  no  time  to  be  lost  if  we  meant  to  get 
away  at  all,  and  certainly  there  was  nothing  to  gain, 
but  everything  to  lose,  by  remaining  where  we  were. 
Sibley,  although  very  averse  to  retreating,  finally  yielded 
to  the  calm  voice  of  the  scout,  whose  great  experience 
among  the  Sioux  rendered  him  familiar  with  all  the 
methods  of  Indian  warfare.  The  arguments  used  by 
Grouard  were  warmly  seconded  by  Baptiste  Fourier,  one 
of  the  most  reliable  scouts  on  the  frontier,  who  was  ac 
quainted  from  childhood  with  the  subtle  tactics  of  the 
savages. 


A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE.  285 

When  the  retreat  was  decided  on,  we  acted  with  an 
alacrity  which  only  men  who  have,  at  some  time  strug 
gled  for  their  lives,  can  understand.  A  couple  of  scat 
tering  volleys  and  some  random  shots  were  fired,  to 
make  the  savages  believe  that  we  were  still  in  position. 
As  we  had  frequently  reserved  our  fire  during  the  fight, 
our  silence  would  not  be  noticed  immediately.  We  then 
retired  in  Indian  file,  through  the  trees,  rocks  and  fallen 
timber  in  rear  of  us.  Our  horses  were,  evidently, 
plainly  visible  to  the  Indians — a  circumstance  that  facili 
tated  our  escape.  We  retreated  for,  perhaps,  a  mile 
through  the  forest,  which  was  filled  with  rugged  boulders 
and  trunks  of  fallen  pine  trees,  through  which  no  horse 
could  penetrate,  waded  one  of  the  branches  of  Tongue 
river  up  to  our  waists,  and  gained  the  slippery  rocks  of 
the  great  mountain  ridge,  where  no  mounted  Indians, 
who  are  as  lazy  on  foot  as  they  are  active  on  horse 
back,  could  pursue  us.  Then,  as  we  paused  to  catch  our 
breath,  we  heard,  in  the  distance,  five  or  six  ringing 
volleys  in  succession.  It  was  most  likely  the  final  fire 
delivered  by  the  Indians  before  they  charged  our  late 
position,  with  the  hope  of  getting  our  scalps. 

"That  means  we  are  safe  for  the  present,"  said 
Grouard,  u  but  let  us  lose  no  time  in  putting  more  rocks 
between  us  and  the  White  Antelope."  We  followed  his 
advice  with  a  feeling  of  thankfulness  that  those  only  who 
have  passed  through  such  an  ordeal  can  appreciate.  How 
astonished  and  chagrined  the  reinforced  savages  must  have 
been  when  they  ran  in  upon  the  maimed  horses  and  did 
not  get  a  single  scalp  !  Even  under  such  circumstances 


286  A  MIEA C  ULO  US  ESCAPE. 

as  we  were  placed  in,  we  could  not  help  indulging  in  a 
laugh  at  their  expense.  But  we  had  escaped  one  danger 
only  to  encounter  another.  Fully  fifty  miles  of  mountain, 
rock,  forest,  river  and  canyon  lay  between  us  and  Crook's 
camp.  We  were  unable  to  carry  any  food  upon  our 
persons.  The  weather  was  close,  owing  to  the  thunder- 
shower,  and  we  threw  away  everything  superfluous  in  the 
way  of  clothing.  Witn  ravening  Indians  behind  us,  and 
uncounted  precipices  before  us,  we  found  our  rifles  and 
what  remained  of  our  one  hundred  rounds  of  ammunition 
each,  a  sufficient  load  to  carry.  The  brave  and  skillful 
Grouard,  the  ablest  of  scouts,  seconded  by  the  fearless 
Fourier,  conducted  our  retreat  through  the  mountain 
wilderness,  and  we  marched,  climbed  and  scrambled  over 
impediments  that  at  any  other  time  might  have  been 
impossible  to  us,  until  about  midnight,  when  absolute 
fatigue  compelled  us  to  make  a  halt.  Then  we  bivouacked 
under  the  projections  of  an  immense  pile  of  rocks  on  the 
very  summit  of  some  unknown  peak,  and  there  witnessed 
one  of  the  most  terrible  wind  and  hailstorms  that  can  be 
imagined.  The  trees  seemed  to  fall  by  the  hundred,  and 
their  noise,  as  they1  broke  off  and  fell,  or  were  uptorn  by 
the  roots,  resembled  rapid  discharges  of  field  artillery. 
To  add  to  our  discomfort,  the  thermometer  fell  several 
degrees,  and,  being  attired  in  summer  campaign  costume 
only,  we  suffered  greatly  from  the  cold. 

Almost  before  dawn  we  were  again  stumbling  through 
the  rocks  and  fallen  trees,  and,  about  sunrise,  reached  the 
tremendous  canyon,  cut  through  the  mountain  by  what  is 
called  the  southern  branch  of  Tongue  river.  Most  of 


A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE.  287 

the  men  were  too  much  exhausted  to  make  the  descent, 
of  the  canyon,  so  Grouard,  finding  a  fairly  practicable 
path,  led  us  to  an  open  valley  down  by  the  river,  on  the 
left  bank,  hard  as  we  could  walk,  for  if  discovered  by  any 
considerable  body  of  Indians,  we  could  only  halt,  and 
worn  out  as  most  of  the  little  band  were,  die  together. 
Fortune  favored  us,  and  we  made  the  right  bank  of  the 
stream  unobserved,  being  then,  according  to  the  calcula 
tions  of  the  scouts,  about  five  and  twenty  miles  from 
Crook's  encampment.  In  our  front,  toward  the  east,  we 
could  see  the  plain  through  which  Tongue  river  flowed, 
where,  no  doubt,  as  it  was  then  a  fine  game  country,  hos 
tile  Indians  abounded,  while  our  only  safe  avenue  of  es 
cape  was  to  cross  the  stream  and  climb  the  enormous 
precipice  that  formed  the  right  side  of  the  canyon.  But 
the  dauntless  Grouard  was  equal  to  the  emergency.  He 
scaled  the  gigantic  wall  diagonally,  and  led  us  along  what 
looked  like  a  mere  squirrel  path,  not  more  than  a  foot 
wide,  with  an  abyss  of,  perhaps,  five  hundred  feet  below, 
and  a  sheer  wall  of  rock  two  hundred  feet  high,  above 
us.  After  about  an  hour's  herculean  toil,  we  gained  the 
crest  and  saw  the  point  of  mountain,  some  twenty  miles 
distant,  where  lay  our  camp  and  comrades.  This,  as  well 
may  be  imagined,  was  a  blissful  vision,  but  we  were  half 
dead  from  fatigue,  and  some  of  us  were  almost  famine 
stricken.  Yet  the  indefatigable  Grouard  would  not  stop 
until  we  reached  the  eastern  foot-hills,  where  we  made, 
so  to  speak,  a  dive  into  a  deep  valley  to  obtain  water — 
our  only  refreshment  on  that  hard,  rugged  road.  The 
leaves  from  the  pine  trees  made  the  hillsides  as  slippery 


288  A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE. 

#s  glass,  and  where  there  were  neither  grass  nor  trees, 
the  broken  stones  and  "shale"  made  walking  absolutely 
painful.  Scarcely  had  we  slaked  our  thirst  when  Grouard 
led  us  up  to  the  hills  again,  and  we  had  barely  entered 
the  timber  belt  when  the  scout  uttered  a  warning  "hush," 
and  threw  himself  upon  the  ground,  motioning  us  to  do 
the  same.  He  pointed  toward  the  north,  and  there, 
wheeling  around  the  base  of  the  point  of  the  mountain 
we  had  doubled  so  shortly  before,  appeared  another  strong 
party  of  the  Sioux  in  open  order.  The  savages  were 
riding  along  quite  leisurely,  and,  although  fairly  numerous, 
were  evidently  only  the  advance  or  rear  guard  of  some 
larger  party.  This  sight  made  us  desperate.  Every  man 
examined  his  carbine  and  looked  to  his  ammunition.  We 
all  felt  that  life  would  be  too  dearly  purchased  by  fur 
ther  flight,  and,  following  the  example  of  the  brave  young 
Sibley  and  the  gallant  scouts,  we  took  up  a  position  among 
the  rocks  on  the  knoll  we  had  reached,  determined,  if 
called  upon,  to  sell  our  lives  as  dearly  as  possible. 

"  We  are  in  pretty  hard  luck,   it   would  seem,"   said 

Sibley,   addressing  me;    "  but,  d them,  we'll    show  the 

red  scoundrels  how  white  men  can  fight  and  die,  if  nec 
essary.  Men,"  he  said,  addressing  the  soldiers,  "  we  have 
a  good  position  ;  let  every  shot  dispose  of  an  Indian." 

At  that  moment  not  a  man  among  us  felt  any  incli 
nation  to  get  away.  Desperation  and  a  thirst  for  ven 
geance  on  the  savages  had  usurped  the  place  of  the  ani 
mal  instinct  to  save  our  lives.  In  such  moments  mind 
rises  superior  to  matter  and  soul  to  the  nerves.  But  for 
tune  spared  us  the  ordeal  of  another  fight  in  our  weak- 


A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE.  289 

ened  condition.  Our  position,  as  the  Lieutenant  had  said, 
was  a  good  one.  On  the  left,  or  north  of  us,  there  was 
a  difficult  precipice,  which  hung  above  the  stream  of 
whose  waters  we  had  just  drank  to  satiety.  The  woods 
grew  thinly  on  our  front,  toward  the  east  and  the  south 
of  us  was  an  almost  open  slope.  Our  rear  was  well  se 
cured  by  an  irregular  line  of  huge  boulders,  and  rocks  of 
good  size  afforded  us  fair  shelter  in  nearly  all  directions. 
There  was  also  some  fallen  timber,  but  not  enough  to 
make  a  serious  blaze  if  the  enemy  should  try  their  fav 
orite  maneuver  of  burning  us  out.  The  Sioux,  fortunately 
for  them,  and,  no  doubt,  for  us,  too,  failed  to  observe  our 
party,  and  did  not  advance  high  enough  on  the  hills  to 
find  our  trail.  They  kept  eastward,  following  a  branch 
of  Tongue  river. 

The  excitement  over,  we  all  again  felt  thoroughly 
worn  out,  and  fell  asleep,  all  except  the  tireless  and  ever 
vigilant  scouts,  and  awoke  at  dark  feeling  somewhat  re 
freshed,  but  painfully  hungry.  Not  a  man  of  us,  what 
ever  the  risk,  Sioux  or  no  Sioux,  could  endure  the  moun 
tain  route  longer,  so  we  took  our  wearied,  jaded  lives 
into  our  hands,  and  struck  out  for  Crook's  camp  across 
the  plains,  fording  Big  Goose  creek  up  to  our  armpits  at 
three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  water  being  as  cold  as 
the  melting  mountain  snows  could  make  it.  Two  of  the 
men,  Sergeant  Cornwall  and  Private  Collins,  absolutely 
refused  to  ford  the  creek,  as  neither  could  swim,  and  the 
current  was  exceedingly  rapid.  Sibley  threatened  and 
coaxed  them  alternately  in  vain,  but  those  men,  who  could 
face  bullets  and  tomahawks  without  flinching,  would  not 


290  A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE. 

be  induced  to  cross  that  stream.  They  begged  to  be  al 
lowed  to  hide  in  the  bushes  on  the  north  side  of  the 
creek,  until  horses  could  be  sent  after  them.  Sibley,  after 
providentially  escaping  so  many  dangers,  could  not  sacri 
fice  the  rest  of  his  command  for  two  obstinately  foolish 
men,  and  the  scouts  urged  him  to  push  on.  This  we  did 
reluctantly,  but  there  was  no  alternative.  We  judged 
that  our  main  camp  must  still  be  some  dozen  miles  away 
on  Little  Goose  creek,  but  every  step,  chiefly  because  of 
the  toil  attending  the  previous  mountain  journey,  became 
laborious.  My  readers  can  judge  for  themselves  how 
badly  we  were  used  up,  when  it  took  us  four  hours  to 
accomplish  six  miles.  The  rocks  had  broken  our  boots 
and  skinned  our  feet,  while  starvation  had  weakened  our 
frames.  Only  a  comparatively  few  were  vigorous  enough 
to  maintain  a  decently  rapid  pace.  About  five  o'clock 
we  saw  some  more  Indians  toward  the  east,  but  at  some 
distance.  We  took  no  pains  whatever  to  conceal  our 
selves,  which,  indeed,  would  have  been  a  vain  task  on 
the  nearly  naked  plain  ;  and  the  savages,  if  they  saw  us, 
which  is  highly  probable,  must  have  mistaken  us  for  an 
outlying  picket,  and  being  only,  comparatively  speaking, 
a  handful,  kept  away.  At  about  6:30  o'clock  we  saw 
two  horses  grazing  on  a  little  knoll,  and  the  carbines 
glittering  on  their  "  boots "  on  the  saddles  proclaimed 
the  riders  to  be  cavalrymen.  Presently  the  men  rose  out 
of  the  long  grass  and  made  for  their  guns,  but  we  hailed 
them  and  they  recognized  us.  They  were  men  of  the 
Second  Cavalry,  who  had  obtained  permission  to  go  hunt 
ing,  and  who  were  bound  for  Tongue  river,  where  they 


A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE.  291 

would  have  certainly  fallen  in  with  the  Sioux.  Lieut. 
Sibley  sent  them  into  camp  to  ask  for  an  escort  to  pro 
ceed  as  far  as  Big  Goose  creek  for  the  two  men  who 
had  stopped  there.  Most  of  Sibley's  men  threw  them 
selves  on  the  ground,  unable  to  move  further,  and  awaited 
the  arrival  of  the  horses.  Within  an  hour  and  a  half 
Capts.  Dewees  and  Rawolle,  of  the  Second  Cavalry,  came 
out  to  us  with  led  horses  and  some  cooked  provisions. 
They  greeted  us  most  warmly,  and,  having  aided  us  most 
kindly,  proceeded  to  pick  up  Sergeant  Cornvvell  and  Pri 
vate  Collins,  who  were  found  all  safe,  concealed  in  the 
thick  undergrowth  of  Big  Goose  creek,  and  who  reached 
camp  a  few  hours  after  ourselves.  It  was  ten  o'clock 
Sunday  morning,  July  9,  1876,  when  we  rode  in  among 
the  tents,  amid  congratulations  from  officers  and  men 
alike. 

Thus,  after  passing  through  scenes  of  great  peril  and 
privation,  our  little  band  found  itself  in  Camp  Cloud  Peak, 
surrounded  by  devoted  and  hospitable  comrades.  After 
we  had  somewhat  recovered  from  our  great  fatigue,  and 
refreshed  ourselves  by  a  most  welcome  bath  in  the  creek, 
we  were  obliged  to  relate  our  experience  again  and  again 
for  the  benefit  of  the  entire  ' c  outfit. "  All  agreed  that 
Frank  Grouard,  for  the  good  judgment  and  skill  with 
which  he  managed  our  retreat,  deserved  to  take  rank 
among  the  foremost  of  scouts  and  plainsmen.  Nor  did 
quiet,  intrepid  Baptiste  Pourier  (Big  Bat)  lack  admirers 
around  the  camp-fires  of  Crook's  brigade.  The  oldest 
among  Indian  fighters,  including  such  officers  as  Colonel 
Royall  and  Lieutenant  Lawson,  concurred  in  saying  that 


292  A  MIRACULOUS  ESCAPE. 

escape  from  danger  so  imminent  and  so  appalling,  in  a 
manner  so  ingenious  and  successful,  was  without  a  parallel 
in  the  history  of  Indian  warfare.  It  was  fortunate,  they 
said,  for  our  party  that  an  officer  possessing  the  coolness 
and  good  sense  of  Lieutenant  Sibley  had  command  of  it. 
A  rash,  bull-headed  commander  would  have  disregarded 
the  advice  of  Grouard  and  Fourier,  and  would  have  thus 
brought  ruin  and  death  upon  all  of  us.  Colonel  Hoy  all,  in 
the  absence  of  General  Crook,  who  was  in  the  mountain 
on  a  hunt,  was  kind  enough  to  say  that  while  a  spare  horse 
remained  in  his  regiment,  it  would  be  at  my  disposal,  in 
lieu  of  the  one  I  had  lost  in  the  Sibley  Scout,  as  the 
reconnoissance  has  ever  since  been  called  by  the  Ameri 
can  army. 


CHAPTER  XL. 

SOMETHING    ABOUT    SCOUTING. 

Gen.  Crook  (who  had  become  impatient  at  being  in 
camp  so  long  after  getting  orders  to  wait  for  reinforce 
ments — the  Fifth  Cavalry)  made  up  1  is  mind  he  would 
jump  the  hostiles  with  what  command  Ii3  had.  •'  The  In 
dians  were  watching  us  every  day.  We  could  see  them 
around  on  the  hills.  Finally  we  broke  camp,  and  moved 
from  the  Little  Goose  creek,  where  our  camp  then  was, 
to  the  Big  Goose  canyon,  where  Beckton  is  at  present, 
crossing  the  river  there.  That  night  the  Indiaus  tired 
on  us  and  tried  to  stampede  the  horses  and  pack  train. 
We  were  forced  to  make  a  corral  every  night  for  the 
mules.  That  night  I  had  my  horse  tied  right  by  the 
side  of  my  bed,  which  I  had  made  down  in  one  end  of 
the  corral.  When  the  mules  stampeded  I  jumped  on 
my  horse,  and  when  they  broke  through  the  corral,  I 
wrent  with  them  on  horseback.  They  ran  four  or  five 
miles  before  I  could  get  them  stopped.  One  of  the 
packers  had  presence  of  mind  enough  to  jump  on  one  of 
the  horses  as  ihe  mules  were  going  out  of  the  corral, 
and  with  his  help  it  was  not  long  before  I  had  the  herd 
turned  back  towards  camp.  All  this  time  the  Indians 


294  SOMETHING  ABOUT  SCOUTING. 

were  following  and  shooting  on  boili  sides  of  the  herd. 
We  finally  got  the  animals  back  into  camp. 

The  command  then  moved  from  there  over  to 
Tongue  river,  but  we  could  find  no  trace  of  the  Indian 
camp.  The  hostiles  had  left  that  locality,  going  in  an 
easterly  direction,  and  Gen.  Crook  brought  the  command 
back  to  Little  Goose  creek,  Gen.  Merritt,  with  the  Fifth 
Cavalry,  joining  us  on  Soldier  creek.  Moving  down  to 
the  forks  of  Big  and  Little  Goose  creeks,  where  Sheridan 
is  now  located,  we  went  into  permanent  camp,  and  got 
ready  to  follow  the  Indians,  wherever  they  had  gone. 
Some  of  our  scouts  had  to  leave  us  while  we  were 
camped  on  Goose  creek,  so  I  got  orders  to  hire  all  the 
scouts  I  could  find.  I  hired  Charlie  Chapin,  Bill  Zim- 
mers,  Jim  Phoenix,  Black  Hills  Frank  and  Calamity 
Jane.  When  the  Fifth  cavalry  joined  us  they  had  brought 
Buffalo  Bill,  Buffalo  Chips  (Charlie  White),  Jack  Craw 
ford  (Captain  Jack),  Smalse}7,  Limber  Jim  and  Little 
Bat.  There  were  others  whose  names  I  do  not  remem 
ber. 

Everything  being  ready  and  preparations  made  for  a 
long  march,  we  left  the  wagon  train  on  the  east  side  of 
Goose  creek  above  the  forks  and  started  down  Tongue 
river,  through  the  canyon,  and  crossing  over  to  the  Rose 
bud.  I  was  out  in  that  locality  one  day  with  Gen. 
Crook  trying  to  find  a  trail  of  the  Indians  —  which  way 
they  had  gone.  On  passing  through  the  canyon  of  the 
Rosebud  I  took  Gen.  Crook  up  and  showed  him  where 
the  Indians  had  fortified  themselves  in  order  to  draw  the 
command  down  during  the  fight  we  had  on  June  17th 


SOMETHING  ABOUT  SCOUTING.  295 

with  them  on  the  head  of  the  Rosebud.  After  the  Gen 
eral  had  seen  the  ground  and  gone  over  it  and  compre 
hended  how  the  Indians  were  fortified  ;  how  they  could 
have  killed  us  without  our  harming  them,  he  turned 
around,  but  never  said  a  word.  Afterwards,  shaking 
hands  with  me,  he  said  he  was  glad  he  "didn't  get  bull- 
headed."  That  is  the  way  he  expressed  it.  Finding  the 
Indian  trail  from  where  their  village  had  been  located, 
we  started  to  follow  them  up  ;  but  they  having  such  a 
long  start  of  us — some  three  weeks,  I  think — there  was 
not  much  chance  of  our  catching  them.  They  had  gone 
into  camp  or  scattered  to  the  different  agencies. 

Following  down  the  Rosebud  until  we  met  Gen. 
Terry's  command,  about  forty  miles  from  the  mouth  of 
the  Rosebud,  we  followed  the  Indian  trail  where  it  left 
the  stream,  and  crossed  to  Tongue  river,  following 
it  down  to  the  mouth  of  JVlizpah  (the  Indian  name  was 
Four-Horn  creek).  Then  we  went  up  that  creek,  and 
crossed  to  Powder  river.  Both  of  the  commands  kept  to 
gether  until  that  time.  Being  short  of  supplies  and  not 
knowing  how  long  we  would  have  to  follow  the  Indians, 
we  went  down  to  the  mouth  of  Powder  river  to  the  can 
tonment,  or  supply  camp.  Bill  Cody  (Buffalo  Bill)  left 
us  there,  taking  a  steamer  and  going  back  east,  so  he 
was  not  with  us  but  a  very  short  time.  That  was  the 
first  scouting  he  ever  did,  I  guess.  We  went  down  as 
far  as  Glendive  to  find  out  if  the  Indians  had  crossed. 
After  getting  all  the  supplies  that  were  at  hand,  we 
started  up  the  river  to  where  the  Indian  trail  left  Pow 
der  river,  leading  toward -the  Little  Missouri. 


296  SOMETHING  ABOUT  SCOUTING. 

Taking  the  trail  and  leaving  the  command  there  to 
follow  up  the  Indian  trail,  I  took  Capt.  Jack  Crawford 
with  me.  It  was  the  first  trip  he  had  ever  been  out 
on  as  a  scout.  My  idea  was  to  find  out  which  way 
the  Indians  had  gone ;  whether  they  had  separated  or 
kept  together.  Striking  the  head  of  Beaver  creek  we 
kept  right  down  for  about  forty  miles,  and  then  went 
across  towards  the  Little  Missouri  on  the  north  side  of 
Lookout  -Butte,  and  from  there  down  across  to  the  Lit 
tle  Missouri.  One  Indian  trail  led  down  the  Little  Mis 
souri  and  crossed  over  to  the  head  of  Heart  river,  giving 
every  indication  that  the  camp  had  divided  just  about 
half  and  half.  From  the  appearance  of  the  trail,  how 
ever,  I  was  satisfied  that  those  going  down  the  Missouri 
were  Sitting  Bull's  band  making  for  the  British  pos- 
sesssions,  and  that  the  other  party  was  going  over  into 
the  Black  Hills. 

Turning  back  at  that  point  to  meet  the  command 
(it  was  pretty  late  when  we  turned  back)  and  going 
away  from  the  river,  we  stopped  in  a  dry  gulch  and 
cooked  something  to  eat.  After  we  finished  our  meal 
it  was  just  a  little  after  sundown.  I  was  sitting  there 
smoking,  and  a  party  of  Indians  came  down  the  trail 
that  we  had  taken.  It  was  just  dark  enough  for  me 
to  see  there  were  a  lot  of  horsemen,  and  we  were 
camped  right  on  the  trail.  The  fire  had  almost  gone 
out  at  that  time,  and  it  was  but  the  work  of  a  minute 
to  cover  the  fire  over  with  dirt,  but  the  Indians  had 
seen  it.  They  came  riding  down  within  about  eighty 
yards  of  us,  stopping  and  asking  who  we  were.  I  an- 


SOMETHING  ABOUT  SCOUTING.  297 

swered  with  a  bullet,  and  continued  shooting  rapidly  at 
them.  As  soon  as  I  began  to  shoot  they  turned  and 
ran.  I  killed  one  of  their  horses.  There  were  only  a 
few  of  them,  and  they  were  as  badly  scared  as  we 
were. 

After  I  got  through  shooting  I  could  not  find  any 
thing  of  Capt.  Jack  Crawford.  I  looked  all  around  for 
him,  but  failed  to  discover  him.  The  horses  were  in 
the  gulch  feeding,  and  I  commenced  hallooing  for  Jack, 
as  there  was  no  time  to  be  lost.  I  had  to  get  out  of 
there.  Thinking  he  might  have  gone  up  the  gulch,  I 
got  on  a  horse  and  started  up,  yelling  for  him,  and 
finally  found  him  up  the  gulch  in  a  patch  of  brush. 
He  had  run  off  and  hid.  I  never  said  anything  to 
him,  but  told  him  we  must  hurry  back,  and  would  be 
forced  to  ride  as  hard  as  we  could.  So  we  got  on  our 
horses  and  rode  all  night,  reaching  the  command  at  day 
light.  I  reported  to  the  General  about  the  different  In 
dian  trails  and  the  manner  in  which  the  band  had  split 
up,  and  also  explained  that  I  thought  it  would  be  best 
to  follow  the  band  that  had  gone  toward  the  Hills.  The 
General  thought  it  would  be  best,  also,  as  we  were 
short  of  provisions.  So  sending  a  party  of  scouts  across 
over  to  the  Little  Missouri  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cannon 
Ball  to  try  and  find  out  if  their  trail  headed  that  way, 
the  command  started  on  the  main  trail,  following  it 
across  the  Little  Missouri,  up  through  the  badlands  and 
on  to  the  head  of  Heart  river. 

Just  as  we  got  out  of  the  badlands  we  discovered 
a  large  number  of  Indians  and  a  great  many  horses  go- 


298  SOMETHING  ABOUT  SCCUTING. 

ing  in  a  northerly  direction.  The  animals  appeared  to  be 
packed.  Starting  on  to  try  and  overtake  them,  and  tak 
ing  some  of  the  scouts,  I  chased  them  about  ten  miles 
into  the  badlands.  There  they  made  a  stand,  and  it 
was  such  a  strong  one  we  could  not  do  anything  with 
them. 

Bill  Hamilton,  one  of  the  scouts  I  had,  who  was  very 
deaf  and  who  could  not  hear  ordinary  speaking,  went 
with  us  into  the  badlands.  Just  as  quick  as  we  got 
up  to  where  the  Indians  were,  they  commenced  shooting 
at  us,  and  we  had  to  come  down  over  the  hills  to  keep 
out  of  range  of  their  bullets.  Bill  Hamilton  came  up 
and  asked  us  where  the  Indians  were.  I  pointed  over 
the  hill,  and  one  of  the  boys  told  him  not  to  go  over 
there  ;  that  they  would  kill  him.  But  Bill  didn't  hear  it, 
and  commenced  whipping  his  horse,  telling  the  rest  of 
us  to  come  on ;  that  we  would  kill  every  last  one  of 
them.  As  soon  as  he  raised  the  hill  the  Indians  com 
menced  firing  at  him,  and  being  so  deaf  and  not  hearing 
the  shooting,  he  got  down  over  and  went  to  the  bottom 
of  the  bill,  where  one  of  the  Indians  shot  a  bullet 
through  his  hat. 

That  was  the  first  intimation  he  had  that  they  were 
firing  at  him.  He  yelled,  "They  are  firing  at  me  !"  and 
pulled  off  his  hat  and  looked  at  it.  As  quick  as  he  saw 
the  bullet  had  gone  through  his  hat,  he  lost  no  time  in 
getting  back  over  the  hill,  and  made  some  sarcastic  re 
marks  about  it,  and  wanted  to  know  why  the  boys  did 
not  tell  him  the  Indians  Avere  firing  at  him.  He  looked 
up  as  surprised  as  could  be,  to  think  they  wrere  firing  at 


SOMETHING  ABOUT  SCOUTING. 


299 


him  and  he  not  know  it.  He  was  on  a  lazy  horse,  and 
was  whipping  it  with  all  his  might  when  he  went  over 
the  hill,  and  paid  so  much  attention  to  his  animal  that 
he  did  not  see  the  Indians.  It  was  very  funny  to  see 
him  coming  back  over  the  hill,  though. 

He  had  been  deaf  to  onr  warnings  of  danger,  but 
the  manner  in  which  he  returned  to  our  party  clearly 
proved  that  he  at  least  possessed  the  faculty  of  making 
a  lazy  horse  "take  the  wings  of  morning"  when  occasion 
required.  And  occasion  required  it  right  then. 


CHAPTER   XLI. 


.THE    SLIM    BUTTES    FIGHT. 

Finding  our  small  party  of  scouts  could  not  get  the 
Indians,  and  that  it  was  not  worth  while  trying  to  dis 
lodge  them,  we  went  back  to  the  command,  which  had 
gone  into  camp.  All  the  supplies  had  been  used  —  all 
the  rations.  It  was  just  about  one  hundred  miles  to  Fort 
Lincoln  and  the  same  distance  to  Deadwood  and  the 
Black  Hills.  At  Lincoln  there  were  government  supplies, 
and  at  Deadwood  we  would  have  to  purchase  them,  or 
run  our  chances  of  buying  enough  to  do  us.  Then,  again, 
if  we  went  to  Lincoln,  we  would  lose  the  object  of  our 
summer's  march  and  the  opportunity  of  overtaking  the  In 
dians.  On  the  other  hand,  if  we  went  to  the  Hills  we  had 
the  chance  of  jumping  the  Indians  and  not  having  had  all 
our  summer's  work  for  nothing.  The  rain  —  it  had  been 
raining  then  just  about  a  week — was  falling  in  a  steady 
drizzle,  and  there  was  not  a  dry  article  of  any  kind  in 
the  whole  command. 

Between  us  and  the  Hills  the  entire  country  had 
this  sticky,  gumbo  soil.  In  either  case  it  would  be  a 
hard  trip  for  the  command,  and  would  entail  a  good  deal 
of  suffering,  whichever  way  we  went.  I  thought  it  would 


COLONEL  ANSON  MILLS. 

BY   PERMISSION  OF  JOHN   F.  FiNERTY. 


THE  SLIM  BVTTES  FIGHT.  301 

be  best  to  go  towards  the  Hills  ;  that  we  would  be  sure 
to  jump  the  Indians  before  they  got  into  the  agency. 
The  General  said  there  was  no  possibility  of  our  starv 
ing,  as  we  had  plentj7  of  horses  and  mules.  He  called 
his  Held  officers  together,  and  gave  orders  to  march  to 
the  Black  Hills,  telling  them  that  we  would  have  to  live 
on  horse  and  mule  meat  until  rations  could  be  procured. 
The  next  morning  we  started  towards  the  Hills.  It 
was  a  pretty  hard  struggle  from  there  on.  The  horses 
commenced  to  play  out.  As  fast  as  the  poor  brutes  fell 
the  quartermaster  had  them  killed  and  issued  as  rations, 
so  the  soldiers  had  nothing  but  played-out  horses  to  eat 
from  there  on  into  the  Hills.  It  looked  funny  to  see  a 
soldier  ride  his  horse  until  it  dropped  exhausted,  and 
then  get  off  and  shoot  it  and  cut  its  carcass  up  and  issue 

the  meat  to  the  soldiers  of  the  different  companies.     The 

« 

command  was  out  of  everything.  I  suppose,  from  what 
I  saw  and  what  they  told  me,  that  it  was  a  pretty  hard 
struggle  for  the  troops.  I  didn't  get  much  of  the  hard 
part  of  it,  as  I  was  out  killing  game  ;  besides,  we  had 
a  mess  of  our  own  and  our  own  pack  mules,  so  that 
we  had  plenty  of  provisions  all  through  the  whole  trip. 
Myself,  Tom  Moore,  the  packer,  Dave  Meers,  his  assistant, 
and  Big  Bat,  were  all  together.  My  being  out  so  much, 
I  killed  game  and  brought  it  in  to  the  mess.  Gen. 
Crook  fared  just  the  same  as  the  soldiers.  Once  and 
awhile  the  staff  would  steal  down  to  our  mess  and  £et  a 

c5 

square  meal  of  beans,  but  the  General  had  prohibited 
them  from  going  to  our  mess.  That  was  one  distinctive 
characteristic  of  Gen.  Crook's— he  would  not  take  any 


302  THE  SLIM  BUTTES  FIGHT. 

advantage  of  his  command.  If  they  starved,  he  starved 
with  them. 

On  the  fourth  night  from  Heart  river  it  was  thought 
best  to  send  part  of  the  command  on  to  the  Black  Hills 
for  supplies,  and  knowing  the  Indians  to  be  between  us 
and  the  Black  Hills,  the  General  thought  I  had  better  go 
with  them,  and  said  he  would  send  sufficient  force  to 
jump  any  village  we  would  come  across.  Picking  out  one 
hundred  and  fifty  men,  with  six  pack  trains  ( Tom  Moore 
in  charge  of  the  pack  trains ),  we  left  camp  at  9  o'clock 
in  the  evening,  with  Captain  Mills  in  command,  and  Lieut. 
Crawford,  Lieut.  Schwatka  and  Lieut.  Yon  Leuttewitz 
accompanying  us.  Crawford  was  killed  by  the  Mexicans 
afterwards.  Schwatka  became  famous  as  an  Arctic  ex 
plorer,  and  is  now  dead  ;  Von  Leuttewitz  was  shot  in  the 
Slim  Butte  fight,  had  his  leg  amputated,  was  pensioned  off, 
and  is  now  living  in  Washington.  I  took  Captain  Jack 
Crawford  with  me.  We  traveled  all  night,  striking  Big 
Plum  the  next  morning,  and  making  our  breakfast  off  of 
plums.  After  resting  up  awhile  we  started  again  about 
8  o'clock.  We  could  not  travel  fast.  It  had  stopped 
raining,  but  the  fog  had  settled  so  that  we  could  not 
see  but  a  short  distance  ahead.  'Keeping  the  command 
about  three  hundred  yards  behind  so  they  could  watch  all 
our  movements,  we  traveled  until  about  1  o'clock.  Once 
in  a  while  the  fog  would  rise  so  that  I  could  see  a  mile  or 
two  ahead  of  me,  and  during  one  of  these  rises  of  the  fog, 
I  discovered  a  lot  of  Indian  ponies  on  ahead  of  me  about 
a  mile. 

Giving   the   signal  for  the   command   to   stop,  I   rode 


THE  SLIM  BUTTE8  FIGHT.  303 

back  to  them  and  told  them  thei'o  was  an  Indian  village  in 
front  of  us.  Putting  the  soldiers  into  a  deep  ravine  so 
they  could  not  be  seen  from  a  distance,  I  went  on  as  far 
as  I  could  without  being  discovered.  I  could  not  see  the 
village,  but  knew  it  was  down  in  the  bed  of  the  creek. 
I  wanted  to  find  out  how  large  a  village  it  was,  and 
whether  it  would  be  practicable  for  our  small  command 
to  jump  it.  Cautioning  the  men  not  to  show  themselves, 
and  muffling  the  bells  on  the  pack  mules  so  they  would 
make  no  noise,  I  went  forward  again  and  kept  watch  the 
rest  of  the  day.  As  soon  as  darkness  came  on  I  rode 
down  to  the  village,  and  found  it  was  only  a  small  affair 
—  thirty-nine  lodges  and  about  two  hundred  people. 
Disguised  as  an  Indian,  I  went  all  through  the  village, 
looking  for  the  best  point  to  attack  it  from.  I  finally 
concluded  we  had  sufficient  force  to  capture  the  entire 
village. 

In  front  of  one  of  the  tepis  in  the  village  I  saw  two 
very  fine  looking  horses.  Both  animals  were  on  picket 
lines,  and  I  made  up  my  mind  that  they  were  a  little  too 
rich  for  Indian  blood,  but  not  too  rich  for  mine.  So  I 
just  waited  around  until  everything  was  quiet,  slipped  up 
to  the  tepi,  untied  the  ropes  and  led  the  animals  out  of 
the  village  as  unconcernedly  as  if  I  were  taking  them  to 
water.  They  became  famous  horses  afterwards.  One  was 
a  pinto  and  the  other  a  black  stallion.  One  of  them  I 
gave  to  a  young  lady  from  the  east — a  Miss  Collins  — 
and  the  other  I  gave  to  Big  Bat.  I  heard  afterwards 
that  the  latter  horse  was  sold  back  east  for  five  hundred 
dollars.  Telling  Captain  Mills  on  my  return  how  the 


304  THE  SLIM  BUTTES  FIGHT. 

camp  was  situated,  I  informed  him  the  best  way  to  attack 
it  would  be  to  jump  it  at  the  break  of  day.  We  placed 
one  man  as  sentry,  and  the  rest  of  us  laid  down  and  slept 
until  3  o'clock.  At  that  hour  the  command  was  awakened. 
We  got  everything  ready,  and  Lieut.  Crawford  was  de 
tailed  to  take  charge  of  one  party  of  fifty  men,  Capt. 
Mills  in  charge  of  another  party,  and  Lieut.  Schwatka, 
with  twenty  mounted  men,  was  to  take  charge  of  and  drive 
off  the  ponies.  The  rest  of  the  command  we  dismounted, 
with  the  pack  train,  to  follow  up  with  the  horses. 

Telling  them  to  come  on  towards  the  village,  I  went 
down  to  see  if  the  Indians  suspected  our  presence,  or  if 
there  was  anything  amiss  in  camp.  I  told  Capt.  Mills 
to  come  up  as  close  to  the  village  as  he  could,  until  I 
could  go  back  to  him.  When  I  got  down  in  the  village, 
the  Indians  had  turned  most  all  of  their  horses  loose, 
and  had  gone  back  into  their  lodges.  In  fact,  one  squaw 
came  out  and  turned  her  horses  loose  when  I  was  in 
plain  sight.  They  were  tied  in  front  of  the  lodge.  She 
turned  them  loose  while  I  was  watching  her.  1  was  lying 
down  on  my  horse,  so  I  don't  think  she  could  see  me. 
She  supposed  the  animal  I  was  on  was  one  of  the  In 
dian  horses  that  had  been  turned  loose,  and  paid  no  fur 
ther  attention  to  it. 

Just  as  I  turned  to  go  back  to  the  command,  the  In 
dian  horses  came  stampeding  through  the  village,  and 
when  I  got  up  on  the  hill  the  command  had  arrived 
there.  Capt.  Mills  had  reached  within  seventy  yards  of 
the  village.  As  the  horses  stampeded  through  the  village 
it  woke  the  Indians  up,  and  they  commenced  to  run  out 


THE  SLIM  B  UTTES  FIGHT.  305 

•of  their  lodges  to  see  what  the  matter  was.  Seeing  there 
would  be  no  time  to  place  the  other  company  of  soldiers 
on  the  other  side  of  the  village,  and  that  all  our  chance 
was  to  surprise  them,  we  commenced  firing  on  them  from 
where  we  were.  I  told  Capt.  Mills  he  had  lost  all  chance 
of  capturing  the  village  with  the  Indians  in  it ;  that  he 
had  better  commence  the  fight  at  once.  I  then  went  to 
Schwatka  and  told  him  to  charge  and  drive  the  horses 
•off,  and  went  with  him  myself. 

When  the  troops  first  opened  fire,  I  did  not  see  what 
the  result  was  ;  but  going  back  a  short  time  afterwards — 
when  we  had  got  the  horses  driven  away — I  saw  there 
had  been  a  mistake  made,  and  the  Indians  were  firing 
back  and  the  fight  was  general.  Capt.  Mills  had  given 
the  order  to  retreat,  and  Crawford  had  told  him  that  it 
was  impossible  to  retreat.  The  Indians  had  run  out  of 
the  village  and  got  on  the  other  side  of  the  creek,  so 
that  the  village  lay  in  between  the  Indians  and  the  sol 
diers.  It  was  a  sure  enough  fight  there  for  a  little  while 
across  the  village.  Knowing  the  Indians  would  have  re 
inforcements  before  a  great  while,  I  tried  to  send  Capt. 
Jack  back  with  dispatches  to  Gen.  Crook,  but  he  didn't 
want  to  go,  and  one  of  the  packers  volunteered  and  went 
back.  Giving  the  courier  a  verbal  message  to  Crook, 
telling  the  General  how  we  were  situated,  and  asking  him 
to  hurry  up  his  command,  or  part  of  it,  as  quickly  as 
possible,  I  went  back  to  the  fight,  and  found  that  Lieut. 
Yon  Leuttewitz  had  been  shot  through  the  knee.  A  cor 
poral  had  also  been  wounded.  The  surgeon  amputated 
their  legs  afterward. 


306  THE  SLIM  BUTTES  FIGHT. 

We  then  moved  around  so  as  to  drive  the  Indians 
from  the  other  side  of  the  creek,  which  we  did  ;  but  a 
few  of  them  got  into  a  kind  of  cave,  and  they  could 
not  be  driven  out,  and  it  was  a  long  while  afterward 
before  we  could  get  them  out.  They  killed  several  of 
our  men  before  we  could  dislodge  or  capture  them.  Up 
to  that  time  nobody  had  ventured  down  into  the  village. 
Of  course,  we  did  not  know  about  these  Indians  being 
in  this  cave  until  we  got  down  into  the  village  ;  not 
until  the  soldiers  went  down  to  plunder  the  village. 
Dried  meat  was  the  first  thing  the  soldiers  looked  for. 
The  troopers  found  a  great  many  things  that  had  be 
longed  to  Ouster's  command,  such  as  a  guidon,  a  great 
deal  of  clothing  and  money. 

During  the  charge  made  on  the  village  Private  W. 
J.  McClinton,  of  Troop  0,  Third  cavalry,  discovered  one 
of  the  guidons  belonging  to  the  ill-fated  Ouster  com 
mand.  It  was  fastened  to  the  lodge  of  American  Horse, 
and  McOlinton  lost  no  time  in  securing  the  trophy.  The 
guidon  was  given  by  McClinton  to  Oaptain  Mills,  and 
finally  found  its  way  back  to  the  Seventh  cavalry.  Mr. 
McClinton  was  very  proud  of  the  capture  he  had  made 
at  the  Slim  Buttes  battle,  and  when  he  received  his 
discharge  papers  he  found  the  face  of  the  document  em 
bellished,  in  red  ink,  with  a  statement  of  the  fact  of  the 
guidon's  capture  by  himself.  Mr.  McClinton  is  at  pres 
ent  a  resident  of  Sheridan,  Wyoming,  where  he  has  lived 
for  many  years,  and  has  been  successful  in  business. 
He  never  tires  of  singing  the  praises  of  General  Crook 
and  the  brave  men  who  opened  up  the  rich  valleys  of 
the  Tongue  and  Goose  creeks  to  settlement. 


WM.  J.  McCLINTON,  WHO  RECAPTURED  THE  CUSTER  GUIDON. 


THE  SLIM  BUTTES  FIGHT.  307 

The  lodges  were  full  of  furs  and  meat,  and  it  seemed 
to  be  a  very  rich  village.  One  man  found  eleven  thou 
sand  dollars,  I  think  it  was,  all  in  one  roll,  in  one  of 
the  tepis.  Of  course,  it  had  come  from  the  Custer  com 
mand.  .Then  another  article  the  soldiers  found  was  to 
bacco,  which  they  were  very  much  in  need  of,  as  every 
body  was  out  of  the  weed.  Some  of  the  men  went  into 
a  lodge  and  turned  over  the  robes  and  blankets.  A 
little  Indian  girl  jumped  out  from  under  the  robes.  She 
commenced  crying  and  screaming  as  quick  as  they  found 
her,  and  she  ran  everybody  out  of  the  lodge.  When 
she  began  to  cry  and  yell  the  soldiers  supposed  there 
were  more  Indians  in  the  lodge,  and  they  got  out  in 
double  quick  time.  The  little  -girl  was  about  eight  or 
nine  years  old. 

It  was  right  at  this  time  that  we  found  that  some 
of  the  Indians  had  got  into  a  cave  at  one  side  of  the 
village.  One  of  the  men  started  to  go  past  that  spot 
on  the  hill,  and  as  he  passed  the  place  he  and  his  horse 
were  both  shot.  This  cave  or  dugout  was  down  in  the 
bed  of  a  dry  creek.  The  Indian  children  had  been 
playing  there,  and  had  dug  quite  a  hole  in  the  bank, 
so  that  it  made  more  of  a  cave  than  anything  else — 
large  enough  to  hold  quite  a  number  o-f  people.  Quick 
as  we  located  the  Indians  we  commenced  shooting  in 
there  without  seeing  anything.  Not  knowing  how  many 
Indians  were  in  there,  the  soldiers  surrounded  them  and 
continued  shooting  into  the  cave  until  they  got  tired. 
They  commenced  again  afterward  and  kept  up  a  rain  of 
bullets  until  after  General  Crook  got  into  camp. 


308  THE  SLIM  BUTTES  FIGHT. 

I  kept  on  the  watchout,  and  was  expecting  the  In 
dians  to  charge  in  on  us  most  any  time,  being  afraid 
they  would  renew  the  attack  before  Crook  joined  us,  and 
I  knew  we  would  not  have  much  of  a  chance  with  them 
in  such  an  emergency,  as  the  main  village  was  not  far 
from  us.  I  kept  a  watchout  for  them,  and  also  for 
Crook's  appearance.  It  was  11  o'clock,  I  should  think, 
before  I  saw  General  Crook  coming  over  the  hill  with 
some  of  the  cavalry — those  who  could  keep  up  with  him. 
I  got  on  a  horse  and  went  out  to  meet  the  General 
and  told  him  what  had  taken  place.  I  informed  him 
that  I  was  expecting  the  Indians,  reinforced,  to  charge 
on  us  every  minute.  I  also  told  him  of  the  Indians 
who  were  secreted  in  the  cave  in  the  gulch.  It  was 
after  1  o'clock  when  the  last  of  the  command  came 
over  the  hill.  They  had  just  got  into  the  village  when 
the  Indians  (reinforced)  made  their  charge  on  us. 

The  Indians  had  made  their  charge  with  the  expecta 
tion  of  finding  only  a  small  body  of  troops,  as, had  been 
reported  to  them  by  the  Indians  who  had  escaped  from 
the  village.  I  could  tell  pretty  well  from  the  way  they 
charged  down  from  all  directions  at  once  that  they  never 
expected  to  find  such  a  large  body  of  troops,  and  it  gave 
them  quite  a  surprise  to  find  that  we  were  ready  for 
them.  It  was  not  more  than  ten  minutes  before  the 
fight  became  general  all  around  the  camp.  After  the 
General  had  given  orders  for  the  disposition  of  the 
troops,  he  took  what  stragglers  he  could  find  and  tried 
to  get  the  Indians  out  of  the  cave.  We  had  com 
menced  shooting  into  them,  and  he  asked  me  if  I  would 


T3E  SLIM  BUTTS 3  FIGHT.  309 

not  go  and  talk  to  them  and  try  and  persuade  them  to 
come  out  without  any  more  fighting.  On  the  south  side 
of  the  village  I  could  walk  right  over  the  place  where 
the  Indians  were  hiding.  It  was  a  very  steep  bank, 

probably  eight  to  ten   feet  high.     I  could  go  right  up  to 

'.« 
them  without  them   seeing  me  or  there  being  any  danger  of 

getting  shot.  Going  up  to  that  point  and  talking  to 
them,  I  told  them  if  they  would  come  out  they  would 
not  be  molested,  and  said  everything  I  could  to  induce 
them  to  come  out.  Not  getting  any  answer  from  them, 
the  soldiers  surrounded  the  place  and  commenced  firing 
into  the  cave,  but  the  Indians  would  not  fire  back. 
They  would  not  shoot  unless  they  had  a  chance  to  kill 
somebody,  either.  Most  every  shot  they  did  fire  was 
sure  to  kill  or  wound  somebody. 

While  the  firing  was  going  on  Big  Bat  and  Buffalo 
Chips  (Charlie  White)  came  up  alongside  where  I  was 
standing  over  the  Indians.  After  the  firing  into  the 
hole  had  been  going  on  for  about  half  an  hour,  the  Gen 
eral  gave  orders  to  cease  firing.  He  asked  me  to  talk 
to  the  Indians  again,  which  I  did,  asking  them  to  come 
out.  I  talked  to  them  some  time,  but  I  could  get  no 
answer  from  them,  so  I  thought  by  that  they  would  rather 
die  than  come  out.  .Now  Buffalo  Chips  was  standing 
opposite  me.  He  was  one  of  those  long-haired  scouts, 
and  claimed  to  be  a  partner  of  Buffalo  Bill 's.  He  thought 
it  was  a  good  place  to  make  a  name  for  himself,  I  sup 
pose,  for  he  told  Big  Bat  that  he  was  going  to  have  one 
of  the  Indians'  scalps.  He  had  no  more  than  got  the 
words  out  of  his  mouth  before  he  yelled,  "  My  God,  I 
am  shot." 


310  THE  SLIM  BUTTES  FIGHT. 

There  was  such  confusion  then  that  I  was  looking 
out  for  myself  as  best  I  could,  but  just  as  I  heard  this 
cry  and  looked  around,  Buffalo  Chips  was  falling  over 
into  the  hole  where  the  Indians  were  hiding.  Bat  was 
looking  into  the  cave  where  White  fell,  and  must  have  seen 
something  I  could  not  see  from  where  I  was.  Before  I 
could  say  anything  Bat  had  jumped  into  the  cave  where 
the  Indians  were,  and  about  five  seconds  afterwards 
jumped  out  with  an  Indian's  scalp  in  his  hand,  telling 
me  he  had  scalped  one  of  the  redskins  alive,  which  I 
found  out  to  be  true.  He  had  seen  the  Indian  that  had 
killed  Buffalo  Chips,  and  he  jumped  down  onto  him  as 
the  Indian  was  reaching  to  get  White's  six-shooter.  Bat 
had  jumped  right  down  on  top  of  him  and  scalped  him 
and  got  out  of  the  cave  before  anybody  knew  what  he 
was  doing. 

When  matters  had  quieted  down  I  asked  the  Indians 
again  if  they  would  come  out  of  the  hole  before  there 
were  any  more  of  them  shot,  telling  them  they  would 
be  safe  if  they  would  surrender.  They  told  me  they 
would  come  out  if  we  would  not  kill  them,  and  upon  re 
ceiving  this  promise  they  came  out.  There  were  three 
bucks  and  five  squaws.  One  of  the  Indians  had  been 
shot  through  the  bowels  and  was  holding  his  entrails  in 
his  hands,  as  he  came  out.  Two  of  the  squaws  were  also 
wounded.  Eleven  were  killed  in  the  hole.  As  this 
wounded  Indian  came  out  I  recognized  him  as  American 
Horse,  but  you  would  not  have  thought  he  was  shot  from 
his  appearance  and  his  looks,  except  for  the  paleness  of 
his  face.  He  came  marching  out  of  that  death  trap  as 


THE  SLIM  BUTTES  FIGIfT.  311 

straight  as  an  arrow.  •  Holding  out  one  of  his  blood 
stained  hands  he  shook  hands  with  me.  I  took  him  and 
his  people  over  to  the  General,  who  ordered  them  taken 
up  to  the  pack  train.  One  of  our  doctors  attended  the 
wounded.  There  was  no  chance  for  American  Horse  to 
live  ;  he  was  wounded  so  badly.  It  was  just  a  matter 
of  a  short  time  when  he  would  die.  I  asked  him  why 
he  didn't  come  out  of  the  hole  when  I  first  spoke  to 
them.  His  answer  was  that  they  were  afraid  they 
would  be  killed,  and  they  thought  it  better  to  die  than 
be  captured. 

The  fight  kept  up  all  that  day  and  night — until  after 
the  time  the  command  pulled  out  of  there.  Gen.  Carr 
of  the  Fifth  Cavalry  was  in  command  of  the  rear  guard 
as  we  pulled  out  the  next  morning.  Our  killed  were 
Privates  John  Wenzel  (Third  Cavalry),  Edward  Kennedy 
{ Fifth  Cavalry)  and  the  scout  Charlie  White.  Over  a 
score  were  wounded.  We  secured  only  seven  captives 
— two  bucks,  four  squaws  and  one  little  girl.  American 
Horse  died  that  night,  and  we  left  him  on  the  field 
for  the  Indians  to  bury  or  dispose  of  as  they  thought 
best.  We  got  the  village,  securing  everything  that  was 
worth  taking,  meat,  etc.,  and  burned  the  rest  of  the  vil 
lage  up.  We  took  the  horses  along.  They  amounted 
to  three  or  four  hundred  head.  The  country  was  so 
muddy  that  we  only  made  a  short  march  of  about 
twelve  miles  that  day,  but  the  soldiers  were  glad  to 
find  rest  on  the  damp  ground  after  passing  through  the 
terrible  scenes  of  the  past  day  and  night. 


CHAPTER  XLIL 


A    WONDERFUL    RIDE. 

After  going  into  camp  on  the  evening  of  September 
10th,  Gen.  Crook  gave  orders  for  the  same  picked 
men  (Capt.  Mills  in  command),  also  the  pack  trains 
(Thos.  Moore  in  charge),  and  quartermaster  Bubb,  who 
had  been  selected  two  days  before,  to  proceed  that  eve 
ning  on  into  the  Hills  for  supplies.  The  General  gave  me 
the  official:  dispatches  concerning  the  Slim  Buttes  fight, 
and  other  matters,  with  strict  orders  to  see  that  they  got 
through  to  the  nearest  telegraph  office  before  any  other 
dispatches  reached  there  of  the  fight.  He  wanted  me  to 
be  on  the  close  watchout  and  see  that  no  other  dispatches 
got  in  ahead  of  them,  also  giving  me  orders  how  to  pro 
ceed  in  case  I  should  need  any  help  in  forwarding  the 
dispatches.  When  I  was  ready  to  leave,  the  correspond 
ents  of  the  different  papers  gave  me  their  dispatches  to 
take  through  with  the  official  dispatches.  I  took  Capt. 
Jack  Crawford  along  with  me,  as  he  was  acquainted  in 
the  Hills,  and  would  be  of  great  service  to  the  quar 
termaster  in  buying  the  supplies.  I  was  to  go  on  with 
the  dispatches,  leaving  the  supply  train  at  Whitewood 
City.  We  left  the  command  about  nine  o'clock  at  night. 


COLONEL  T.  H.  STANTON. 

BY    PERMISSION    OF    JOHN    F.  FINERTY 


A  WONDERFUL  RIDE.  313 

Not  being  familiar  with  that  part  of  the  country, 
Capt.  Mills  thought  it  would  be  best  to  travel  bj  the  com 
pass.  That  was  my  first  and  1-ast  experience  with  a  com 
pass.  The  night  was  so  dark  that  we  could  see  no  ob 
ject  to  travel  by,  and  about  twelve  o'clock  we  crossed  our 
own  trail.  I  told  the  Captain  we  had  come  back  to  our 
own  trail.  Taking  out  his  instrument  he  looked  at  it  and 
said  that  we  were  going  right  according  to  the  compass, 
and  that  the  compass  was  right,  and  we  were  going  in 
the  right  direction.  But  I  was  satisfied  we  had  crossed 
our  own  trail.  About  an  hour  afterwards  we  came  to  our 
own  trail  again.  There  was  so  much  mineral  there  that 
the  compass  pointed  in  a  circle.  Telling  the  Captain  to- 
stop,  I  got  off  my  horse  and  lit  a  match  so  I  could  make 
sure  it  was  our  trail ;  and  finding  that  it  was,  I  asked 
him  to  let  me  look  at  his  compass.  Without  even  look 
ing  at  it,  I  took  the  thing  and  threw  it  as  far  as  I  could 
throw  it.  He  asked  me  what  I  was  doing,  and  I  said  I 
was  throwing  the  compass  away. 

"We  are  lost  without  the  compass/'  he  said. 

"  We  were  lost  with  it,"  said  I;   "but  I  don't  think 
we  will  be  lost  from  this  on." 

We  then  started  in  a  southerly  direction,  as  near  as 
I  could  judge,  for  the  mouth  of  Whitewood,  where  it 
empties  into  the  Belle  Fourche.  I  reached  there  just  at 
daylight,  a  short  distance  from  Whitewood  City,  going 
into  camp  there  until  about  noon.  Breaking  camp,  we 
reached  Whitewood  City  a  little  before  sundown.  After 
we  got  into  Whitewood  and  people  found  out  that  we 
had  been  starved  so  long,  they  were  very  liberal  and 


.314  A  WONDERFUL  RIDE. 

hospitable  toward  us,  and  gave  us  everything  they  could. 
Before  going  to  bed  that  night  I  had  told  Capt.  Jack 
that  I  wanted  him  to  be  on  hand  at  daylight  to  go  with 
the  quartermaster  to  buy  supplies.  He  was  to  remain 
with  the  command  while  I  went  on.  Telling  me  that 
he  was  going  to  sleep  with  a  friend  that  night,  he  said 
he  would  be  on  hand  at  break  of  day.  So  in  the  morn 
ing  I  got  up  and  didn't  pay  any  attention  to  Capt.  Jack. 
I  wanted  to  go  over  to  Deadwood,  so  that  I  could  for- 

4 

ward  the  official  dispatches  from  there  by  courier.  I 
started  over  as  soon  as  I  got  my  breakfast. 

On  reaching  Deadwood  and  going  to  the  livery  stable, 
I  found  the  mule  that  Capt.  Jack  had  been  riding  hitched 
in  one  of  the  stalls.  I  asked  the  stableman  where  the 
mule  had  come  from  and  who  had  brought  it  there. 
From  the  way  he  hesitated  about  telling  me  I  thought 
there  was  some  mystery  about  it.  Asking  him  what  time 
the  mule  had  got  there  that  morning,  he  told  me  it  had 
come  in  at  five  o'clock.  I  asked  him  where  the  man 
who  rode  it  was.  He  said  that  he  had  left  there  soon 
after  arriving  in  town  ;  that  he  had  got  a  horse  from 
him  and  gone  on  to  Custer  City.  That  was  the  first  I 
knew  that  Capt.  Jack  had  taken  some  of  the  private  dis 
patches  through,  or  at  least  I  thought  he  had. 

Having  received  strict  orders  from  Gen.  Crook  to 
have  the  official  dispatches  in  as  soon  as,  if  not  before, 
other  dispatches,  and  thinking  I  had  all  the  dispatches  of 
the  command,  I  now  learned  that  Mr.  Davenport,  a  re 
porter  for  the  New  York  Herald,  had  only  given  me 
duplicate  dispatches,  and  had  made  a  bargain  with  Capt, 


A  WONDERFUL  RIDE.  315 

Jack  for  a  very  large  sum  of  money  to  take  his  ( Daven 
port's)  original  dispatches  through  to  the  telegraph  office 
and  reach  there  twelve  hours  before  any  other  dispatches. 

There  was  only  one  thing  for  me  to  do,  and  that 
was  to  take  the  dispatches  through  myself.  Thinking 
that  if  anybody  could  overtake  Capt.  Jack  I  could  do  it 
better  than  I  could  hire  somebody  to  do  the  work,  I 
asked  the  livery  stable  man  to  let  me  have  the  best  horse 
he  had,  and  going  to  an  acquaintance  of  mine  in  Dead- 
wood  by  the  name  of  Mart  Gibbens,  and  taking  him  to 
the  bank  with  me,  I  got  five  hundred  dollars  in  money, 
and,  with  the  order  I  had  from  Gen.  Crook,  thought 
that  I  had  a  pretty  good  chance  to  beat  Capt.  Jack  Craw 
ford  to  Fort  Laramie,  as  that  was  the  closest  telegraph 
office,  it  being  something  like  two  hundred  miles  distant. 

Knowing  there  were  troops  at  two  different  places 
along  the  route,  I  was  sure  that  I  could  reach  Capt. 
Egan's  company  (stationed  at  the  mouth  of  Red  Canyon), 
and  that  I  could  send  some  of  his  men  on  with  the  dis 
patches.  Jumping  in  the  saddle  at  10:30  I  started  out, 
liding  the  first  horse  about  twenty-five  miles,  but  at  such 
a  gait  he  weakened  on  me,  and  I  had  to  abandon  him 
about  five  hundred  yards  from  a  road  ranch.  Packing 
my  saddle  to  the  ranch,  I  found  three  horses  tied  up  in 
front  of  the  place.  I  took  the  best  animal  that  was 
standing  there  and  put  my  saddle  on  it.  The  owner 
of  the  ranch  came  out  and  asked  me  what  I  was  doing. 
I  told  him,  asking  him  how  much  he  wanted  for  the 
horse,  or  if  he  would  prefer  to  hire  him,  showing  my 
order  from  Gen.  Crook.  He  told  me  to  give  him  fifteen 


316  A  WONDERFUL  RIDE. 

dollars  for  the  use  and  return  of  the  horse.  It  took  me 
but  a  few  minutes  to  saddle  this  horse  up  and  get  out 
of  there.  I  rode  that  horse  until  it  dropped  dead  under 
me  just  as  I  reached  another  ranch.  I  changed  six  times 
on  the  road,  killing  three  of  the  horses  and  using  three 
of  them  up  so  they  never  were  any  good  afterwards. 

Next  to  the  last  horse  I  got  was  almost  played  out, 
and  not  seeing  any  ranch  ahead  of  me,  I  didn't  know 
what  in  the  world  I  was  going  to  do,  for  the  horse  1  was 
on  could  not  travel  much  further.  The  first  thing  I  saw 
come  around  the  point  of  the  hill  towards  me  was  a  man 
on  horseback.  Just  before  he  got  to  me  I  got  off  my 
horse  and  pulled  the  saddle  off,  and  as  he  came  up  I 
caught  his  horse  and  told  him  I  wanted  it.  He  was  a 
big-boned  German,  but  I  saw  he  had  no  gun  with  him, 
so  I  was  not  afraid  of  his  shooting  me.  He  told  me  I 
could  not  have  the  animal ;  but  I  was  unsaddling  his 
horse,  and  told  him  I  had  to  have  it,  and  he  said  :  "  You 
can't  have  him."  In  the  meantime  I  got  his  saddle  un- 
girthed. 

I  caught  hold  of  the  German  and  threw  him  off  on 
one  side  and  his  saddle  on  the  other,  and  put  my  saddle  on 
his  horse,  he  telling  me  all  the  time  that  I  could  riot  have 
the  horse  ;  that  it  belonged  to  him.  After  I  got  my 
saddle  and  bridle  on  I  asked  him  how  much  he  wanted 
for  the  horse,  or,  if  he  would  rather  hire  it  to  me.  He 
told  me  he  would  neither  hire  nor  sell  it.  Being  in  a 
hurry  to  get  away  from  him  I  told  him  I  would  go  without 
paying  him  if  he  did  not  tell  me  the  price  of  the  horse. 
lie  saw  there  was  no  way  to  get  around  it  ;  that  I  was 


A  WONDERFUL  RIDE.  317 

going  to  take  the  horse  anyway,  so  he  told  me  I  could 
have  him  for  eighty  dollars.  I  gave  him  the  money  and 
started  off.  After  riding  some  distance  I  found  that  I  had 
made  the  best  bargain  I  think  I  ever  did  make. 

About  five  miles  beyond  the  place  of  the  last  chang 
ing  of  horses  I  caught  up  with  Capt.  Jack.  The  animal 
he  was  riding  was  completely  winded.  I  asked  him  as 
soon  as  I  caught  up  with  him  if  he  had  not  had  orders  to 
go  with  Lieut.  Bubb  to  buy  supplies.  He  made  the  reply 
that  he  was  taking  some  dispatches  through  for  the  New 
York  Herald.  Telling  him  he  was  discharged  from  the 
time  he  quit  the  command,  I  went  on  and  left  him,  reach 
ing  Ouster  City  twenty  minutes  before  3  o'clock,  making 
the  ride  in  four  hours  and  ten  minutes,  the  distance  being 
one  hundred  and  one  miles.  I  had  to  be  taken  off  my 
horse  when  I  reached  there,  as  I  did  not  have  the  strength 
to  get  off  myself.  Securing  a  good  man  to  take  the  dis 
patches  through  to  Capt.  Egan  at  Red  Canyon  so  they 
would  be  sent  on  by  troops  from  that  point  to  Fort 
Laramie,  I  wrote  a  note  to  Capt.  Egan,  telling  him  to 
have  them  forwarded  without  any  delay,  also  sending 
Gen.  Crook's  order  with  the  note.  I  wrote  a  note  to 
Gen.  Crook,  telling  him  what  I  had  done  and  then  went 
to  bed.  I  lay  there  for  three  days.  I  could  not  move 
around  very  lively,  and  it  took  me  that  time  to  recover 
from  my  trip. 

When  I  got  rested  up  somewhat  from  my  one  hun 
dred  and  one  miles'  ride,  I  received  a  dispatch  from  Gen. 
Crook,  telling  me  I  might  go  on  to  Red  Cloud  and  lay  off 
urtil  the  fall  campaign,  but  to  keep  my  eyes  open  for 


318  A  WONDERFUL  RIDE. 

anything  that  I  might  see  or  hear  while  at  the  agency. 
I  learned  afterwards  that  Capt.  Jack  Crawford  reached 
Fort  Laramie  three  days  after  the  official  dispatches  had 
arrived.  The  New  York  Herald  did  not  receive  Daven 
port's  dispatches  for  three  days  afterwards,  and  particulars 
of  the  Slim  Buttes  fight  were  then  known  all  over  the 
United  States.  Crawford  was  to  have  received  several 
thousand  dollars  if  he  had  reached  Fort  Lararnie  twelve 
hours  ahead  of  any  other  dispatches.  By  getting  there 
two  days  late,  I  heard  that  he  only  received  two  hundred 
dollars. 

I  stayed  around  the  Red  Cloud  Agency  till  Gen. 
Crook  came  in.  Gen.  Sheridan  had  come  to  Fort  Laramie 
and  had  sent  for  Crook  to  join  him  at  that  place.  On 
Gen.  Crook's  arrival  at  Robinson,  I  went  over  to  Fort 
Laramie  with  him.  After  the  conference  with  Gen. 
Sheridan  he  ordered  me  back  to  Robinson  to  find  out  all 
I  could  about  the  Indians  that  had  come  in  from  the  north  ; 
also  the  disposition  of  the  Indians  at  Red  Cloud  Agency, 
telling  me  to  keep  a  strict  lookout  for  them.  Upon  my 
return  to  Fort  Robinson,  I  went  around  through  the 
Indian  camps  and  watched  them  as  close  as  I  could,  and 
kept  track  of  the  Indians  that  were  coming  in  from  the 
north,  trying  to  find  out  how  the  Indians  felt  in  general 
towards  the  northern  ( hostile )  tribes.  It  was  about  the 
hardest  wrork  I  ever  did.  •  After  the  command  reached 
Robinson  (the  1876  expedition),  Gen.  Merritt  being  in 
command,  Gen.  Crook  returned,  and  concluded  to  take 
the  horses,  arms  and  ammunition  away  from  the  Indians. 
After  everything  was  ready  the  troops  started  out  after 


A  WONDERFUL  RIDE.  319- 

dark,  marched  down  to  the  main  camp  (then  located  near 
where  Chadron  is  at  present ),  surrounded  it,  took  all  the 
ponies  and  arms  away  from  the  Indians  and  sent  the 
horses  over  to  Fort  Laramie  to  be  disposed  of,  keeping 
the  confiscated  arms  at  Robinson.  After  we  had  captured 
the  ponies  I  got  into  an  ambulance  with  Gen.  Crook  and 
started  for  Fort  Laramie,  as  he  made  that  his  headquarters- 
during  the  winter  campaign. 


THE     "  HEARTY    LAUGH     CURE." 

It  was  while  en  route  to  Fort  Lararnie  witli  Gen. 
Crook  that  I  was  taken  very  sick.  On  reaching  the  Post 
I  was  sent  to  the  hospital.  I  was  in  the  hospital  about  a 
week',  and  the  longer  I  stayed  there  the  worse  I  seemed  to 
get.  I  finally  became  so  weak  I  could  not  speak  or  talk. 
The  packers  were  in  the  habit  of  coming  over  to  see  me. 
It  was  "headquarters  "  for  the  pack  train  at  Fort  Laramie. 
The  only  way  I  could  communicate  with  anyone  was  by 
writing.  One  evening  I  told  the  boys  that  if  I  stayed 
there  any  longer  it  would  kill  me  ;  that  I  wanted  to  get 
out  of  there,  or  wanted  them  to  take  me  out  and  send  me 
over  to  Cheyenne.  The  stage  left  Cheyenne  at  12  o'clock 
at  night,  and  four  of  the  packers  came  over,  took  me  out 
of  the  hospital  and  put  me  on  the  stage.  Two  of  them 
went  with  me.  Beaching  Cheyenne  about  sun-down  the 
next  day,  I  secured  accommodations  at  the  Inter- Ocean 
hotel.  The  officers  discovered  next  morning  where  I  had 
gone,  and  Gen.  Crook  telegraphed  to  the  doctor  at  Fort 
Russell  to  find  out  where  I  was  stopping,  and  to  give  me 
all  the  medical  care  he  could.  He  also,  sent  Lieut.  Clark 
there  to  see  that  I  was  taken  care  of.  But  I  saw  that 


BRIGADIER-GENERAL  WESLEY  MERRITT. 

BY    PERMISSION    OF    JOHN    F.   FINERTY. 


THE  "HEARTY  LAUGH  CURE:1  321 

I  had  not  bettered  my  condition  by  the  change  of  locality, 
and   thought   it  would  be  better  for  me  to  be  traveling. 

I  recovered  my  health  in  a  very  curious  way.  I  got 
on  the  train  at  Cheyenne  and  was  intending  to  go  to 
Ogden,  Utah.  Two  packers  and  the  doctors  were  with 
me,  and  I  was  pretty  sick.  They  had  to  carry  me  on 
board  the  cars.  I  had  not  spoken  a  word  since  leaving 
Fort  Laramie.  I  could  not  talk ;  had  lost  my  voice. 
On  the  train  were  a  lot  of  school  girls  just  coming  home 
from  school.  They  had  been  to  Denver,  and  were  going 
to  Laramie  City,  I  think.  Seeing  what  a  fuss  the  packers 
made  over  me,  bringing  me  into  the  cars,  of  course,  their 
•curiosity  was  aroused,  and  they  began  asking  questions 
to  find  out  who  I  was.  At  that  time  I  was  very  popular. 
You  could  not  pick  up  a  paper  without  seeing  my  name 
in  it.  The  conductor  told  them  who  I  was.  They  wanted 
to  see  me  and  talk  with  me  ;  wanted  to  be  introduced  to 
me.  I  could  not  talk  with  them  at  all  ;  just  had  to  lie  - 
there  and  look  at  them.  It  was  at  their  talk  and  the 
questions  they  would  ask  that  I  was  trying  to  laugh,  I 
suppose.  It  was  very  funny  to  me,  not  being  used  to 
anything  of  that  sort,  the  way  they  would  ask  questions  ; 
and  all  at  once  I  burst  out  laughing.  Just  as  soon  as 
I  got  through  that  laugh,  it  cured  me  right  up.  I  was 
weak,  but  that  was  all.  I  did  not  feel  a  bit  of  the  old 
sickness — just  weakness.  As  soon  as  I  commenced  laugh 
ing  I  could  hear  a  ringing  in  my  ears.  It  sounded  as 
if  bells  were  ringing  in  them,  and  I  found  that  I  could 
talk  just  as  well  as  I  ever  could. 

During   my  illness   the  expedition   had  been   getting 


322  THE  "HEARTY  LAUGH  CURE." 

ready  for  the  winter  campaign  against  Dull  Knife  and 
his  Cheyenne  warriors,  and  it  worried  Gen.  Crook  to 
think  that  I  was  not  able  to  go  with  the  command.  But 
getting  over  my  illness  before  I  reached  Laramie  City, 
in  the  way  I  did,  I  telegraphed  the  General  from 
Laramie  City  that  I  would  overtake  him  at  Fort  Fetter- 
man.  Stopping  at  Laramie  City  until  I  got  rested  up  and 
strength  enough  to  travel,  I  took  the  stage  at  Medicine 
Bow,  reaching  Fetterman  two  days  after  the  expedition, 
had  started  northward. 


BAPTJSTE  GAUNIER,    (LITTLE  BAT.) 


CHAPTER  XLIY. 

BATTLE    OF    THE    RED    FORK. 

[It  was  in  November,  1876,  that  reports  came  into 
headquarters  concerning  the  depredations  of  Dull  Knife 
and  his  band  of  Cheyenne  warriors  in  the  Powder  river 
country,  and  General  Crook  at  once  determined  to  give 
the  bold  chief  a  brush  that  would  quiet  him.  The  column 
thus  formed  was  made  up  of  troops  from  the  Second, 
Third,  Fourth  and  Fifth  Cavalry,  Fourth  and  Ninth. 
Artillery,  the  Ninth  and  Twenty-third  Infantry.  Scouts 
were  sent  out  in  advance  of  the  column  to  locate  the 
Cheyenne  village,  and  were  successful.  The  trail  they 
discovered  led  up  the  Crazy  Woman  and  on  to  the  Red! 
Fork  of  Powder  river,  and  General  Mackenzie,  with  alt 
the  cavalry  in  the  command,  took  this  route  to  the  village 
of  Dull  Knife  on  the  night  of  November  23d,  surprising 
and  destroying  the  hostile  camp  on  the  following  morn 
ing.  The  weather  was  terribly  cold.  Dull  Knife  and  his 
people  were  reduced  to  the  verge  of  starvation  .  through 
this  battle,  losing  everything  they  had,  even  to  the  pony 
herd,  and  it  was  not  long  (after  an  unsuccessful  attempt 
had  been  made  by  them  to  get  assistance  from  Crazy 
Horse)  before  Dull  Knife  surrendered  at  Red  Cloud 


324  BATTLE  OF  THE  RED  FORK. 

Agency.  The  warriors  of  this  band  were  afterwards  trans 
ferred  to  the  Indian  Territory,  whence  they  returned  to 
Red  Cloud  Agency,  joined  a  revolt  and  suffered  complete 
annihilation  at  the  hands  of  the  Third  Cavalry.  The  bat 
tle  on  the  Red  Fork  of  Powder  river  with  Dull  Knife 
resulted  in  the  loss  of  Lieut.  McKinney,  a  dashing  and 
brave  young  officer  (who  was  killed  while  charging  a  num 
ber  of  the  Indians  who  had  taken  shelter  in  a  coulie), 
and  six  soldiers,  besides  a  large  number  wounded.  The 
Indian  loss  was  never  definitely  ascertained,  but  conserva 
tive  estimates  placed  it  at  riot  less  than  forty.  Grouard's 
account  of  this  engagement  will  be  found  in  the  subse 
quent  pages. — AUTHOR.] 


After  we  had  taken  the  horses  and  guns  away  from 
the  Indians  at  Red  Cloud  Agency,  Gen.  Crook  had  formed 
the  idea  of  enlisting  a  lot  of  Sioux  Indians.  So  he  took 
a  great  many  of  them — some  as  soldiers  and  some  as 
scouts — for  a  three  months'  term.  It  was  a  pretty  dan 
gerous  experiment,  but  it  worked  first  rate.  The  two 
Indians  we  took  as  prisoners  in  the  Slim  Buttes  fight — 
the  ones  we  captured  in  that  cave — were  the  first  to  en 
list.  Billy  Hunter  was  interpreter.  It  didn't  take  but  a 
short  time  to  enlist  one  hundred  and  fifty-nine.  Col. 
North  joined  the  command  with  one  hundred  Pawnee 
scouts.  The  Pawnees  had  enlisted  as  scouts  for  one  year. 
The  horses  taken  away  from  the  Sioux  had  all  been  sold 
with  the  exception  of  one  hundred,  and  that  number  had 
been  saved  to  give  to  these  Pawnees,  in  addition  to  their 
pay,  The  Government  paid  the  Sioux  for  these  horses 
afterwards. 


BATTLE  OF  THE  RED  FORK.  325 

When  I  reached  Fetterman  from  Larainie  City  I  se 
cured  my  horse  and  overtook  the  command  at  Antelope 
Springs.  The  General  was  glad  to  see  me,  too.  Nothing 
of  note  happened  during  our  stop  at  the  Springs,  except 
that  a  lot  of  Shoshone  (Snake)  Indians  joined  us  at  that 
place.  There  were  something  over  one  hundred  of  them, 
swelling  the  number  of  our  Indian  scouts  to  about  five 
hundred.  The  General  concluded  to  establish  a  canton 
ment  at  this  place.  Capt.  Pollock  of  the  Ninth  Infantry 
was  put  in  command,  and  the  main  body  pulled  over  to 
Crazy  woman.  We  had  been  in  camp  but  a  short  time 
when  two  Indians  came  up  in  sight  of  the  camp.  They 
held  up  a  flag  of  truce.  I  went  out  to  meet  them,  and 
they  told  me  they  had  been  to  Lame  Deer's  camp  ;  that 
he  was  camped  down  on  the  Rosebud,  and  that  the  Chey- 
ennes  were  camped  somewhere  on  the  head  of  Powder 
river.  Indian  scouts  from  the  three  tribes  were  detailed 
to  go  in  the  direction  of  Powder  river,  for  the  purpose 

of   trying    to    locate    the    Cheyenne    camp,    the    object   in 

• 

picking  a  few  from  each  tribe  being  to  get  one  to  watch 

the  other. 

f 

Everything  being  in  readiness,  we  started  out  the 
next  morning  from  Antelope  Springs,  with  Gen.  Mackenzie 
of  the  Fourth  Cavalry  in  command.  We  marched  up 
the  Crazy  Woman  on  to  Beaver  creek,  where  it  comes 
out  of  the  mountains.  Soon  after  we  got  into  camp 
•there,  one  of  our  Indians  rode  up  the  hill  on  the  divide 
south  of  us  and  gave  the  signal  that  the  Cheyenne  camp 
had  been  discovered.  On  his  reaching  the  command,  we 
found  it  to  be  one  of  the  scouts  we  had  sent  out  the 


326  BATTLE  OF  THE  RED  FORK. 

day  before ;  that  they  had  gone  on  to  Powder  River, 
and  followed  the  stream  up  to  the  Red  Fork,  there  dis 
covering  a  fresh  sign  of  Indians  leading  towards  the  head 
or  into  the  canyon  of  the  Red  Fork.  After  following 
the  creek  about  six  miles  they  had  discovered  the  camp 
located  at  a  point  where  the  creek  leaves  the  mountains, 
in  a  little  open  valley.  Leaving  some  of  the  Indian 
scouts  to  watch  the  village,  two  of  them  returned  to  in 
form  us  that  they  had  found  it.  The  locality  being  about 
eighteen  miles  from  where  the  command  was  camped,  I 
thought  it  would  be  better  to  make  a  night  march  in 
order  to  get  there  by  daylight.  Gen.  Mackenzie  gave 
orders  for  everything  to  be  in  readiness  to  leave  our 
Crazy  Woman  camp  at  sundown. 

We  accordingly  left  just  as  the  sun  went  down,  and 
went  over  onto  the  North  Fork  of  Powder  river.  From 
there  we  passed  over  to  Red  Fork,  striking  it  about  eight 
miles  below  the  village,  then  following  up  the  creek  to 
within  two  miles  of  the  village  and  making  a  halt  there. 
Specific  orders  were  given  to  the  different  troops.  Our 
Indians  were  to  drive  off  the  horses.  I  do  not  know 
what  the  exact  orders  were.  I  did  not  pay  any  attention 
to  them.  After  the  orders  had  been  given  and  we  moved 
up  onto  the  village,  we  could  hear  the  Indian  songs  and 
tom-toms.  The  Cheyennes  were  dancing  the  scalp  dance. 
It  seems  they  had  killed  a  Crow  Indian,  and  had  been 
dancing  all  night.  When  we  came  up  in  sight  of  the 
village  there  were  a  large  number  of  Indians  between  us 
.and  the  lodges,  dancing.  They  were  so  busy  they  did 
not  notice  us  until  we  got  within  one  hundred  yards  of 


BATTLE  OF  THE  RED  FORK.  327 

them.  As  soon  as  the  Indians  saw  us  the  squaws  set  up 
a  horrible  noise  and  ran.  One  of  the  Indian  bucks  ran 
right  towards  us  with  a  gun  in  his  hand.  He  was  prob 
ably  watching  the  dance,  and  must  have  had  his  gun 
lying  beside  him,  as  he  was  in  fighting  trim  when  he  jumped 
to  his  feet.  He  ran  towards  Gen.  Mackenzie.  He  waited 
until  the  General  got  up  to  within  ten  steps  of  him,  and 
then  he  fired,  but  he  did  not  make  a  good  shot.  At  the 
same  instant  some  of  the  orderlies  who  accompanied  the 
General  (of  whom  there  were  a  good  many)  fired  on  the 
Indian,  riddling  him  with  bullets. 

Just  then  the  Indian  scouts  and  the  different  troops 
that  were  to  charge  into  the  village,  gave  a  whoop  and 
yell  and  charged,  driving  the  Indians  to  the  other  side 
of  the  village.  The  Indians  ran  into  the  ravines  and 
hills.  Of  course,  there  were  some  hand  to  hand  en 
counters  that  I  did  not  see,  but  heard  of  afterwards  ;  but 
the  Indians,  recovering  from  their  fright,  got  into  a  posi 
tion  that  it  was  hard  to  get  them  out  of,  and  returned 
our  fire  with  deadly  effect.  As  the  fight  became  general, 
one  small  party  of  Indians  got  into  a  gulch  close  to  the 
main  part  of  the  troops,  so  close  that  it  was  very  hard 
for  them  to  miss  us.  They  did  a  great  deal  of  damage, 
and  General  Mackenzie  thought  the  best  thing  to  be  done 
was  to  charge  the  Indians  and  drive  them  out  of  this 
gulch,  and  he  ordered  Lieut.  McKinney  to  charge  on 
them  and  drive  them  out,  asking  me  if  I  would  go  with 
the  troopers  and  show  them  where  the  Indians  were. 
Riding  up  to  within  about  two  hundred  yards  of  the  gulch, 
Lieut.  McKinney  gave  the  order  to  his  men  to  charge 


328  BATTLE  OF  THE  RED  FORK. 

the  gulch  where  the  Indians  were  lodged.  While  the 
charge  was  being  made  I  was  riding  alongside  of  the 
Lieutenant.  The  Indians  waited  until  we  got  within 
about  ten  yards  of  them,  when  they  fired,  their  bullets 
killing  Lieut.  McKinney,  a  sergeant  and  two  men  at  the 
first  volley. 

Seeing  there  was  no  chance  to  drive  them  out,  I 
wheeled  my  horse  and  got  in  behind  some  rocks  on  a 
hill.  Then  I  turned  my  horse  loose  and  watched  for  a 
chance  to  get  a  shot.  I  stopped  there  some  time,  and 
tried  to  get  a  chance  to  kill  some  of  them,  but  I  could 
not  get  a  shot  at  them  for  a  long  while.  The  troops 
were  firing  into  the  gulch,  and  the  Indians  soon  got  out 
of  there.  We  finally  drove  them  all  out.  They  didn't 
annoy  us  from  that  part  of  the  field  any  more.  I  shot 
Chief  Little  Wolf  myself.  He  had  been  jumping  up  on 
a  small  hill,  and  nearly  every  trooper  in  the  command 
was  shooting  at  him.  Every  time  he  dropped  to  the 
ground  the  soldiers  supposed  they  had  killed  him.  I 
could  see  by  the  way  he  dropped  that  he  had  not  been 
shot;  so  telling  Mr.  Roache  that  I  would  kill  him  when 
he  rose  up  again,  I  awaited  an  opportunity.  It  came  in 
about  ten  minutes.  As  he  jumped  to  his  feet  I  took 
quick  aim  and  pulled  the  trigger.  With  the  report  of 
my  rifle  Little  Wolf  fell  to  the  ground  and  lay  motion 
less,  his  limbs  being  spread  out  like  a  huge  frog's.  It 
was  a  dead  certainty  he  had  been  shot,  and  I  knew  that 
my  bullet  had  done  its  work.  After  we  had  driven  the 
Indians  from  that  part  of  the  field,  I  rode  over  the  ground 
where  Little  Wolf  had  fallen,  and  found  the  Cheyenne 


BATTLE  OF  THE  RED  FORK.  329 

chief's  body  lying  where  it  fell.  I  did  not  examine  it 
to  see  where  the  ball  had  struck  him,  bat  I  don't  imagine 
he  ever  knew  what  hit  him.  At  any  rate,  he  never  caused 
the  troops  any  more  trouble. 

After  the  killing  of  Little  Wolf  the  Cheyennes  drew 
back  into  the  hills,  so  that  we  were  compelled  to  deploy 
our  force  into  a  skirmish  line  in  following  them.  They 
had  sent  their  squaws  and  children  back  from  the  scene 
of  the  battle  when  the  village  was  first  jumped,  and  the 
intense  cold  told  awfully  on  the  little  children,  no  less 
than  a  dozen  babies  being  frozen  to  death  in  the  arms 
of  their  mothers.  The  Indians,  by  this  time,  had  become 
desperate,  and  while  the  skirmish  line  held  its  place  in 
front  of  the  stronghold  selected  by  the  savages,  two  of 
the  latter,  in  war-paint  and  unarmed,  came  out  in  full 
sight  of  the  command  and  walked  up  and  down  within 
twenty  paces  of  the  troops,  waving  buffalo  heads  high  in 
air  and  apparently  tempting  fate.  Every  man  in  the 
skirmish  line  was  shooting  at  these  two  savages,  includ 
ing  Big  Bat  and  myself ;  but  they  seemed  to  bear  charmed 
lives  and  left  the  field  unharmed.  Their  intention  was 
to  draw  the  fire  of  the  troops  upon  themselves  until  the 
Cheyennes  could  have  time  to  get  the  women  and  chil 
dren  far  enough  up  into  the  mountains  to  escape  danger, 
which  they  finally  did. 

During  the  fighting  toward  the  close  of  the  day,  the 
movements  of  our  Sioux  scouts  were  watched  very  closely, 
as  it  was  believed  by  a  great  many  that  they  would  not 
stay  with  the  troops  when  the  emergency  of  battle  arose. 
But  no  drilled  soldiers  ever  stood  the  test  better.  In 


330  BATTLE  OF  THE  RED  FORK. 

fact,  some  of  the  hardest  fighting  that  was  done  these 
same  Sioux  scouts  did,  and  the  wisdom  of  Gen.  Crook  in 
enlisting  them  was  established  beyond  question. 

When  it  was  at  last  determined  that  the  troops  could 
not  dislodge  the  Indians,  Gen.  Mackenzie  sent  for  me 
and  asked  me  to  go  back  to  the  wagon  train  on  Crazy 
Woman  and  inform  Gen.  Crook  of  the  situation  and  urge 
him  to  bring  up  the  infantry  at  once.  So  taking  one  of 
the  Sioux  scouts  with  me,  I  started  for  Crazy  Woman, 
reaching  there  about  2  o'clock  in  the  morning.  I  had 
gone  from  the  battlefield  directly  across  country,  and 
when  I  arrived  at  Crook's  camp  I  found  that  he  had 
left  with  the  infantry  the  night  before,  following  the  trail 
previously  taken  by  Gen.  Mackenzie.  As  I  had  had  no 
sleep  for  over  fifty  hours  I  turned  in,  and  the  next  day 
the  command  arrived  with  the  killed  and  wounded.  The 
result  of  the  battle  was  the  death  of  Lieut.  McKinney, 
as  dashing  and  brave  a  young  officer  as  there  was  in  the 
service  ;  the  killing  of  six  soldiers  and  the  wounding  of 
twenty-seven  others,  two  of  whom  were  Indian  scouts. 
There  was  no  way  of  finding  out  how  many  of  the  In 
dians  had  been  killed,  although  something  like  thirty  dead 
bodies  fell  into  our  hands.  We  killed  a  large  number 
of  the  Indian  ponies  and  drove  over  seven  hundred  others 
from  the  village  after  capturing  it. 

[In  his  book,  "On  the  Border  with  Crook,"  Capt. 
John  G.  Bourke,  speaking  of  the  dismay  and  dissatisfac 
tion  among  the  Cheyennes,  caused  by  the  appearance  of 
the  Sioux  scouts  in  the  Crook  command  during  this  battle, 
says  the  Cheyennes  told  the  Sioux  to  "Go  home — you 


BATTLE  OF  THE  RED  FORK. 

have  no  business  here ;  we  can  whip  the  white  soldiers 
-alone,  but  can't  fight  you,  too."  Addressing  themselves 
to  the  soldiers,  the  warriors  of  Dull  Knife  cried,  accord 
ing  to  the  authority  given  above,  "You  have  killed  and 
hurt  a  heap  of  our  people,  and  you  may  as  well  stay 
now  and  kill  the  rest  of  us."  It  was  undoubtedly  the 
action  of  Gen.  Crook  in  enlisting  the  Sioux  as  scouts 
that  ultimately  led  the  Cheyennes  to  enter  the  govern 
ment  service  in  the  same  capacity.  After  Dull  Knife's 
camp  had  been  wiped  out  by  Gen.  Mackenzie,  that  noted 
•chief  went  to  Crazy  Horse  for  succor  and  assistance, 
believing  that  Crazy  Horse  detested  those  of  the  Sioux 
who  had  renounced  savagery  as  heartily  as  he  (Dull 
Knife)  did  ;  but  Crazy  Horse  received  the  Cheyenne  chief's 
advances  in  the  coldest  manner,  refusing  to  have  anything 
to  do  with  him. 

The  Cheyennes  had  a  very  high  opinion  of  Crazy 
Horse,  knowing  that  he  was  an  uncompromising  foe  of 
the  whites,  and  his  treatment  of  Dull  Knife  (who  had 
gone  to  him  in  the  hour  of  dire  disaster — when  his  peo 
ple  were  on  the  verge  of  starvation  and  were  seeking  an 
asylum  of  safety)  undoubtedly  led  to  the  ill-feeling  which 
arose  between  the  Cheyenne  and  Sioux  nations,  and 
prompted  many  of  the  members  of  the  former  tribe  to 
become  government  scouts  that  they  might  the  better  re 
venge  themselves  upon  Crazy  Horse  when  the  soldiers 
directed  their  maneuvers  against  that  chief  and  his 
people. 

The  opportunity  came  soon  enough,  and  although 
Crazy  Horse's  followers  gave  up  their  arms  and  submit- 


332         .  BATTLE  OF  THE  RED  FORK. 

« 

ted  tamely  to  the  inevitable — accepted  their  lot  as  "  agency 
Indians" — the  fires  of  hatred  which  burned  within  the 
bosom  of  Crazy  Horse  were  unquenchable,  and  he  sought 
and  found  death  (never  once  uttering  a  complaint  or 
groan)  in  a  battle  where  he  stood  alone  and  single-handed 
against  an  entire  garrison.  Grouard  says  that  a  great 
many  articles  easily  identified  as  belonging  to  the  ill-fated 
Ouster  command  were  found  in  the  lodges  of  Dull  Knife's 
village,  thereby  proving  that  the  Cheyennes  were  allied 
with  the  Sioux  in  the  memorable  battle  on  the  Little  Big 
Horn  on  that  bright  June  morning  when  the  gallant 
Colonel  of  the  Seventh  and  five  of  his  heroic  troop  met 
death.  — AUTHOR.  ] 


After  burying  the  dead,  the  command  went  to  Powder 
river,  at  which  place  two  scouts  who  had  been  sent 
out  from  the  Red  Cloud  agency  three  months  previous  to 
locate,  if  possible,  the  Indian  villages,  came  in  and  re 
ported  that  Lame  Deer  and  war  party  were  on  their  way 
in  to  the  Little  Powder  river  from  the  Belle  Fourche, 
and  Gen.  Crook  at  once  started  for  that  section  to  head 
them  off. 

The  snow  was  very  deep  and  the  cold  intense.  The 
command,  failing  to  find  Lame  Deer  and  his  people,  re 
turned  to  Fort  Fetterman,  and  so  closed  the  winter  cam 
paign. 


COLONEL  GEORGE  M.  RANDALL. 

BY   PERMISSION   OF  JOHN   F.  FINERTY. 


CHAPTER   XLY. 

CALIFORNIA    JOE. 

In  the  fall  of  18T6,  after  the  battle  of  Slim  Buttes, 
I  received  orders  from  Gen.  Crook  to  hire  some  good 
man  to  drive  a  band  of  horses  from  Fort  Laramie  over 
to  the  northern  part  of  the  Black  Hills.  The  animals 
had  been  purchased  by  the  government  and  were  to  be 
sent  to  the  Fifth  Cavalry,  then  stationed  in  Dakota. 
California  Joe  was  recommended  to  me  as  just  the  man 
I  wanted.  He  was  at  Fort  Laramie  at  that  particular 
time,  so  I  went  to  Joe  and  asked  him  if  he  would  under 
take  the  journey,  and  he  said  that  he  would.  I  told  him 
to  be  ready  to  start  the  following  morning.  He  knew 
the  country  thoroughly,  and  at  the  time  designated  started 
out  with  the  horses  and  escort.  Arriving  at  his  des 
tination  he  made  arrangements  to  remain  with  the  Fifth 
Cavalry  until  its  return  to  the  Red  Cloud  Agency.  After 
reaching  the  latter  place  he  was  still  retained,  as  he  was 
found  to  be  a  good  man,  and  it  was  thought  plenty  of 
work  could  be  found  to  keep  him  busy. 

Before  I  met  him  he  had  had  some  trouble  with  a 
man  named  Thomas  iNewcomb,  but  I  knew  nothing  about 
it  when  I  hired  him.  Sometime  previous  to  the  killing 


334  CALIFORNIA  JOE. 

of  Joe,  old  man  Reshaw,  father  of  Louie  Keshaw,  had 
been  murdered  on  the  Running  Water.  The  day  follow 
ing  the  old  man's  murder,  California  Joe  happened  to  go 
'into  Fort  Robinson,  and  Newcomb  had  him  arrested, 
charging  him  with  old  man  Reshaw's  murder.  When 
Joe's  preliminary  examination  came  off,  Newcomb  swore 
that  old  man  Reshaw  had  been  killed  by  Joe ;  but  he 
had  no  evidence  to  substantiate  the  statement.  Nobody 
who  knew  Joe  believed  a  word  of  it,  and  the  actions  of 
Newcomb  made  Joe  awful  mad  ;  and  I  don't  doubt  but 
what  he  may  have  threatened  to  get  even  with  his  accuser. 
I  don't  believe,  however,  that  Joe  ever  threatened  to  kill 
Newcomb,  and  never  found  a  man  who  did  believe  it. 
Newcomb  claimed,  nevertheless,  that  he  was  constantly  in 
fear  that  Joe  would  kill  him.  When  Joe  was  employed 
at  Red  Cloud,  Newcomb  lived  near  there,  spending  most 
of  his  time  with  the  Indians.  One  morning  as  Joe  was 
coming  from  breakfast  Newcomb  hid  behind  the  building 
where  the  former  was  messing,  and  just  as  the  unsus 
pecting  scout  passed  the  corner  of  the  building,  Newcomb 
leveled  a  double-barreled  shotgun  at  him  and  pulled  the 
trigger.  The  entire  contents  of  the  gun  entered  Joe's 
body,  killing  him  instantly.  Newcomb  escaped  both  trial 
and  punishment  for  this  crime.  I  believed  at  the  time, 
and  still  think,  this  was  as  cold-blooded  a  murder  as  I 
ever  heard  of,  and  if  I  had  been  at  Robinson  when  it 
was  committed,  1  should  have  exerted  every  effort  to  have 
had  Newcomb  punished  for  the  crime. 

Joe  was  born  in  California,  and  was  justly  celebrated 
as  a  scout,  having  been  with  General  Custer  as  Chief    of 


CALIFORNIA  JOE.  335 

Scouts  for  some  time.  Caster  says,  when  he  first  knew 
him  (in  1868),  "he  was  a  man  about  forty  years  of  age, 
some  six  feet  in  height,  and  possessed  a  well  proportioned 
frame.  His  head  was  covered  with  a  luxuriant  crop  of 
hair,  almost  jet  black,  strongly  inclined  to  curl,  and  so 
long  as  to  fall  carelessly  over  his  shoulders.  His  face,  at 
least  so  much  of  it  as  was  not  concealed  by  the  long, 
waving,  brown  beard  and  moustache,  was  full  of  intelli 
gence  and  pleasant  to  look  upon.  His  eye  was  handsome, 
black  and  lustrous,  with  an  expression  of  kindness  and 
mildness  combined.  On  his  head  was  generally  to  be 
seen,  whether  awake  or  asleep,  a  huge  sombrero,  or  black 
slouch  hat.  A  soldier's  overcoat,  with  a  large  circular 
cape,  a  pair  of  trousers,  with  the  legs  tucked  in  the  top 
of  his  long  boots,  usually  constituted  the  make-up  of  the 
man  whom  I  selected  as  my  chief  scout.  He  was  known 
by  the  euphonious  title  of  California  Joe.  No  other 
name  seemed  ever  to  have  been  given  him,  and  no  other 
name  appeared  to  be  necessary." 

Grouard  states  that  Newcomb  was  a  first-class  bluffer, 
and  was  so  anxious  to  acquire  a  reputation  as  a  bad  man 
that  he  never  missed  an  opportunity  of  whipping  a  "  kid  " 
or  doing  up  some  poor,  drunken  fellow.  When  the 
spring  campaign  of  1876  opened,  Newcomb  went  along 
with  the  troops,  but  not  as  a  soldier.  At  old  Fort  Reno, 
on  the  night  when  the  command  was  fired  into  by  some 
marauding  hostiles,  Newcomb  was  regaling  the  men  with 
a  story  of  how  he  once  jumped  upon  the  back  of  a  Texas 
buffalo  and  rode  it  several  miles,  spurring  and  quirting  the 
beast  unmercifully.  Just  as  he  got  to  the  end  of  the 


336  CALIFORNIA  JOE. 

story  and  was  posing  as  one  of  the  bravest  of  all  brave 
men,  the  Indians  fired  into  the  tent  where  he  had  been 
entertaining  the  boys,  and  Newcomb  became  the  scarcest 
commodity  in  camp.  From  that  day  on  the  soldiers 
called  him  "Texas  Buffalo." 

California  Joe's  body  was  laid  to  rest  at  Bed  Cloud 
Agency.  His  untimely  end  was  universally  regretted,  for 
lie  was  as  popular  as  he  was  brave. 


»•« 


FRANK  GROUARD,  AT  30. 


CHAPTER  XLYI. 

SURRENDER  AND  DEATH  OF  CRAZY  HORSE. 

It  was  in  the  spring  of  '77  that  Crazy  Horse  sent 
an  Indian  courier  in  from  the  Ogallala  village,  between 
Tongue  and  Powder  rivers,  with  a  message  that  he  would 
allow  his  people  to  surrender  if  Lone  Star  ( Gen.  Crook) 
would  let  him  come  in  peace.  Lieut.  William  P.  Clarke, 
who  had  the  Indians  in  charge  at  Red  Cloud  Agency, 
sent  word  to  Crazy  Horse  that  if  he  would  come  in  and 
give  up  his  ponies  and  arms,  he  and  his  people  would 
not  be  harmed  in  any  way,  but  that  there  must  be  a 
clear  understanding  that  he  was  to  give  up  his  horses 
and  guns,  which  shortly  afterwards  he  did,  giving  them 
all  up  without  any  trouble. 

Shortly  after  his  surrender,  Crazy  Horse,  with  his 
principal  men,  were  enlisted  as  scouts,  so  that  we  had  a 
great  time  in  drilling  them  ;  but  it  soon  caused  dissatis 
faction  amongst  them  to  such  an  extent  that  I  thought 
it  best  to  keep  a  close  watch  over  them.  At  times  I 
went  amongst  them  dressed  up  as  an  Indian,  so  that  I 
could  keep  a  close  watch  on  all  their  movements.  Some 
times  I  would  dress  as  an  Indian  and  attend  their  coun 
cils.  Oft'  times  I  would  have  an  Indian  (in  fact,  I  had 


338  SURRENDER  AND  DEATH  OF  CRAZY  HORSE. 

an  Indian  and  a  squaw,)  bring  me  all  the  news  they 
could  get  from  the  camp.  J  heard  of  their  plot  to  kill 
Lieut.  Clarke  and  myself  and  afterwards  massacre  the 
people  at  the  Post.  Thinking  that  the  report  was 
exaggerated,  I  set  about  finding  when  the  next  Indian 
council  would  take  place.  I  thought  it  would  be  best  to 
attend  it  myself. 

It  was  a  very  secret  meeting,  so  the  Indians  sup 
posed.  It  was  held  about  midnight.  Dressing  myself  up 
as  an  Indian  I  got  on  my  horse  bareback  and  went  down 
amongst  them,  their  camp  being  situated  on  the  site 
where  Chadron,  Nebraska,  now  stands,  thirty  miles  below 
Robinson.  If  I  had  made  use  of  a  saddle,  they  would 
have  soon  found  out  who  I  was.  Tying  my  horse  in 
front  of  one  of  the  lodges,  I  went  right  through  the 
village  looking  for  the  lodge  where  the  meeting  was  to 
be  held.  After  traveling  through  the  camp  for  some  time 
I  found  the  tepi  where  they  were  to  meet.  Standing  at 
the  door  watching  the  Indians  go  into  the  lodge,  I  drew 
the  blanket  over  my  head  so  that  I  could  not  be  recog 
nized  by  any  of  them,  unless  they  should  pull  the  blanket 
off  of  me  ;  but  they  very  seldom  did  anything  like  that. 

I  took  a  back  seat  when  the  council  met  and  heard 
everything  that  was  said  ;  how  Crazy  Horse  was  to  take 
a  few  of  his  best  warriors  and  go  up  to  the  office  of 
Lieut.  Clarke  and  ask  to  have  a  friendly  council  with 
him,  as  they  wanted  to  talk  matters  of  the  tribe  over 
with  him.  Each  one  of  these  Indians  was  to  have  his 
gun  concealed  under  his  blanket,  and  at  the  given  signal, 
while  Crazy  Horse  was  making  a  speech,  he  (Crazy  Horse) 


SURRENDER  AND  DEATH  OF  CRAZY  HORSE.    339 

was  to  shoot  Lieut.  Clarke,  and  the  Indians  were  to  kill 
all  the  whites  in  the  room,  myself  included.  They  were 
to  give  secret  warning  to  all  the  other  Indians  that 
wanted  to  join  them,  so  that  they  would  be  ready  to 
massacre  all  the  whites  at  the  Post  as  soon  as  the  shoot 
ing  began.  After  listening  for  some  time  and  finding 
out  all  I  cared  to  know,  I  took  the  first  opportunity  that 
presented  itself  and  departed. 

Reaching  my  house  before  daylight,  I  turned  my 
horse  out  and  went  to  bed,  knowing  that  these  Indians 
would  be  at  my  place  about  9  o'clock.  I  knew  how 
superstitious  they  were,  and  I  thought  the  best  thing  I 
could  do  would  be  to  work  on  their  superstition,  so  I 
remained  in  bed  until  they  came  up,  which  was  about  9 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  They  knocked  at  the  door  of 
my  house,  and  the  woman  who  was  cooking  for  me  came 
and  told  me  the  Indians  wanted  to  see  me.  I  told  her 
to  send  them  in,  but  to  tell  them  I  was  sound  asleep. 
They  came  stamping  into  my  room.  I  heard  them,  but 
pretended  to  be  asleep,  and  they  thought  I  was  asleep. 
As  soon  as  they  got  in  they  began  to  talk,  telling  me  to 
get  up,  as  it  was  high  sun.  As  soon  as  they  squat  down 
on  the  floor,  I  sat  ap  and  began  to  rub  my  eyes,  as 
anyone  would  do  who  had  been  asleep,  and  commenced 
to  tell  them  what  I  had  dreamed,  and  how  it  had  scared 
me,  especially  when  I  woke  up  and  saw  them  in  my  room. 

They  asked  me  what  I  dreamed.  It  was  only  a 
dream,  I  said,  but  they  wanted  to  know  what  it  was,  so 
I  said  I  would  tell  them.  I  went  on  to  describe  their 
plot ;  the  killing  of  Clarke  and  myself  and  the  massacre 


340          SURRENDER  AND  DEATH  OF  CRAZY  HORSE, 
i 

of  the  whites  at  the  Post  afterwards.  I  described  every 
thing  just  as  I  had  heard  it  the  night  before  at  the  meet 
ing,  and  then  told  them  it  was  only  a  dream.  I  could 
see  how  their  faces  changed.  They  did  not  know  what 
to  make  of  it ;  they  never  ate  the  breakfast  prepared  for 
them,  and  it  was  the  only  time  they  ever  did  miss  a  meal 
with  me.  They  said  they  had  pressing  business  that 
morning  and  departed.  I  afterwards  informed  Lieut. 
Clarke  of  the  plot,  so  he  could  be  on  the  outlook  if  they 
tried  to  make  this  break.  I  thought  what  I  had  told 
them  would  perhaps  stop  them. 

On  the  day  set  for  the  conference  with  Clarke  at  the 
Post,  we  were  ready  to  give  Crazy  Horse  and  his  men  as 
warm  a  reception  as  they  would  want.  About  nine  o'clock 
in  the  morning  the  Ogallala  chief,  accompanied  by  twenty 
young  bucks,  came  into  the  office  in  the  headquarters 
building.  They  all  wore  their  blankets  and  had  their 
weapons  concealed  beneath  them.  They  were  not  aware 
that  the  room  adjoining  the  office  was  full  of  armed  sol 
diers,  ready  at  a  moment's  notice  to  pounce  upon  them, 
nor  that  mounted  men  had  been  stationed  all  around  the 
garrison.  I  think,  however,  that  Crazy  Horse  suspected 
we  had  got  an  inkling  of  his  intentions,  for  he  could  not 
help  but  notice  that  we  had  a  large  number  of  Indian 
scouts,  armed  to  the  teeth,  in  the  office  when  he  came  in. 

Some  of  the  young  men  with  Crazy  Horse  did  con 
siderable  talking  to  Lieut.  Clarke,  and  they  were  (accord 
ing  to  the  plot)  to  be  followed  by  Crazy  Horse  ;  but  be 
fore  the  latter  could  begin  his  speech,  which  was  to  end 
in  the  murder  of  the  Lieutenant  and  myself,  a  young 


SURRENDER  AND  DEATH  OF  CRAZY  HORSE.        241 

chief  named  Three  Bear  from  the  Cut-Off  tribe  inter 
fered.  He  was  enlisted  as  a  scout  and  was  a  warm  friend 
of  Clarke's.  He  undoubtedly  knew  of  the  plot,  as  he 
jumped  up  and  told  Crazy  Horse  if  he  wanted  to  kill 
anybody  to  kill  him,  as  he  would  not  be  permitted  to  kill 
his  (Three  Bear's)  friend ;  that  not  one  of  the  conspirators 
would  get  out  of  the  building  alive  if  they  raised  any 
trouble  ;  that  the  place  was  full  of  armed  soldiers,  ready 
to  do  their  share  of  the  killing. 

Considerable  confusion  followed  the  speech  of  Three 
Bear,  and  Crazy  Horse  did  not  seem  to  know  what  to 
do.  I  do  not  think  Crazy  Horse  was  afraid.  He  did 
not  care  for  himself,  but  hesitated  about  getting  his  com 
panions  intD  trouble  ;  for  Crazy  Horse  was  the  bravest 
man  I  ever  knew  or  met  —  white,  red  or  black.  The 
meeting  broke  up  immediately  after  this,  and  the  Indians 
went  back  to  their  camp. 

When  Gen.  Crook  heard  of  the  plot  to  assassinate 
the  whites,  he  secretly  ordered  two  more  regiments  into 
the  Post,  and  at  once  gave  orders  for  the  arrest  of 
Crazy  Horse  and  the  disarming  of  the  Indians  in  his 
village.  On  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  September  eight 
companies  with  about  four  hundred  Indian  scouts  started 
down  toward  Crazy  Horse's  village,  situated  on  the  north 
side  of  "White  Earth  creek,  six  miles  east  of  the  agency, 
so  as  to  surround  it  by  daylight ;  but  as  the  troops  were 
reaching  the  village  I  found  Crazy  Horse  had  flown. 
Hearing  of  the  intended  arrest  of  himself,  he  had  started 
out  on  horseback  for  the  Spotted  Tail  agency.  As  soon 
as  we  discovered  tthat  he  had  gone,  Three  Bear,  accom- 


342         SURRENDER  AND  DEATH  OF  CRAZY  HORSE. 

panied  by  some  of  the  Indian  scouts,  was  sent  after  him 
with  orders  to  bring  him  back.  If  he  would  not  come 
peaceably  they  were  to  bring  him  back  by  force.  As 
soon  as  Crazy  Horse  reached  Spotted  Tail  agency  he 
gave  himself  up  to  Capt.  Jesse  M.  Lee  of  the  Ninth  In 
fantry,  who  was  acting  Indian  agent  there.  The  Captain 
assured  him,  if  he  would  go  back  peaceably,  that  he  would 
not  be  put  in  the  guard  house,  so  that  he  came  back 
with  the  full  understanding  that  he  would  be  treated 
square. 

Starting  back  for  Robinson  on  the  morning  of  the 
5th,  Crazy  Horse  riding  in  the  ambulance  and  the  Indian 
scouts  acting  as  an  escort,  he  reached  Hobinson  about 
four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  Before  Capt.  Lee  had  time 
to  explain  to  the  commanding  officer  about  the  promises 
he  had  made  to  Crazy  Horse,  Lieutenant  Clarke  had  seen 
the  ambulance  arrive  at  the  Post,  and  ordered  it  driven 
in  front  of  the  guard  house,  and  had  likewise  given 
orders-  for  Crazy  Horse  to  be  locked  up  without  knowing 
anything  about  the  promise  of  Captain  Lee  to  the  chief. 
As  soon  as  I  found  out  that  he  had  given  these  orders 
for  Crazy  Horse  to  be  put  into  the  guard  house,  I  knew 
there  would  be  trouble,  as  Crazy  Horse  would  not  sub 
mit  to  go  in  peaceably  ;  that  he  would  make  a  fight  for 
it.  I  think  there  was  a  big  misunderstanding,  there  by 
Lieut.  Clarke  not  going  to  see  the  commanding  officer 
before  he  gave  these  orders ;  also  in  not  consulting  Capt. 
Lee  about  it. 

When    I    learned    what    orders    had    been    given  by 
Lieut.  Clarke  I   got  on  my  horse  and    reached    the  guard 


SURRENDER  AND  DEATH  OF  CRAZY  HORSE.          343 

house  just  as  Crazy  Horse  had  stepped  out  of  the  ambu 
lance.  By  that  time  there  were  two  or  three  hundred 
Indians  congregated  about  the  guard  house,  a  great  many 
of  them  friends  of  Crazy  Horse.  Crazy  Horse's  arms 
had  not  been  taken  from  him  ;  that  is,  he  had  his  six- 
shooter  and  knives  which  he  always  carried.  <  I  could 
tell  by  the  way  he  walked  into  the  guard  house  that  he 
did  not  know  that  he  was  to  be  placed  in  confinement. 
After  he  had  got  inside  the  building,  passed  through  the 
second  door  and  the  guard  opened  a  cell  for  him,  he 
realized  what  was  up.  Then  it  was  he  drew  both  his 
knives  and  started  for  the  outside.  An  Indian  by  the 
name  of  Little  Big  Man  was  standing  in  the  doorway 
as  Crazy  Horse  rushed  out.  Little  Big  Man  grasped 
both  of  Crazy  Horse's  wrists  as  the  chief,  reached  the 
door,  but  the  now  furious  captive  jerked  one  of  his  hands 
loose  and  dealt  Little  Big  Man  two  terrible  thrusts,  both 
wounds  being  made  in  the  latter's  arm. 

Crazy  Horse  came  through  the  outside  door  as  the 
sentinel  was  passing.  I  do  not  think  that  Crazy  Horse 
intended  to  attack  the  sentinel,  but  rather  to  kill  one  or 
more  of  the  Indians  who  were  standing  in  front  of  the 
guard  house,  for  he  made  a  lunge  at  one  of  them.  I 
did  not  see  the  death  thrust  given  Crazy  Horse,  as  it  was 
given  from  behind  the  captive,  and  I  do  not  know  whether 
it  was  dealt  by  the  sentinel  with  his  bayonet,  or  by  one 
of  the  officers  with  a  sword.  There  was  a  great  deal  of 
confusion  at  the  time.  I  could  plainly  hear  the  cartridges 
being  thrown  into  the  guns  held  in  the  hands  of  the 
Indians  who  stood  about,  and  the  click  of  gun  hammers. 


344        SURRENDER  AND  DEATH  OF  CRAZY  HOUSE. 

It  looked  very  much  as  if  we  were  about  to  have  a  general 

fight.     The    next   instant    I    saw   Crazy   Horse    turn    com- 

/ 

pletely  around  on  his  left  foot   and  fall  over  backwards. 
I  knew  he  had  been  stabbed,  but  could  not  see  who  did  it. 

I  immediately  rode  over  to  General  Bradley's  quar 
ters  and  reported  the  killing  of  Crazy  Horse  to  that  officer, 
telling  him  it  were  better  to  get  the  troops  in  quarters 
at  once,  as  a  big  row  seemed  inevitable.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  none  of  the  soldiers  standing  around  had  any 
firearms  with  them  and  were  completely  at  the  mercy  of 
the  Indians  in  case  of  an  outbreak  —  half  the  garrison 
could  have  been  killed  in  a  twinkling  had  the  Indians 
broken  loose.  But  the  counsel  of  the  older  heads  among 
the  redmen  kept  the  young  bucks  quiet  and  averted  a 
massacre. 

A  doctor  was  sent  for  and  Crazy  Horse  was  made  as 
comfortable  as  possible.  I  asked  the  man  of  medicine 
if  there  was  any  chance  for  the  chief  to  live,  and  he  said 
there  was  not  ;  that  one  of  his  kidneys  had  been  pierced  ; 
that  there  was  no  chance  of  saving  him.  Just  then 
Crazy  Horse's  father  came  up  ;  everybody  else  had  left 
him,  and  shortly  afterwards  the  Indians  all  dispersed  and 
went  back  to  the  village,  where  most  of  them  camped. 
Crazy  Horse  died  at  8  o'clock  that  evening. 

Around  the  house  where  I  was  staying  some  five  or 
six  hundred  Indians  had  gone  into  camp.  They  were 
camped  so  thick  around  my  place  I  could  hardly  get  out. 
The  commanding  officer  sent  for  me  right  after  dark, 
telling  me  I  had  better  go  down  and  stay  amongst  the 
Indians,  and  try  and  find  out  what  they  thought  of  the 


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SURRENDER  AND  DEATH  OF  CRAZY  HORSE.  345 

Crazy  Horse  affair,  and  if  there  would  be  any  outbreak, 
and  for  me  to  report  the  first  thing  I  heard  of  their  inten 
tions.  I  went  down  to  the  village.  I  visited  the  lodges, 
first  one  and  then  another.  The  whole  camp  was  talking 
about  the  killing  of  Crazy  Horse,  but  I  heard  nothing 
which  led  me  to  suppose  that  there  would  be  any  trouble. 
Everything  was  very  quiet  around  the  village  pretty  much 
all  the  time  I  was  there.  I  think  the  Indians  were  a  little 
bit  scared  themselves.  Along  about  3  o'clock  in  the 
morning  I  thought  all  the  trouble  was  over,  so  I  went 
to  bed. 

I  do  not  know  how  long  I  had  been  asleep,  when 
I  was  awakened  by  a  rapid  discharge  of  firearms.  My 
first  thought  was  that  the  troops  had  jumped  the  village  ; 
but  as  soon  as  I  got  out  of  doors  I  heard  some  of  the 
Indians  laughing  and  talking,  and  found  out  there  was 
an  eclipse  of  the  moon,  and  the  entire  village  was  shooting 
at  the  inconstant  old  girl,  trying  to  "  bring  her  back  to 
life."  As  soon  as  I  found  out  what  the  firing  was  about, 
I  reported  the  matter  to  the  commanding  officer. 

The  killing  of  Crazy  Horse  ended  most  all  of  the 
trouble  we  had  with  these  particulars  Indians  —  the 
Sioux  and  Cheyennes,  and  a  great  many  enlisted  after 
that.  There  was  no  more  trouble  until  '79.  *  That  was 
with  the  Sioux.  It  was  in  the  fall  of  '77  that  the  Indians 
were  moved  from  Red  Cloud  to  the  Missouri  river. 
The  Nez  Perces  trouble  in  1877  was  followed  two  years 
later  by  the  Miles'  campaign  against  Sitting  Bull, 
and  no  further  uprisings  occured  until  the  South  Dakota 
outbreak  in  1890. 


346        ;  SUEEENDEE  AND  DEATH  OF  CEAZY  HOESE. 

[  Captain  Bourke,  who  was  at  the  Red  Cloud  Agency 
when  Crazy  Horse  surrendered,  describes  his  meeting  with 
the  renowned  Sioux  warrior  in  his  work  u  On  the  Border 
with  Crook."  He  states  that  Crazy  Horse  took  his  first 
supper  at  the  agency  with  Grouard,  and  the  latter  invited 
the  Captain  to  go  over  to  the  former's  tepi  with  him  and 
meet  the  Sioux  Chief.  He  states  that  as  they  appoached 
the  tepi  Crazy  Horse  remained  seated  on  the  ground,  but 
that  when  Grouard  spoke  to  him  he  ''looked  up,  arose 
and  gave  me  a  hearty  grasp  of  his  hand."  The  Captain 
remembers  the  chief  "  as  a  man  who  looked  quite  young, 
not  over  thirty  years  old,  five  feet  eight  inches  high, 
lithe  and  sinewy,  with  a  scar  in  the  face.  The  expression 
of  his  face  was  one  of  quiet  dignity,  but  morose,  dogged, 
tenacious  and  melancholy.  He  behaved  with  stolidity, 
like  a  man  who  realized  he  had  to  give  in  to  Fate,  but 
would  do  so  as  sullenly  as  possible.  While  talking  to 
Frank,  his  countenance  lit  up  with  genuine  pleasure,  but 
to  all  others  he  was,  at  least  in  the  first  days  of  his 
coming  upon  the  reservation,  gloomy  and  reserved.  I 
never  heard  an  Indian,"  concludes  Captain  Bourke,  "men 
tion  his  name  save  in  terms  of  respect." 

For  generation  after  generation  the  name  of  Crazy 
Horse  had  been  handed  down  among  the  Sioux  from 
father  to  son.  This  particular  family  had  always  been 
held  in  high  esteem  by  the  redmen.  The  archives  of  the 
Sioux  nation  were  entrusted  to  and  preserved  by  it,  and 
it  was  from  the  old  father  of  Crazy  Horse  that  Grouard 
secured  the  history  (preserved  on  buckskin)  of  the  Sioux 
nation.  This  history  covered  a  period  of  over  eight  hun- 


SURRENDER  AND  DEATH  OF  CRAZY  HORSE.  347 

dred  years,  and  would  have  proved  of  incalculable  value 
to  future  historians  could  it  have  been  preserved.  Grou- 
ard  kept  these  precious  documents  after  he  regained  his 
freedom.  When  first  stationed  at  Fort  McKinney  the 
house  in  which  he  lived  was  destroyed  by  fire,  and  all  its 
contents,  except  a  dog  and  revolver,  went  up  in  smoke, 
these  documents  with  the  rest.  There  was  also  destroyed 
at  this  time,  the  scalp  cape  of  Sitting  Bull — a  ghastly 
relic  of  huge  dimensions  made  from  the  scalps  of  white 
victims  who  had  fallen  by  the  hand  of  that  crafty  old 
war  chief. 

Crazy  Horse,  like  the  other  members  of  his  family, 
was  remarkably  white  for  an  Indian,  and  many  who  met 
him  imagined  he  was  not  a  full-blooded  Sioux.  His  hair, 
which  was  a  sandy  brown,  was  unlike  any  other  man's  in 
the  tribe.  Grouard  says  the  Ogallala  chief  was  a  fine- 
looking  savage  in  1873,  when  he  first  met  him.  A  trifle 
less  than  six  feet  tall,  he  was  straight  as  an  arrow.  He 
was  naturally  spare,  and  could  stand  any  amount  of  hard 
ship.  He  was  proud  of  his  people  and  their  history,  and, 
like  Sitting  Bull,  was  opposed  to  any  and  all  intercourse 
with  the  whites. 

Grouard  says  Crazy  Horse  was  the  bravest  man  he 
ever  met.  Reserved  at  all  times,  his  counsel  was  greatly 
sought  after,  and  even  in  the  most  solemn  deliberations 
of  the  Ogallalas  he  spjke  only  through  some  chosen 
friend.  In  leadership  he  outranked  every  man  in  the 
tribe.  In  reality,  he  was  an  hereditary  chief.  His  bat 
tles  with  the  whites  proved  his  prowess,  and  the  honors 
which  he  brushed  aside  in  savagery  were  thrust  upon  him 


348  SURRENDER  AND  DEATH  OF  CRAZY  HORSE. 

by  the  "advance  guard  of  civilization."  He  possessed 
nothing  but  his  native  intelligence  and  cunning.  He  gave 
no  thought  to  the  acquisition  of  wealth,  as  that  bauble  is 
understood  by  the  savage.  He  was  a  warrior  at  all  times 
and  in  all  places,  and  he  left  the  counting  of  his  coups 
to  those  who  were  as  familiar  with  them  as  himself. 
Quick  to  act,  he  was  first  in  battle  and  shrank  from  no 
danger.  It  was  to  this  man's  tepi  that  Grouard  went  and 
found  shelter  and  protection  when  Sitting  Bull  sought  to 
destroy  him,  and  the  regard  the  two  men  had  for  each 
other  transcended  the  affection  of  brothers.  Crazy  Horse 
was  the  Napoleon  among  the  Sioux,  and  the  death-knell 
of  savagery  was  sounded  in  his  murder. 

Grouard  tells  many  interesting  anecdotes  concerning 
Crazy  Horse.  From  his  boyhood  he  was  greatly  attached 
to  Lone  Bear  and  Hump  or  the  Spotted  War  Bonnet. 
As  children  the  three  were  always  together ;  in  youth 
they  were  firm  friends  ;  in  manhood  they  were  insepara 
ble  ;  in  battle  they  fought  side  by  side.  Lone  Bear  was 
always  the  unfortunate  one  of  the  trio.  He  was  never 
known  to  enter  a  battle  but  what  he  received  a  wound. 
At  the  Phil  Kearney  massacre  he  was  so  desperately 
wounded  that  he  could  not  crawl  from  the  place  where 
he  lay,  and  through  the  awful  storm  and  bitter  cold 
weather  which  succeeded  the  battle,  Lone  Bear  was  at  the 
mercy  of  the  elements.  When  found  by  his  trusty  com 
panions,  he  was  given  all  the  care  they  ^could  shower  upon 
him  ;  but  the  poor  savage  was  beyond  human  aid,  for 
beside  his  wounds,  his  limbs  and  body  were  frozen  terri 
bly.  He  died  in  the  arms  of  Crazy  Horse  while  Hump 


SU KEEN  DEB  AND  DEATH  OF  CRAZY  HOUSE.  349 

stood  by,  weeping.  Thus  the  trinity  of  savage  love  was 
shattered,  and  Lone  Bear  was  laid  away  to  rest.  That 
was  in  1866. 

During  the  year  1873  twelve  Ogallala  Sioux,  among 
whom  were  Crazy  Horse  and  Hump,  to  revenge  them 
selves  upon  the  Shoshones  for  some  injury  inflicted,  went 
to  the  camp  of  the  latter  on  the  Wind  River  reservation, 
and  in  the  darkness  fired  into  a  tepi,  killing  several  of 
Chief  Washakie's  braves.  A  running  battle  resulted,  the 
Sioux  making  a  determined  stand  and  desperate  fight  on 
Badwater  creek,  many  miles  from  the  scene  of  the  res 
ervation  killing.  Here  Hump  was  killed,  and  the  Sioux 
said  that  Crazy  Horse  was  beside  himself  with  grief 
and  rage.  He  fought  like  an  enraged  bear,  rescuing  the 
body  of  his  friend  and  placing  it  on  the  back  of  his 
own  horse  while  he  fought.  He  gave  the  bridle  rein 
to  one  of  his  own  tribe  and  sent  him  toward  the  Ogallala 
village  with  Hump's  body,  while  he,  in  desperation,  ran 
in  among  the  pursuing  Shoshones,  and  with  his  quirt, 
put  them  to  flight.  From  that  very  hour,  said  his  nearest 
friends,  Crazy  Horse  sought  death. 

He  had  a  superstitious  belief  —  an  abiding  faith  — 
that  he  would  never  be  killed  by  a  bullet,  and  this 
encouraged  him  in  all  his  conflicts,  whether  with  oppos 
ing  tribes  or  the  whites.  He  had  no  desire  to  live,  his 
two  friends  having  passed  to  the  Great  Beyond ;  and 
he  wooed  death  at  all  times.  He  avowed  this  on  many 
occasions  to  his  intimate  friends. 

Grouard  relates  a  touching  instance  of  the  Ogallala 
chief 's  parental  affection.  Crazy  Horse  had  but  one  child 


350  SUREENDER  AND  DEATH  OF  CRAZY  HORSE. 

— a  little  girl  about  four  years  of  age — whom,  in  his 
savage  way,  he  idolized.  While  the  village  was  located 
between  the  Little  Big  Horn  and  the  Kosebud,  in  1873, 
the  chief  went  out  with  a  war  party  against  the  Crows. 
In  his  absence  the  little  girl  was  taken  sick  and  died. 
The  camp  was  moved  from  the  valley  of  the  Little  Big 
Horn  toward  the  Little  Missouri  on  Tongue  river  be 
fore  the  Ogallala  warriors  returned.  When  Crazy  Horse 
learned  of  the  death  of  his  child  his  grief,  Grouard  says, 
was  pathetic.  The  child  's  body  was  buried  seventy  miles 
from  the  place  where  the  Sioux  camp  was  then  located, 
and  large  parties  of  warring  Crows  infested  the  inter 
vening  country.  But  Crazy  Horse  had  determined  to 
visit  the  grave  of  his  loved  little  girl,  and  he  asked 
Grouard  to  accompany  him.  It  took  them  two  days  to 
reach  the  place  of  sepulchre.  Crazy  Horse  asked  Grouard 
to  select  a  site  for  a  camp  while  he  visited  the  grave 
of  his  child.  He  went  alone  to  the  raised  bier  (or  plat 
form  on  which  the  body  had  been  placed),  crawled  up 
beside  the  little  girl's  remains,  and  there  stayed  for 
three  days  and  nights  mourning  for  the  departed  one. 
On  the  morning  of  the  fourth  day,  Grouard  says,  Crazy 
Horse  woke  him  at  sunrise  and  told  him  he  was  ready 
to  depart.  Not  a  mouthful  of  food  or  drop  of  water 
had  passed  that  father's  lips  during  those  three  awful 
days  and  nights  of  mourning,  and  he  rode  back  to  his 
people  and  desolate  tepi  with  a  heavy  heart  but  stolid 
face.  None  of  the  tribe  knew  where  he  had  been,  and 
he  never  whispered  the  object  of  his  errand. 

More  than   a    month   before    his    tragic    end,    he  told 


CO 

K 

CO 

O 

> 

a 
c 


-is 

* 


SURRENDER  AND  DEATH  OF  CRAZY  HORSE.         351 

Grouard  he  was  looking  for  death,  and  believed  it 
would  soon  come  to  him.  He  had  a  dream,  and  the 
vision  to  him  was  pregnant  with  promise  of  eternal 
quietude.  He  said  he  thought  he  stood  upon  some  lofty 
height  and  saw  a  mighty  eagle  soaring  far  above  him. 
He  watched  it  as  it  floated  in  the  quiet  sky,  and  pres 
ently  it  seemed  to  fold  its  wings  and  fall.  The  eagle's 
body  anchored  at  his  feet,  and  when  he  looked  upon  it, 
lo!  it  was  himself.  An  arrow  had  pierced  its  body,  and 
its  life  was  gone.  Only  a  little  month,  and  the  mighty 
chief  had  found  the  peace  his  soul  had  thirsted  for  so 
long.  A  hasty  thrust  with  a  sword  or  bay6net  —  it 
makes  no  difference,  now,  which  —  and  Crazy  Horse  was 
no  more.  In  the  hour  when  death  found  him,  he  lay 
with  his  head  pillowed  upon  his  father's  breast,  lost  to 
all  thought  of  fear  in  his  approaching  dissolution  and 
happy  in  the  contemplation  that  the  spirits  of  those  he 
loved  were  awaiting  his  coming  to  the  far-off  Happy  Land. 

What,  may  I  ask,  is  more  pathetic  or  better  suited 
to  this  closing  scene,  than  the  words  of  Touch-the-Cloud, 
chief  of  the  Sans  Arcs,  who,  bending  over  the  body  of 
Crazy  Horse  and  laying  his  hand  upon  the  chieftain's 
breast  as  his  warrior  spirit  took  its  flight,  said : 

"It  is  well.  He  has  looked  for  death  and  it 
has  come." — AUTHOR  ] 


CHAPTER    XLVII. 


AFTER    HORSE   THIEVES    AND    HOLDUPS. 

The  fall  of  1876  and  the  three  years  following  were 
noteworthy  on  account  of  the  wholesale  thieving  that  was 
going  on  in  the  territories.  It  just  seemed  as  if  all  the 
thieves  in  the  universe  had  been  turned  loose  in  Ne 
braska,  Wyoming,  Oregon,  Idaho,  Montana  and  Dakota. 
They  had  no  regard  for  property  or  human  life,  and  were, 
in  my  opinion,  infinitely  worse  than  the  Indians  ever  were. 
Among  the  more  notorious  characters  who  infested  the 
great  west  in  the  years  referred  to  were  the  James  boys 
-Jesse  and  Frank  —  and  their  gang;  Billy  the  Kid, 
Cully,  Bill  Zimmerman,  Tom  Reece,  Phoenix,  Odell,  Jerry 
Overholt,  Madison,  Dutch  Henry,  Black  Hank,  Persimmon 
Bill,  Jack  Campbell,  Herman  Leslie,  Bill  Evans,  Teton 
Jackson,  McGloskey  and  Big  Nosed  George. 

These  men  were  leaders  and  had  a  following  that 
was  truly  surprising.  They  stole  from  the  settlers,  they 
robbed  the  passengers  on  stages,  they  rifled  the  mail 
bags  and  money  chests  on  overland  routes,  held  up  trains 
on  the  Union  Pacific,  looted  stores,  run  off  Indian  ponies, 
and,  very  often,  shot  or  hanged  their  victims.  They  kept 
the  entire  country  in  an  uproar,  and  terrorized  the  settlers 


SPOTTED  TAIL. 


AFTER  HORSE  THIEVES  AND  HOLDUPS.  353 

to  such  an  extent  that  one-half  the  robberies  committed 
by  them  were  never  made  known.  They  had  their  spies 
and  agents  at  all  points,  even  at  the  government  posts 
and  agencies,  and  at  last  the  United  States  authorities 
were  compelled  to  call  into  requisition  the  troops  to  sup 
press  them. 

During  the  year  1877  my  orders  kept  me  swinging 
like  a  pendulum  between  the  Red  Cloud  and  Spotted 
Tail  Agencies,  and  Forts  Laramie,  Robinson,  Fetterman, 
Reno  (McKinney)  and  Sheridan,  now  being  on  the  trail 
of  some  horse-stealing  gang,  and  then  trying  to  locate  a 
holdup  outfit. 

On  one  occasion  in  187^  the  thieves  stole  about  one 
hundred  ponies  from  the  Indians  at  Spotted  Tail  Agency. 
From  the  number  of  horses  taken  I  thought  the  thieves 
were  in  such  force  that  I  took  a  detachment  (M  troop 
of  the  Third  Cavalry)  from  the  Spotted  Tail  Agency  and 
followed  them.  We  struck  the  tracks  of  the  ponies  lead 
ing  toAvardfi  the  Black  Hills.  They  were  very  easy  to 
follow,  being  so  many  of  them.  We  gained  on  them 
very  fast,  and  overtook  them  the  next  day  on  the  Chey 
enne  river,  right  where  Edgemont,  S.  D.,  stands  at  the 
present  time.  When  I  first  discovered  the  thieves  they 
were  cooking  their  dinner.  They  had  turned  the  ponies 
out  across  the  creek,  with  the  exception  of  one  or  two. 
These  they  kept  in  the  vicinity  of  the  fire  where  they 
were  preparing  their  meal.  Getting  as  close  to  them  as 
I  could  without  being  seen  and  riding  in  between  them 
.and  the  ponies,  we  captured  the  herd  without  any  trouble. 

But    while  I  was    looking    after    the   ponies    three  of 


354  AFTER  HORSE  THIEVES  AND  HOLDUPS. 

my  men  had  ridden  up  to 'where  the  horse  thieves  were. 
The  first  thing  I  heard  were  three  or  four  shots  fired, 
and  two  of  the  soldiers  came  riding  back  to  me  halloo 
ing  that  one  of  my  men  was  shot  and  killed.  There 
were  four  of  the  horse  thieves,  and  before  I  could  reach 
the  place  where  the  shooting  occurred,  two  of  them  had 
jumped  on  their  ponies  and  started  toward  the  Hills. 
The  other  two,  as  soon  as  they  saw  me  riding  toward 
them,  commenced  to  fire  at  me.  That  made  me  so  hot 
that  I  did  not  ask  them  to  surrender,  but  commenced  to 
fire  at  them,  killing  one  and  capturing  the  other  without 
any  trouble.  They  had  got  me  so  angry  I  did  not  stop 
to  think.  I  knew  we  did  not  want  to  be  bothered  with 
them  ;  so  I  put  the  captured  thief  on  his  horse,  tied  one 
end  of  a  rope  to  the  limb  of  a  tree,  the  other  end  around 
his  neck,  and  drove  the  horse  out  from  under  him.  Did 
not  even  stop  to  look  back,  but  gathered  up  the  ponies 
and  started  for  the  agency.  I  heard  four  or  five  days 
afterward  of  a  man  hanging  to  a  tree,  and  suppose'  he 
was  the  man  I  had  swung  up ;  but  he  gave  me  good 
cause  to  do  what  1  did.  If  he  had  not  killed  one  of 
the  men  who  were  with  me  I  should  have  turned  him 
loose,  and  his  partner  would  never  have  been  shot  if  he 
had  not  helped  to  kill  one  of  my  men. 

It  is  hard  to  tell  how  many  thieves  I  did  capture 
that  year,  but  there  were  a  great  many.  *  When  I 
started  after  them  I  most  generally  got  them.  It  was 
in  1877  that  the  road  agents  began  to  hold  up  the  Black 
Hills  stage,  and  I  was  sent  out  from  Fort  Laramie  to 
assist  in  capturing  some  "gentlemen  of  the  road."  It 


AFTER  HORSE  THIEVES  AND  *HOLDUPS.  355 


was  near  Fort  Laramie  in  the  fall  of  1876,  for  the 
second  time  in  my  life,  I  came  in  contact  with  the  noted 
Bill  Bevins.  lie  had  left  Cheyenne  and  made  his  way 
over  to  Running  Water.  On  his  way  he  had  stolen  a 
number  of  horses  some  time  during  the  night.  I  started 
out  after  the  thieves,  overtaking  them  on  Running  Water. 
I  took  the  stolen  horses  away  from  them,  but  while  doing 
so  Bevins  had  recognized  me  and  told  me  he  would  drop 
the  horses  if  I  would  hold  off,  which  I  was  willing  to  do 
on  account  of  his  being  so  friendly  to  me  in  my  boyhood 
when  I  met  him  at  Helena  years  before.  So,  taking  the 
horses,  I  turned  them  back  to  the  owners,  saying  that  I 
could  not  catch  the  horse  thieves  ;  that  they  had  dropped 
the  horses  when  they  saw  me  coining  and  had  made  off 
to  the  hills. 

Two  clays  afterward  the  stage  was  held  up  at  the 
government  farm  on  the  Platte  river.  I  was  sent  out  to 
trace  -the  robbers  up,  which  I  did,  catching  four  of  them 
before  sun-down.  From  that  on  until  the  latter  part  of 
1877,  I  was  kept  very  busy  after  these-  road  agents,  and 
I  caught  a  good  many  of  them,  but  as  I  never  kept  a 
record  I  cannot  give  their  names  or  the  number.  Some 
of  them  were  turned  loose,  and  some  were  sent  to  the 
penitentiary.  I  followed  two  of  these  gentlemen  on 
horseback  from  Bull's  Bend,  on  the  Platte,  to^  Green 
River,  a  trifle  over  three  hundred  miles,  catching  them 
just  as  they  were  sitting  down  to  breakfast.  I  was  at 
the  breaking  up  of  these  gangs,  and  I  did  everything 
in  my  power  to  help  capture  all  the  horse  thieves  that 
were  in  the  northern  country.  Kept  me  busy  until  I 


356  AFTFR  HORSE  THIEVES  AND  HOLDUPS. 

was  ordered  to  Fort  Reno  in  December,  1877  ;  but  I 
remained  at  Red  Cloud  agency  until  the  Indians  were 
moved  from  there  over  to  the  Missouri  river.  Right 
after  the  removal  of  the  Indians  I  started  for  Fort  Mc- 
Kinney  (old  Fort  Reno,  on  the  Powder  river),  reaching 
there  about  the  first  of  January,  1878.  I  had  not  been 
there  but  a  short  time  before  I  found  there  was  a  big 
gang  of  horse  thieves  in  that  locality.  They  had  a  reg 
ular  trail  running  through  Wyoming,  from  Oregon  to 
Minnesota.  They  were  stationed  at  points  all  along  the 
line,  so  it  made  it  hard  to  catch  them,  as  there  was 
always  a  different  party  stealing  horses  along  the  road. 

These  parties  had  stolen  some  horses  from  the  beef 
contractor  at  the  Post,  and  I  was  informed  of  it.  The 
next  morning  in  going  up  to  where  they  had  stolen  the 
horses,  I  found  their  tracks  and  followed  them  up.  The 
tracks  led  toward  the  Black  Hills.  Thinking  that  I 
could  soon  overtake  the  thieves,  I  started  out  without 
any  provisions  or  preparation.  After  following  them 
about  twenty  miles,  I  saw  that  I  would  have  to  make  a 

V  / 

long  ride  to  overtake  them,  which  I  did,  following  them 
some  four  hundred  miles  without  catching  up  with  the 
band,  but  capturing  one  of  their  number  who  had 
turned  the  stolen  horses  over  to  some  confederates.  I 
caught  this  one  big  fellow,  and,  working  on  his  fears, 
made  him  believe  I  was  going  to  hang  him.  Then  he 
gave  everything  away,  which  was  the  means,  later  on, 
of  capturing  the  whole  gang,  or  nearly  all  of  them. 
Anyway,  twenty-eight  thieves  was  about  the  number  we 
got.  We  had  no  difficulty  in  getting  this  gang  of  horse 


AFTER  HORSE  THIEVES  AND  HOLDUPS. 


357 


thieves  after  we  had  them  located.  Every  one  of  the 
party  was  sent  to  the  penitentiary,  their  sentences  rang 
ing  from  fourteen  to  thirty  years.  They  did  not  "give  us 
any  trouble  after  that. 


CHAPTER    XLVIII. 


CAUGHT     IN     A     BLIZZARD. 

On  my  return  to  McKinney,  Captain  Edmund  (com 
mander  at  that  Post)  informed  me  that  he  had  orders 
to  take  his  command,  composed  of  three  companies  of 
cavalry  and  four  of  infantry,  down  on  the  Belle  Fourche. 
There  was  a  rumor  that  some  of  Lone  Deer's  band  were 
making  their  way  up  from  there  into  the  Little  Powder 
river  country.  We  were  to  march  down  the  Belle  Fourche 
and  intercept  them,  if  possible.  So  taking  three  com 
panies  of  cavalry  and  two  of  infantry  we  started  for  the 
Belle  Fourche.  This  march  was  what  is  known  in  army 
circles  as  "  Pollock's  Sage  Brush  Expedition."  Reaching 
the  forks  of  the  Belle  Fourche  and  searching  the  lower 
country,  I  failed  to  find  any  trace  of  the  Indians,  and  was 
perfectly  satisfied  that  there  were  none  in  that  part  of 
the  country,  and  I  reported  to  Captain  Pollock  to  that 
effect.  The  command  was  then  ordered  back  to  the  Post. 
Next  morning,  just  as  we  were  packing  up  to  start,  it  com 
menced  snowing,  but  not  hard  enough  to  delay  our  trav- 

« 

eling.     On  the  way  back  to  McKinney,  I  informed  Captain 
Pollock  that  there  was   a  short  cut   across  the  country  to 


CAUGHT  IN  A  BLIZZARD.  -  359 

the  Post  if  he  desired  to  take  it.  It  would  save  a  great 
deal  of  hard  travel  and  get  us  to  McKinney  between  3 
and  4:  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  we  started. 
The  Captain  decided  to  take  this  cut-off  trail.  v  He  sent 
the  wagon  train  by  the  old  road,  however,  and  it  was  two 
days  getting  into  quarters,  it  having  to  travel  a  consider 
able  number  of  miles  more  than  was  traversed  by  the 
command  to  reach  the  same  destination. 

After  we  got  out  on  the  prairie  some  eight  or  ten 
miles,  the  snowstorm  changed  into  one  of  the  hardest 
blizzards,  or  as  hard  a  one,  as  I  erer  saw.  It  made  it 
very  severe  traveling  for  us.  After  we  had  been  traveling 
for  about  an  hour,  a  young  officer  who  had  just  come 
from  West  Point  (he  was  the  engiiieer  of  the  expedition) 
came  dashing  up  to  me,  telling  me  we  were  traveling 
around  in  a  circle.  He  spoke  so  loud  that  a  great  many 
of  the  officers  and  men  heard  him,  but  I  merely  told 
him  to  go  back  and  attend  to  his  part  of  the  business, 
which  of  course,  quieted  the  men  down.  I  suppose  he 
got  turned  around,  as  nearly  everybody  else  had.  All 
the  old  officers  had  the  good  sense  to  keep  still.  On 
account  of  the  wind  changing,  I  could  hardly  see  my 
horse's  head  in  front  of  me.  About  half  an  hour  after 
his  first  visit,  the  young  engineer  came  riding  up  to  me 
again,  and  by  that  time  the  whole  company  had  the 
same  idea  he  had  —  that  we  were  traveling  around  in  a 
circle.  After  delivering  himself  of  the  same  speech  he 
had  made  before  about  our  traveling  in  a  circle,  I  made 
the  remark  to  him  that  if  he  was  taking  this  command 
through  I  would  go  back  and  stay  in  the  rear  of  the 


360  CAUGHT  IN  A  BLIZZARD. 

column,  and  he  could  lead.  He  said  he  was  not  the 
pilot.  I  told  him  if  he  was  not  to  go  back  and  stay 
where  he  belonged,  for  one  of  us  would  have  to  take  the 
lead. 

I  then  told  Captain  Pollock  if  he  did  not  make  that 
man  go  back  and  stay  in  his  place,  I  would  stop  where 
I  was.  All  the  command  had  overheard  this  talk,  and  I 
do  not  think  I  exaggerate  it  a  little  bit  when  I  say 
that  half  of  them  were  sitting  on  their  horses  crying, 
thinking  they  were  lost.  Captain  Pollock  was  the 
only  one  in  the  command  who  did  not  think  so.  He  had 
all  the  confidence  in  the  world  in  me,  and  I  had  con 
fidence  in  myself,  if  I  was  not  bothered.  At  the  same 
time  I  was  satisfied  that  if  the  command  got  turned 
around  and  we  happened  to  miss  the  trail  between  the 
two  Pumpkin  Buttes  every  last  one  of  them  would  be 
frozen  to  death.  When  I  saw  the  men  crying  I  told 
them  to  have  a  little  more  courage  and  confidence,  as  I 
would  take  them  through  all  right.  I  tried  to  encourage 
them  as  much  as  I  could.  I  think  every  man  who  was 
in  that  command  will  acknowledge  today,  if  living,  that 
it  was  one  of  the  hardest  marches  they  ever  made.  I 
went  right  on  through  the  blinding  storm.  Not  a  word 
was  spoken  further  by  any  one.  At  least  I  could  not 
have  heard  it  if  there  was,  on  account  of  the  noise  of 
the  storm.  It  was  just  3  o'clock  when  I  reached  the 
trail  leading  through  the  buttes  arid  went  down  the  pass. 
The  storm  cleared  up  as  soon  as  we  got  through  the 
forest,  and  I  knew  we  were  but  a  short  distance  from 
the  Post.  I  never  saw  a  lot  of  men  more  tickled  than 


CAUGHT  IN  A  BLIZZARD.  361 

the  soldiers  in  that  command  were.  Some  of  them  pulled 
me  off  my  horse,  carrying  me  around  on  their  backs  for 
a  little  while.  They  were  almost  crazy  with  thankfulness 
that  they  had  got  through  all  right.  They  all  realized 
that  if  we  had  missed  the  trail  we  would  surely  have 
perished  in  the  storm  that  had  overtaken  us.  I  do  not 
think  I  went  two  hundred  yards  out  of  the  way  at  any 
time  during  the  march;  but  I  knew  the  country  perfectly, 
and  it  was  next  to  impossible  for  me  to  have  lost  my 
bearings  under  any  circumstances. 


CHAPTER   XLTX. 

THE    NEZ    PERCES    WAR. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1878  I  was  ordered  to  join 
Gen.  Merritt's  command.  He  had  been  ordered  up  on 
Clear  creek,  or  up  in  that  country.  I  kept  a  lookout  for 
Indians,  but  there  was  nothing  of  note  happened  from 
the  fore  part  of  the  summer  up  to  the  first  of  Septem 
ber.  I  had  taken  some  dispatches  down  to  Fort  McKin- 
ney  (Reno),  and  while  there  dispatches  came  in  ordering 
Gen.  Merritt's  command  to  the  Wind  river  country  to  in 
tercept  Chief  Joseph  and  his  band,  who  were  said  to 
have  left  Idaho  and  were  on  their  way  through  the  Na 
tional  Park,  headed  for  the  Big  Horn  mountains. 

I  left  the  Post  about  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening, 
reaching  Gen.  Merritt's  command  at  three  o'clock  on 
the  morning  of  the  third  of  September.  The  General 
immediately  gave  orders,  after  receiving  the  dispatches, 
for  the  command  to  move,  ordering  me  to  take  the  scouts 
(I  had  twenty-six  of  them),  with  Lieut.  Cherry  of  the 
Third  Cavalry  and  a  detail  of  twenty  men,  and  start  out 
to  find  the  trail  of  Chief  Joseph,  or  to  locate  his  camp. 
Gen.  Merritt  was  to  follow  up  our  trail  until  he  reached 


OLD  CROW. 


THE  NEZ  PERCES  WAR.  3G3 

the    Big    Horn    river ;    then,   if    riot    hearing    from    us,   he 
would  proceed  to  Fort  Washakie. 

We  left  the  command  about  nine  o'clock  the  next 
morning.  As  we  started  out  it  commenced  to  rain  and 
snow.  The  storm  kept  up  until  the  next  day  about  noon, 
so  that  we  had  a  big  snowstorm  to  travel  through.  It 
made  it  a  little  hard  for  us  to  cross  the  mountain,  as  the 
snow  fell  to  the  depth  of  over  a  foot,  and  Gen.  Merritt 
was  unable  to  follow  up  our  trail,  which  the  snow  cov_ 
ered.  Reaching  the  Big  Horn  river  on  the  third  day  out, 
and  starting  to  cross  at  the  old  bridge  crossing,  and  not 
finding  any  signs  of  the  Indians,  we  struck  out  in  a 
northerly  direction  until  we  reached  Clarke's  Fork,  there 
finding  the  place  where  Chief  Joseph  and  his  band  of 
Nez  Perces  had  camped  the  night  previous.  The  hostiles 
had  left  there  early  in  the  morning  ;  but  as  our  horses 
were  completely  tired  out  we  concluded  it  was  no  use  to 
follow  them  ;  besides  there  was  too  large  a  party  for  us 
to  tackle.  We  therefore  started  south  to  overtake  the 
command  before  it  reached  Fort  Washakie. 


[  The  Nez  Perces  war  was  the  direct  result  of  double 
dealing  on  the  part  of  the  government  with  this  tribe  of 
Indians.  In  1855  certain  lands  had  been  secured  to 
Chief  Joseph  and  his  people  in  the  Idaho  valleys.  The 
Nez  Perces  were  a  very  intelligent  and  industrious  people, 
and  their  fine  farms  and  prosperity  aroused  the  cupidity 
of  a  certain  class  among  the  whites,  finally  leading  to 
the  making  of  a  new  treaty  in  1863,  which  did  not  re- 


364  THE  NEZ  PERCES  WAR. 

ceive  the  sanction  of  one  half  the  tribe.  This  treaty  ex 
cluded  from  their  original  reservation  the  rich  valleys  of 
the  Lapwai  and  Wallowa.  The  Indians  were  very  loth 
to  give  up  this  stretch  of  rich  country,  and  a  very  bitter 
feeling  was  engendered  between  them  and  the  whites 
who  insisted  upon  settling  in  the  valleys  named.  This 
feeling  was  greatly  augmented  in  1875,  when  one  of  the 
Nez  Perces  was  killed  by  the  whites  during  a  dispute 
over  stock,  and  an  uprising  was  averted  then  only  by  the 
intervention  of  the  military. 

The  question  of  the  ownership  of  the  lands  in  the 
Lapwai  and  Wallowa  valleys  was  now  agitated  anew,  and 
commissioners  were  sent  out  from  Washington  to 
decide  the  matter.  As  in  every  other  case  of  a  similar 
nature,  the  Indians  weie  given  the  worst  of  it,  and  in 
the  spring  of  1877  they  were  forced  to  give  up  their 
homes  in  the  valleys  which  the  whites  demanded.  This 
led  to  an  open  breach  in  the  month  of  June,  when  three 
white  men  were  killed  by  the  Nez  Perces.  Gen.  Howard 
sent  troops  to  the  scene  of  trouble,  who  found  Chief 
Joseph  and  a  band  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  warriors 
ready  for  battle  at  White  Bird  Canyon,  where  the  first 
engagement  occurred.  Lieut.  Theller  and  thirty  soldiers 
were  killed  in  this  battle,  and  the  success  of  the  Nez 
Perces  encouraged  them  to  continue  the  struggle. 

Gen.  Howard,  reinforced,  took  the  field,  and  then  be 
gan  one  of  the  most  remarkable  Indian  campaigns  known 
to  history.  Looking  Glass,  one  of  the  head  men  of  the 
Nez  Perces  nation,  had  declared  himself  and  band  of  one 
hundred  warriors  friendly  and  neutral,  but  fears  were 


THE  NEZ  PERCES  WAR.  365 

entertained  that  lie  would  not  remain  so,  and  orders  were 
given  to  thoroughly  and  completely  disarm  him  and  his 
people.  In  the  attempt  to  do  this,  the  troops  killed 
several  of  Looking  Glass'  men  (who  were  totally  unpre 
pared  for  trouble),  destroyed  the  camp  and  drove  off 
over  seven  hundred  head  of  ponies.  For  this  atrocity, 
all  the  Looking  Glass  Indians  who  had  been  friendly 
toward  the  whites,  joined  Chief  Joseph  and  remained 
with  him  until  the  end  at  Bear  Paw  mountain. 

From  the  date  of  the  battle  with  Looking  Glass 
(June  27th)  up  to  the  llth  of  July  the  Nez  Perces  made 
matters  interesting  for  the  troopers,  and  on  the  llth 
day  of  July  Gen.  Howard,  with  four  hundred  men,  found 
Chief  Joseph  on  the  Clearwater  ( whero  Looking  Glass 
had  been  camped  in  June,  with  some  two  hundred  and 
fifty  warriors,  and  a  pitched  battle  ensued  and  lasted  for 
two  days,  the  Nez  Perces  ( having  their  families  with 
them)  finally  drawing  off  and  abandoning  lodges  and 
other  property.  The  Indian  loss  amounted  to  over  a 
score  killed  and  as  many  wounded.  Gen.  "Howard  lost 
thirteen  men  and  had  twice  that  number  wounded  to 
care  for. 

The  Indians  were  pursued  over  the  Salmon  river, 
through  the  Lolo  valley  and  into  the  Bitter  Root  moun 
tains.  Gen.  Gibbon,  then  at  Helena,  mounted  his  in 
fantry  and  with  what  soldiers  he  could  get  from  the 
Second  Cavalry  at  Fort  Ellis,  started  out  to  meet  Chief 
Joseph.  On  the  9th  of  August  the  two  forces  met  in 
the  valley  of  the  Big  Hole  and  a  desperate  battle  was 
waged  for  two  days,  the  soldiers  sustaining  a  loss  of 


366  THE  NEZ  PE11CES  WAE. 

twenty-nine  and  the  Indians  twenty.  From  this  point 
the  Nez  Perces  passed  on  to  the  National  Park,  followed 
the  entire  way  by  the  troops.  The  route  taken  by  the 
Indians  led  them  down  the  Clarke's  Fork  plains,  and  here 
Gen.  Sturgis  (with  six  companies  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry) 
was  waiting  to  intercept  them.  But  receiving  information 
that  the  Nez  Perces  were  coming  down  the  Stinking- 
water  pass,  Sturgis  moved  his  command  to  that  point, 
and,  the  day  following,  Chief  Joseph  and  his  people 
made  camp  near  where  the  Seventh  Cavalry  had  been  in 
waiting.  On  the  12th  of  September  the  Indians  crossed 
the  Yellowstone,  the  next  day  passing  up  Canyon  creek 
and  made  for  Crow  Island,  on  the  Missouri,  closely 
pursued  by  Sturgis. 

Gen.  Miles  had  been  apprised  by  Gen.  Howard 
of  the  coming  of  Chief  Joseph,  and  Miles  lost  no  time 
in  getting  a  force  together  (two  troops  of  the  Seventh 
Cavalry  and  mounted  three  companies  of  the  Ffth  In 
fantry)  and  going  in  hot  haste  toward  the  British  line 
to  head  off  the  fleeing  Indians,  being  reinforced  on  his 
way  by  the  Ellis  battalion.  On  the  evening  of  the  29th 
of  September,  Miles  located  the  hostiles  on  a  creek  bot 
tom  at  the  foot  of  the  Bear  Paw  mountains,  and  the  next 
day  made  an  attack  upon  the  camp.  The  siege  which 
ensued  lasted  four  days,  the  Indians  surrendering  at  the 
end  of  that  time.  Among  their  dead  was  Chief  Looking 
Glass,  who  had  been  killed  during  the  first  day's  en 
gagement.  The  Indian  loss  amounted  to  over  two  score 
warriors,  while  the  soldiers  had  Captain  Owen  Hale, 
Seventh  Cavalry,  and  Lieutenant  Biddle  and  twenty-two 


THE  NEZ  PEECES  WAE.  367 

enlisted  men  to  add  to  their  loss.  The  Nez  Perces  pris 
oners  were  sent  to  the  Indian  territory,  where  their  ranks 
were  soon  thinned  by  death.  Some  few  of  the  band 
escaped  to  the  British  possessions  and  surrendered  in 
1881,  and  were  afterward  sent  to  the  Indian  territory, 
but  very  few  ever  getting  back  to  their  former  homes 
in  Idaho. 

E.  S.  Topping,  in  his  very  interesting  book  entitled 
'•Chronicles  of  the  Yellowstone,"  pays  this  high  tribute 
to  the  Nez  Perces  : 

"So  closed  a  remarkable  campaign,  in  which  Joseph 
figures  as  the  most  remarkable  of  the  actors ;  in  which 

c?  ' 

he,  through  an  enemy's  country,  traveled  nearly  two  thou 
sand  miles,  and  in  that  distance  crossed  the  Kocky  moun 
tain  range  three  times.  The  fight  at  the  Big  Hole,  where 
his  people  were  surprised  and  driven  from  camp,  and  yet 
were  rallied  by  him  and  regained  the  ground  lost  and 
more';  the  attack  on  Howard  at  Camp  Prairie,  which  from 
the  loss  of  stock  crippled  and  held  that  General  back  ; 
the  five  days'  fight  at  Bear  Paw,  with  a  force  double  the 
size  of  his  own,  shows  plainly  the  work  of  a  master 
mind.  That  all  of  his  people  showed  courage  and  endur 
ance,  is  true  ;  but  any  power  to  be  of  use  must  be  guided 
by  intelligence,  and  every  turn  or  move  made  by  the  Nez 
Perces  was  wisely  planned  and  bravely  executed.  It  is 
true  also,  that  in  their  march  this  people  committed  many 
atrocities.  Though  no  Indian  apologist,  nor  having  any 
of  that  sentiment  (whose  root  is  ignorance)  which  poses 
all  Indians  as  martyrs,  yet,  knowing  many  of  these  peo 
ple  personally,  the  writer  feels  for  them  a  sentiment  of 


368  THE  NEZ  PEBCES  WAR. 

pity.  They  thoroughly  believed  that  their  homes  in  Wal- 
lowa  were  unjustly  taken,  and  in  their  desperation  com 
menced  a  war.  The  gathered  hate  of  years  burst  out 
against  the  settlers  of  that  part  of  Idaho,  and  none  were 
spared  that  could  be  found.  When  away  from  this  local 
ity,  they  expressed  their  intention  of  harming  no  civilians, 
but  so  many  of  the  settlers  joined  with  Gibbon  in  the 
Big  Hole  fight,  and  afterwards  with  Howard,  that  their 
hearts  hardened  against  all  whites.  With  their  only  par 
tially  subdued  Indian  nature,  and  with  every  man's  hand 
against  them,  the  only  wonder  is  that  so  many  whom 
they  might  have  killed  were  spared. 

4 'During  the  third  day's  fight  at  Bear  Paw,  Looking 
Glass,  a  chief  second  only  to  Joseph,  was  killed.  He  was 
of  magnificent  stature,  being  six  feet  two  inches  in  height 
and  well  proportioned.  He  had  always  been  a  friend  to 
the  whites,  and  would  -probably  have  continued  so  but  for 
the  uncalled  for  attack  on  his  camp  at  Stillwater,  by 
Whipple.  This  unjust  act  stirred  his  fiery  nature,  and 
joining  Joseph,  he  fought  to  the  bitter  end.  There  are 
many  who  say  that  had  he  lived,  the  Nez  Perces  might  have 
been  annihilated  but  never  would  have  surrendered.  It 
is  true  that  at  his  death  the  tribe  weakened,  and  but  for 
Joseph  would  have  surrendered  then  ;  but  that  chief  held 
out  till  nearly  all  of  the  warriors  had  deserted  him,  and 
he  was  then  forced  to  succumb.  Looking  Glass  was  both 
feared  and  loved  by  his  warriors.  He  was  feared  for  the 
swiftness  with  which  he  punished  disobedience  (he  had 
killed  one  man  with  a  pistol  shot  and  had  cut  another 
down  with  a  saber,  on  the  march,)  and  loved  for  his  valor, 
wisdom  and  perfect  sense  of  justice.''  —AUTHOR.] 


CHAPTER    L. 

MIDNIGHT    STAMPEDE FRANK    JAMES. 

Upon  reaching  Fort  Washakie  we  found  that  Gen. 
Merritt  had  received  dispatches  ordering  him  to  start  down 
the  Platte  river,  as  the  Cheyennes  had  broken  out  in  the 
Indian  Territory,  and  were  making  for  the  north,  killing  a 
great  many  people  as  they  went  along.  We  only  stopped 
at  Washakie  one  night,  long  enough  to  get  supplies,  and 
then  started  across  country  and  down  the  Sweetwater, 
following  the  old  California  trail.  Our  first  camp  after 
leaving  the  post  was  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Sweetwater 
river.  About  ten  o'clock  that  night  there  was  a  big 
thunderstorm,  and,  for  some  cause  I  never  could  learn,  all 
our  cavalry  horses  stampeded.  I  had  my  horse  hitched 
right  close  to  where  I  was  sleeping.  As  soon  as  I  heard 
the  stampeding  I  made  a  grab  for  the  rope,  my  first 
thought  being  that  the  Indians  had  got  amongst  us  and 
driven  off  our  horses ;  but  after  I  had  saddled  up  my 
horse  and  inquired  the  cause  of  the  excitement,  I  heard 
that  it  was  only  the  stampeding  of  the  horses.  They 
told  me  that  none  of  the  animals  had  been  picketed,  but 
simply  hobbled,  and  it  was  thought  from  what  could  be 
learned  that  every  one  of  the  horses  had  gone. 


370  MIDNIGHT  STAMPEDE— FRANK  JAMES. 

I  took  what  scouts  there  were  and  started  after  the 
herd,  overtaking  a  great  many  of  them  at  daylight. 
Part  of  them  I  did  not  overtake  until  the  second  day. 
After  we  gathered  them  all  up  we  started^  back  with 
them.  Toward  evening  I  met  the  command  in  motion, 
some  of  the  men  packing  their  saddles  on  their  backs. 
We  had  been  very  lucky  in  getting  all  the  horses  back. 
On  reaching  Fort  Fetterman,  Gen.  Merritt  received  dis 
patches  stating  that  the  troops  had  captured  the  Chey- 
ennes,  and  the  Fifth  Cavalry  was  ordered  back  to  winter 
quarters.  I  was  ordered  back  to  Fort  McKinney,  for 
which  Post  I  left  that  night.  By  the  time  I  got  back 
there,  they  had  begun  to  build  their  new  Post  on  Clear 
creek,  (new  Fort  McKinney)  three  miles  west  of  Buffalo, 
and  about  fifty  miles  north  of  the  site  of  Fort  Reno. 

On  reaching  the  Post  I  found  mail  waiting  for  me, 
telling  me  that  Frank  and  Jesse  James  had  come  up  into 
the  northern  country,  and  for  me  to  be  on  the  lookout 
for  them.  They  also  sent  descriptions  and  photographs 
of  the  two  brothers.  While  talking  with  the  command 
ing  officer  (Capt.  Pollock)  one  day,  he  said  that  a  great 
friend  of  his  was  camping  above  the  Post,  telling  me 
what  a  jolly  man  he  was.  He  talked  so  much  about  him 
that  I  finally  asked  him  what  sort  of  a  man  he  was,  get 
ting  him  to  describe  him,  which  he  did.  His  description 
tallied  with  that  given  me  of  one  of  the  James  brothers, 
so  I  went  and  got  the  photographs  and  showed  them  to 
Capt.  Pollock,  asking  him  if  his  friend  looked  like  either 
of  the  pictures,  and  he  admitted  that  his  friend  was  the 
very  same  man  whom  the  picture  said  was  Frank  James. 


MIDNIGHT  STAMPEDE-FRANK  JAMES.  371 

He  turned  the  photographs  over  to  look  at  the  names 
on  the  backs,  and,  when  he  saw  who  it  was,  he  tried  to 
deny  it  was  the  same  man.  He  was  perfectly  convinced, 
however,  that  it  was  Frank  Jarnes,  and  asked  me  what  I  was 
going  to  do  about  it.  I  showed  him  the  dispatch  I  had 
received  from  Internal  Revenue  Collector  Snow  of  Chey 
enne,  and  he  told  me  that  I  should  not  go  after  James. 
In  fact,  he  forbade  me  to  go  after  him,  and  finally  ordered 
me  to  remain  at  the  Post.  Commander  Pollock  went  out 
and  informed  Frank  James  that  I  had  papers  for  his 
arrest,  and  told  him  not  to  come  in  contact  with  me  if 
he  could  help  it.  Capt.  Pollock  was  serious  in  whatever 
he  did.  He  thought  a  great  deal  of  me,  and  he  did  not 
want  either  one  of  us  —  James  or  myself  —  to  get  killed. 
He  told  him  everything,  to  keep  him  away  from  me  ;  to 
keep  on  the  watchout,  and  not  to  have  any  trouble  with 
me.  I  suppose  that  it  is  a  good  thing  that  he  did  tell 
him,  as  it  saved  me  from  getting  killed,  later  on.* 

After  I  had  got  away  from  Capt.  Pollock's  control 
( the  Post  having  a  new  commander ),  I  started  out  and 
made  an  effort  to  arrest  James.  He  and  I  would  cer 
tainly  have  met  if  it  had  not  been  for  a  lady  living  in 
the  northern  part  of  the  country.  Frank  James  was  at 
this  woman's  house  one  day  when  I  came  along.  She 
saw  me  coming  over  the  hill  toward  her  place.  Looking 
through  her  glass,  she  recognized  me  and  gave  James 
warning.  On  reaching  the  house  I  asked  her  who  the 
party  was  that  had  just  left  there,  and  she  told  me  it 
was  a  ranchman  who  lived  on  Goose  creek.  Then  I 


*A  circumstance  explained  at  end  of  chapter. 


372  MIDNIGHT  STAMPEDE— FEANK  JAMES. 

started  to  follow  him.  I  luid  not  gone  but  a  few  miles 
after  leaving  this  woman's  house  before  I  found  that  she 
had  put  me  on  the  wrong  trail,  and  he  escaped  me.  Try 
as  hard  as  I  would,  I  never  was  able  to  get  on  the  right 
track  of  Frank  James. 


[*Some  time  after  Grouard  had  his  first  talk  with  Capt. 
Pollock  about  Frank  James,  the  authorities  became  con 
vinced  that  a  man  by  the  name  of  Billy  Runyon  ( who 
lived  on  Box  Elder  creek,  near  Lake  De  Smet,  about  a 
dozen  miles  north  of  the  Post,)  was  either  one  of  the 
holdups'  confederates  or  was  (as  many  claimed)  weak- 
minded  and  being  made  a  tool  of  by  the  thieves.  It 
was  concluded,  finally,  to  take  him  into  custody.  Runyon 
was  also  wanted  as  a  witness  against  the  men  who  had 
visited  T.  J.  Foster's  ranch  on  Piney,  hanged  Foster  until 
he  was  nearly  dead  and  then  robbed  his  house,  as  it  was 
claimed  that  Runyon  knew  all  about  the.  matter,  as  well 
as  being  acquainted  with  the  parties  to  the  outrage. 
Grouard  rode  up  to  Runyon's  to  arrest  him,  and  got  to 
within  fifty  yards  of  the  door  when  a  gang  of  thirty-two 
holdups  sprang  out  of  the  house  and  covered  the  scout 
with  their  guns.  One  of  these  men,  whom  Grouard 
recognized  as  Frank  James,  ordered  the  others  not  to  fire, 
and  Grouard  turned  his  horse  and  rode  rapidly  from  the 
locality.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  action  of  Frank  James, 
Grouard  would  certainly  have  been  riddled  with  bullets. 
This  is  the  incident  referred  to  in  the  foregoing  page 
where  the  scout  says  Capt.  Pollock's  talk  with  Frank 
James  saved  his  (Grouard 's)  life. — AUTHOR.] 


THOMAS  J.  FOSXE3,  ONE  OF  THE  "OLD-TLMERS." 


CHAPTER    LI. 


CAPTURING    A    ROAD    AGENT. 

It  was  in  the  spring  of  '78  that  the  road  agents  began 
operating  so  boldly  in  northern  Wyoming.  Mr.  Trabing 
had  a  store  on  Crazy  Woman,  and  one  night  the  high 
waymen  went  in  there,  held  it  up,  and  took  what  goods 
and  provisions  they  wanted.  There  happened  to  be  a  big 
crowd  of  government  teamsters  at  the  store  on  the  night 
of  the  robbery,  but,  of  course,  they  were  held  up  also  ; 
made  to  stand  in  a  row  arid  hold  up  their  hands,  giving 
what  money  they  had  to  the  robbers.  The  stage  was 
held  up  that  same  night  on  Nine  Mile  creek  out  from 
Buffalo.  Mr.  Tillotson,  who  owned  a  half  interest  in 
the  store,  and  Mr.  Sneider,  of  San  Francisco,  were  on  the 
stage  when  it  was  held  up.  Mr.  Tillotson  had  been  paid 
a  great  deal  of  money  just  before  leaving  the  Post,  the 
amount  being  about  tAventy-two  thousand  dollars  in  cur 
rency.  But  just  before  starting  the  paymaster  at  the 
Post  had  given  him  a  check  for  all  the  money  except 
three  hundred  dollars.  The  road  agents  must  have  had  u 
tip  that  Mr.  Tillotson  had  this  big  pile  of  money  with 
him,  and  they  anticipated  a  nice,  fat  haul,  which  they 
would  certainly  have  obtained  if  Mr.  Tillotson  had  not 


374  CAPTURING  A  ROAD  AGENT. 

changed  the  currency  for  a  check.  When  holding  up  the 
stage  that  night,  the  highwaymen  mentioned  the  amount 
of  money  the  merchant  was  supposed  to  have,  thereby 
giving  away  the  fact  that  some  one  at  the  Post  stood 
in  with  them;  but  they  only  got  about  three  hundred 
dollars  from  Mr.  Tillotson,  and  a  valuable  watch  from  Mr. 
Sneider  that  he -had  received  as  a  present  from  his  wife. 
Some  three  or  four  months  afterwards  the  watch  was  re 
turned  to  him  by  his  nephew,  E.  U.  Sneider,  who  in  some 
manner  got  possession  of  it. 

There  were  so  many  robberies  occurring  in  that  part 
of  the  country  that  year,  that  I  could  not  look  after 
them  myself.  Officers  were  sent  up  from  Laramie  City 
to  work  on  the  cases ;  but  they  would  no  sooner  reach 
the  Post  than  they  would  get  a  very  polite  note  from  the 
road  agents,  embellished  with  cross-bones  and  skull,  telling 
them  what  would  be  their  fate  if  they  did  not  return  to 
the  railroad.  The  officers  always  took  the  hint  and  re 
turned  to  Laramie. 

About  two  weeks  after  the  first  robbery  of  the  Trab- 
ing  store,  it  was  held  up  again.  Upon  getting  word 
of  this  the  next  morning,  I  started  for  the  scene  of  the 
robbery.  Before  reaching  there  I  met  some  of  the  road 
agents  coming  toward  Buffalo,  but  they  recognized  me 

just    before    getting    up    to    me    and    turned    off  the  road. 

fr 

Of  course,  I  did  not  know  at  the  time  that  they  were 
road  agents  until  they  commenced  running  and  shooting 
at  me.  I  followed  them  some  distance,  but  was  unable 
to  overtake  them.  In  their  haste  to  get  away  they  left 
three  horses  behind  laden  with  goods  stolen  from  the 


CAPTURING  A  ROAD  AGENT.  375 

Trabing  store.  I  drove  these  animals  back  to  Crazy 
Woman,  where  the  particulars  of  the  robbery  were  given 
me.  Mr.  Bowman,  who  was  the  head  clerk  of  the  store, 
told  me  he  had  considerable  money  in  the  store  at  the 
time  of  the  robbery,  but  that  he  had  put  it  in  a  bag  and 
covered  it  up  with  a  lot  of  potatoes,  and  the  robbers  did 
not  find  it. 

It  was  impossible  for  one  man  to  do  anything  with 
this  big  gang  of  robbers — next  to  impossible  to  catch 
them,  single  handed  ;  so  I  wrote  to  Cheyenne  and  told 
the  authorities  there  that  they  would  have  to  send  me 
assistance  if  they  wanted  anything  done.  They  sent  up 
a  man  by  the  name  of  Llewellyn  from  Omaha  to  help  me 
catch  the  thieves  or  drive  them  out  of  the  country. 
When  Mr.  Llewellyn  came  up  he  hired  out  at  the  Post  as 
a  carpenter,  and  nobody  suspected  who  he  really  was. 
He  worked  around  the  Post  some  two  weeks  so  as  to 
get  acquainted  with  the  country  and  the  people  who  Irved 
around  there  ;  and  one  morning,  without  saying  any. 
thing,  he  quit  his  job  and  went  off  and  joined  the  road 
agents.  Of  course,  nobody  knew  his  whereabouts  or  ob 
ject  but  myself.  How  he  got  in  with  the  thieves «I  do 
not  know  ;  but  he  got  in  with  them,  and  afterwards  kept 
me  informed  of  their  movements.  He  left  letters  at  a 
big  rock  two  miles  from  the  Post,  whenever  he  wanted 
to  communicate  with  me,  or  whenever  any  of  the  road 
agents  were  to  be  at  the  Post. 

We  were  perfectly  aware  of  the  fact  that  the  road 
agents  had  spies  and  confederates  at  Fort  McKinney,  but 
it  was  a  difficult  matter  to  discover  exactly  who  they 


376  CAPTURING  A  ROAD  AGENT. 

were.  Llewellyn's  scheme  was  to  keep  in  such  close  touch 
with  all  the  thieves  by  joining  them  that  he  could  find 
out  who  their  confederates  were,  let  me  know  and  I  was 
to  pounce  down  on  them  before  they  had  time  to  get 
away.  There  were  a  great  many  gambling  dens  about 
the  Post,  and  one  in  particular  that  bore  a  hard  name. 
It  was  kept  by  a  negro,  who  also  run  a  barber  shop  and 
shaved  most  of  the  officers.  In  this  latter  capacity  he 
was  enabled  to  converse  with  the  officers  and  find  out 
nearly  everything  that  was  going  on,  and  it  transpired  in 
time  that  he  was  the  resident  agent  of  the  holdups.  One 
of  the  robbers  would  go  to  the  Post,  visit  the  negro's 
place  of  business,  get  his  tips  and  then  return  to  the 
headquarters  camp  of  the  thieves  and  put  up  the  rob 
beries. 

One  day  I  found  a  letter  at  the  rock  from  Llewellyn 
stating  that  one  of  the  thieves  would  visit  the  Post  that 
evening  and  giving  me  a  description  of  him.  Going  to 
this  colored  man's  shack  that  evening,  I  saw  my  man  as 
quick  as  I  stepped  into  the  house.  He  was  sitting  at  the 
end  of  the  table  playing  faro,  and  had  his  chips  in  front 
of  him.  There  were  a  lot  of  people  at  the  table,  and 
nobody  took  particular  notice  when  I  sat  down.  Buying 
a  stack  of  chips  I  commenced  playing  so  as  to  catch  this 
man  without  any  disturbance.  The  first  good  opportunity 
that  presented  itself,  I  drew  my  gun  and  set  it  up  against 
his  breast,  told  him  very  quietly  that  he  was  my  prisoner, 
and  that  if  he  made  any  noise  I  should  pull  the  trigger. 
I  commanded  him  to  hold  his  hands  down  between  his 
knees  so  I  could  put  the  handcuffs  on  his  wrists,  which 


CAPTURING  A  ROAD  AGENT.  377 

lie  did.  This  was  clone  below  the  level  of  the  table,  so 
that  I  do  not  think  there  were  many  who  noticed  he  wore 
the  irons  when  I  took  him  out  of  the  house.  Hurrying 
him  over  to  the  government  guard  house,  I  put  him  in 
there  for  safe  keeping. 

After  securing  him,  I  thought  the  next  best  thing  I 
could  do  was  to  go  down  and  break  up  the  negro's  gam 
bling  house.  I  went  to  the  commanding  officer  and  told 
him  what  I  was  going  to  do,  and  he  gave  me  some  assist 
ance.  We  then  broke  up  the  gambling  den,  taking  pos 
session  of  all  the  colored  man's  tools,  telling  him  that 
he  was  not  allowed  to  gamble  at  the  Post. 

On  the  following  morning  I  came  down  to  the 
Post,  and  found  the  negro  setting  on  the  bar-room  steps. 
As  I  started  to  go  into  the  place  he  jumped  up  and  com 
menced  firing  at  me.  He  fired  five  shots  at  me,  and  how 
he  missed  me  I  never  could  make  out.  I  had  no  arms 
with  me,  so  I  could  not  do  anything,  and  I  thought 
if  I  moved  he  would  be  more  apt  to  kill  me.  I  stood 
there  until  five  shots  were  fired.  Just  as  he  fired  the  fifth 
shot  I  jumped  into  the  billiard  room. 

As  soon  as  I  jumped  inside  the  building  the  negro 
sprang  from  the  steps  and  ran  around  the  corner  of  the 
house,  dropping  his  six-shooter  and  a  big  carving  knife 
as  he  ran.  I  followed  hjm  as  quickly  as  I  could,  suppos 
ing  he  had  gone  clear  around  the  house  ;  but  instead  of 
going  around  the  house  he  went  into  a  side  door,  and 
through  the  back  part  of  the  building  up  into  the  loft.  I 
made  a  close  search,  but  failed  to  find  him.  I  learned 
afterwards  that  he  had  gone  up  into  the  loft.  There  was 


378  CAPTURING  A  ROAD  AGENT. 

another  negro  working  in  the  place  who  told  me  he  had 
helped  to  hide  him  up  there.  He  made  good  his  escape, 
however,  and  I  never  saw  him  afterwards. 

The  road  agents  had  a  saloon  ( called  Hold  Up  Hall ) 
situated  nine  miles  south  of  the  Post,  where  they  hung 
out.  They  did  not  live  there,  but  would  stop  to  get 
drinks  when  they  wanted  to.  Two  or  three  days  after 
making  the  arrest  of  the  road  agent  I  received  a  letter 
with  cross-bones  and  skull,  and  the  picture  of  a  tree  and  a 
rope  hanging  from  a  limb,  telling  me  that  hanging  would 
be  my  fate  if  I  should  attempt  to  take  my  prisoner  down 
the  road  ;  that  the  writers  would  be  on  a  continual  watch 
for  me  at  the  Hold  Up  Hall  saloon  ;  that  I  never  could 
pass  there  with  the  prisoner.  I  did  not  like  the  idea  of 
being  dictated  to  as  to  what  I  should  or  what  I  should  not 
do,  and  I  resolved  to  take  the  prisoner  down  that  very 
night. 

Going  to  the  commanding  officer,  I  showed  him  the 
letter  I  had  received,  and  told  him  I  should  start  out 
that  night,  or  rather  toward  morning.  I  asked  him  if 
he  would  give  the  necessary  orders  to  turn  the  prisoner 
over  to  me  whenever  I  should  call  for  him.  He  said  he 
would.  I  left  the  guard  house  about  4  o'clock  the  next 
morning  with  the  prisoner,  putting  him  on  the  floor  of 
the  buggy  on  his  back  and  warning  him  that  if  he  made 
any  noise  or  any  kind  of  a  break  while  I  was  passing 
this  saloon  at  Nine  Mile  I  would  shoot  the  top  of  his 
head  off;  that  in  case  of  trouble  he  would  be  the  first 
one  I  would  shoot.  The  road  ran  right  past  the  saloon 
— within  fifty  yards  of  it.  This  road  was  built  down  a 


CAPTURING  A  ROAD  AGENT.  379 

sort  of  hollow.  As  I  came  up  on  the  top  of  the  hill  I 
could  look  down  and  see  lights  and  hear  the  people  in 
the  saloon  laughing  and  yelling.  I  supposed  they  were 
on  a  general  drunk  from  the  noise  they  were  making, 
and  thought  the  best  thing  I  could  do  was  to  try  to 
drive  past  the  saloon  before  anyone  inside  recognized 
me.  I  did  this,  and  went  on  to  Crazy  Woman,  reaching 
there  about  half-past  six  in  the  morning. 

When  I  arrested  the  prisoner  I  had  telegraphed  to 
the  United  States  marshal  at  Cheyenne  to  come  and  get 
him,  and  I  found  two  deputies  waiting  at  Crazy  Woman 
to  receive  the  robber,  and  I  turned  the  prisoner  over  to 
them.  I  had  my  team  fed,  got  my  breakfast  and  waited 
around  about  an  hour,  I  should  judge,  before  starting 
back  to  the  Post.  I  knew  if  I  tried  to  pass  Hold  Up 
Hall  on  my  return  I  would  have  a  fight  on  hand,  and  I 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  best  thing  I  could  do 
Avould  be  to  drive  right  up  to  the  door  of  the  saloon. 
I  thought  if  I  could  get  up  there  and  into  the  house 
before  they  discovered  that  I  was  anywhere  in  the 
vicinity,  it  would  be  the  best  thing  for  me.  If  I  had  to 
have  a  fight  I  would  have  a  better  chance  at  close 
quarters  than  at  a  distance. 

So  I  drove  up  to  the  saloon  and  jumped  out  of  the 
buggy  into  the  door  before  anyone  inside  knew  who  I 
was.  As  soon  as  I  jumped  in  I  saw  there  were  only 
six  men  in  the  room,  one  of  them  being  the  bartender. 
The  other  five  were  sitting  around  the  fireplace.  As 
soon  as  I  set  eyes  on  them  I  recognized  the  leader  of 
the  road  agents — a  big  fellow  by  the  name  of  Cully. 


380  CAPTURING  A  ROAD  AGENT. 

Another  I  recognized  was  Tom  Reed  ;  another  Bill  Zim 
merman.  The  other  two  I  did  not  know.  I  had  on  my 
overcoat,  the  night  having  been  chilly.  When  I  jumped 
into  the  house  I  had  both  my  hands  in  the  breast 
pockets  of  my  overcoat,  where  I  had  two  guns. 

The  five  men  looked  up  as  I  entered.  They  recog 
nized  me  at  once,  but  the  bartender  was  the  only  one 
who  spoke.  He  remarked  that  it  was  very  early  in  the 
morning  for  me  to  be  so  far  away  from  home,  and  said 
it  was  " pretty  chilly."  I  told  him  I  had  found  it  warm 
enough,  having  just  taken  a  prisoner  down  the  road,  and 
was  on  my  way  back  to  the  Post.  I  watched  the  five 
thieves  (had  my  eyes  on  them  all  the  time)  to  see  what 
effect  my  words  would  have  on  them.  I  was  prepared 
to  go  to  shooting  the  first  break  they  made.  There  sat 
three  men  that  I  wanted  very  badly ;  that  I  had  been 
after  for  a  long  time  ;  in  fact,  would  have  given  anything 
to  have  made  my  prisoners.  But  there  were  five 
of  them  and  only  one  of  me.  If  I  should  undertake  to 
arrest  them  I  would  get  killed.  I  would  get  two  of 
them,  but  they  would  get  me.  If  I  had  had  someone 
with  me  to  take  their  arms  away  from  them  while  I 
covered  them  with  my  gun,  I  would  have  had  no  trouble 
at  all  in  arresting  them.  There  was  a  large  reward  on 
three  of  them,  and  they  knew  that  if  they  made  a  move 
I  would  not  hesitate  a  second  in  shooting.  As  the  old 
saying  goes,  UI  was  afraid,  and  they  dasn't ; "  that  was 
about  the  size  of  it. 

I  asked  the  bartender  if  his  friends  would  take  a 
drink.  He  asked  them.  There  was  not  one  of  them 


CAPTURING  A  ROAD  AGENT.  381 

that  would  look  up  until  he  asked  them  the  second  time. 
As  they  raised  up  to  come  to  the  bar,  I  stepped  up  with 
my  back  to  the  wall,  so  I  could  see  that  none  of  them 
went  behind  the  bar,  as  I  was  a  little  afraid  they  would 
get  behind  the  bar  and  commence  shooting  at  me,  but 
they  did  not  try  it.  They  all  came  up  to  the  bar  and 
called  for  whisky,  drank  it  and  went  back  to  their  seats 
without  saying  a  word.  After  I  paid  the  bartender  for 
the  drinks,  I  backed  out  of  the  door  and  then  backed 
clear  around  to  the  opposite  side  of  the  buggy,  got  in 
and  started  the  horses  up.  I  turned  square  around  and 
faced  them  as  I  drove  off,  in  order  that  I  might  watch 
their  movements,  if  they  came  to  the  door.  But  for 
some  reason  they  did  not  see  fit  to  make  an  attack,  and 
I  met  with  no  further  adventure  on  my  way  to  the  Post. 


CHAPTER   LIL 


THE    KILLING    OF    M'GLOSKY. 


Late  one  night  in  the  fall  of  1878  an  Indian  from 
the  Crow  Reservation  came  to  my  house  at  Fort  McKin- 
ney  and  brought  me  a  note  from  Tom  Irving,  the  Sheriff 
of  Yellowstone  county,  Montana,  informing  me  that  two 
men  hailing  from  northern  Wyoming  had  stolen  a  couple 
of  race  horses  from  a  party  on  the  Yellowstone  river, 
and  wanted  me  to  be  on  the  lookout  for  the  thieves,  as 
they  were  supposed  to  have  come  south  with  the  stolen 
property.  At  the  time  I  received  this  communication 
Charlie  McCleod,  afterward  shot  and  killed  in  the  city  of 
Buffalo  by  a  man  named  Johnson,  was  rooming  with  me. 

I  caught  up  my  horse  that  same  night  and  started 
out  to  head  off  the  thieves,  and  ran  across  them  at  Ed. 
O'Malley's  dance  house  (some  two  and  a  half  miles  from 
the  Post)  at  ten  o'clock  the  next  morning.  I  rode  up  to 
O'Malley's  and  got  off  my  horse.  There  were  fully  one 
hundred  people  standing  in  front?  of  the  house  when  I 
got  there.  As  I  was  shaking  hands  with  one  of  the 
party,  I  saw  McGloskey  coming  around  the  corner  of 
the  stable  directly  toward  the  spot  where  I  stood.  He 
was  riding  one  of  the  stolen  horses.  His  partner  followed 


THE  KILLING  OF  H'GLOSKY.  383 

him  around  to  the  corner  of  the  stable,  but  noticing,  I 
presume,  that  I  was  awaiting  McGloskey's  coming,  he  put 
spurs  to  his  horse  and  started  off  in  the  direction  of 
Crazy  Woman  creek.  McGloskey  must  have  recognized 
me,  for  he  knew  me  well,  and  had  made  threats  a  hun 
dred  times  during  the  year  that  he  would  kill  me  on 
sight.  I  held  my  carbine  in  my  left  hand  as  McGloskey 
came  up.  My  intention  was  to  grasp  the  bridle  rein  of 
his  horse  and  arrest  the  thief.  As  he  got  up  to  me  I 
raised  my  right  hand  and  told  him  to  stop,  that  I  wanted 
him,  at  the  same  time  trying  to  grasp  his  bridle  rein. 
But  he  put  spurs  to  his  horse  and  threw  down  on  me 
with  his  revolver,  shooting  as  he  passed  me. 

I  don't  know  how  he  could  have  missed  killing  some 
one  in  that  big  crowd,  but  he  did.  When  he  had  got  off 
about  one  hundred  yards  he  turned  in  his  saddle  to  take 
another  shot,  but  he  was  too  late.  I  covered  him  with 
my  carbine  and  fired,  and  McGloskey  went  several  feet 
into  the  air  and  fell  off  his  horse.  E.  U.  Snider  ran  to 
where  McGloskey  lay  and  I  got  on  my  horse,  rode  out 
and  caught  up  the  stolen  animal  and  started  for  the  other 
fellow,  who  had  struck  out  toward  the  red  hills.  He  had 
a  big  start  and  escaped,  although  I  followed  him  about 
fourteen  miles. 

I  stopped  long  enough  by  McGloskey's  side  be 
fore  following  the  other  thief  to  see  that  he  was  done 
for,  and  just  then  the  pack  train  came  along  on  its  way 
to  the  Post.  I  got  one  of  the  packers  to  ride  in  and 
have  an  ambulance  sent  out,  and  then  continued  on  after 
McGloskey's  partner.  I  did  not  get  back  to  the  Post 


384  THE  KILLING  OF  M'GLOSKY. 

until  sun-down.  Then  I  went  to  see  the  wounded  horse 
thief.  The  doctor  told  me  there  was  no  chance  for  him, 
so  I  asked  the  man  if  he  had  any  relatives  or  friends 
he  would  like  to  send  a  message  to.  All  he  would  do 
was  to  curse  me.  I  could  get  nothing  else  out  of  him. 
He  said  he  merely  wanted  to  live  long  enough  to  have 
one  shot  at,  me.  I  told  him  he  could  have  the  first  shot. 
There  was  no  chance  for  him  to  get  well.  Pie  died  that 
night  at  eight  o'clock,  hurling  curses  at  me  with  his  very 
last  breath. 

He  was  a  bad  man  and  had  committed  many  crimes 
in  our  section.  He  was  wanted  for  murder  in  Fremont 
county,  and  the  Kansas  authorities  were  also  anxious  to 
get  him  for  a  similar  offense,  but  I  did  not  know  this 
until  after  his  death.  The  killing  of  McGloskey  seemed 
to  give  the  tough  class  of  individuals  notice  to  quit  the 
country,  and  they  quit. 


SITTING  BULL,  AFTER  HIS  RETURN  FROM  THE  BRITISH  POSSESSIONS. 


CHAPTER  LIII. 

SITTING    BULL. 

The  commonly  accepted  idea  that  Sitting  Bull's  dip 
lomacy  and  cunning  made  him  a  laggard  in  battle,  is 
erroneous,  according  to  Grouard.  When  the  latter  met 
the  great  chief  of  the  Uncapapas,  Sitting  Bull  was  in 
his  prime,  being  about  thirty-six  years  of  age.  He  was 
a  very  cunning  Indian.  In  stature  he  was  not  much 
over  five  feet,  and  he  weighed  close  to  two  hundred 
pounds.  His  body  tapered  from  the  shoulders  down. 
His  nose  was  the  prominent  feature  of  his  face.  His 
eyes,  which  were  steel  blue  in  color,  looked  through  and  not 
at  you.  They  were  very  large,  and  in  his  anger  became 
bloodshot,  like  a  mad  animal's.  His  face  was  massive 
and  was  somewhat  rounding,  with  a  great  width  of  lower 
jaw.  His  mouth  was  large,  but  his  lips  were  thin, 
though  firm.  He  had  a  low,  broad  forehead.  His 
head  was  crowned  with  a  profusion  of  long,  black  hair. 

His  father  was  a  noted  Sioux  w^arrior,  and  met  death 
in  battle  with  the  Crows  on  Grand  river  several  years 
before  Grouard's  capture.  In  1870,  his  mother,  who 
was  over  eighty  years  of  age,  lived  in  the  Uncapapa 
village  with  her  only  daughter,  White  Cow,  then  a 


386  SITTING  BULL. 

woman   of   thirty,    a    widow    with     two     children,    one,    a 
daughter,    being    a   deaf   mute. 

Sitting  Bull  was  a  great  practical  joker,  and  even 
in  serious  council,  he  found  immense  delight  in  telling  a 
joke  on  some  chief  or  warrior  present.  Among  his  own 
people  he  was  constantly  laughing.  He  was  quick 
tempered,  but  soon  recovered  his  good  nature.  He  was 
totally  unforgiving  and  never  forgot  an  injury.  As  an 
Indian,  says  Grouard,  he  was  a  mighty  shrewd  one,  and 
in  all  his  councils  looked  to  and  talked  of  the  future  of 
his  tribe  and  people.  He  had  a  set  idea  that  the  Sioux 
nation  was  doomed  and  that  there  was  no  salvation  for 
it.  He  constantly  maintained  that  the  life  of  the  Indian 
meant  war  at  all  times,  and  boasted  that  he  would  be 
the  last  of  the  Sioux  chiefs  to  surrender.  He  gloried 
in  his  chieftancy  and  the  renown  his  deeds  had  brought 
him.  So  firmly  was  this  sentiment  implanted  in  his 
breast  that  even  his  bitterest  foes  respected  him  for  it. 
All  the  young  warriors  worshiped  him.  His  life  and 
deeds  were  the  beacon  lights  that  guided  them  on  to 
victories.  As  a  general  rule,  he  was  a  good-natured 
Indian. 

At  the  time  of  Grouard's  capture  Sitting  Bull  had 
three  children-- two  boys  and  a  little  girl  —  the  latter 
named  Plenty  Horses,  whose  mother  had  died  on  Tongue 
river  when  the  little  one  was  three  years  old.  This  child 
was  a  perfect  blonde,  and  Grouard  always  thought  she 
was  a  white  captive.  Grouard  says  the  chief  always 
treated  all  the  children  well,  especially  this  little  girl. 
Sitting  Bull  seemed  to  have  a  penchant  for  acquiring 


SITTING  BULL.  387 

wives  from  the  ranks  of  widows.  Both  his  squaws  had 
a  son  each  of  their  own  before  they  accepted  situations  as 
sagebrush  burners  in  the  tepi  of  the  Uncapapa.  Each  of 
these  squaws  had  borne  the  chief  a  son. 

Sitting  Bull  was  nothing  if  not  diplomatic.  He 
placed  a  peculiar  value  upon  the  friendship  of  all  the  old 
squaws.  He  knew  their  influence  amounted  to  nothing  in 
council  or  on  the  warpath,  but  he  was  shrewd  enough  to 
understand  that  the  women  were  the  school  teachers  of 
the  children.  He  never  lost  an  opportunity  of  playing 
the  gallant  toward  the  squaws,  who  sang  his  praises  to 
the  exclusion  of  every  one  else.  What  the  children 
learned  at  the  knees  of  their  mothers,  they  remembered  in 
their  youth  and  manhood,  so  that  the  lessons  taught  yes 
terday  bore  fruit  on  the  morrow,  and  Sitting  Bull's  fame 
and  prowess  as  a  warrior  grew  by  what  it  fed  on. 

He  was  no  laggard  in  camp.  He  took  a  lively  in 
terest  in  the  young  braves,  and  organized  hunts  and  dis 
tributed  prizes  ;  got  up  feasts,  and  gave  of  his  stolen 
plenty  to  the  poor.  The  name  of  Sitting  Bull  was  a  "  tepi 
word  "  for  all  that  was  generous  and  great.  The  bucks 
admired  him,  the  squaws  respected  him  highly,  and  the 
children  loved  him  and  were  taught  to  emulate  his 
example.  He  would  have  proved  a  mighty  power  among 
our  present  day  politicians — a  great  vote  getter  with 
the  people  —  had  he  been  a  white  man  with  a  con 
gressional  ambition.  He  might,  then,  in  truth,  have  been 
renowned  as  a  political  economist  ;  but  in  his  savage 
economy  lie  utterly  and  persistently  refused  to  celebrate 
ration  day  at  an  agency,  or  exchange  his  wild  freedom 
for  the  bondage  of  civilization. 


SITTING  BULL. 


He    was    forced,    at    last,    to    bow  to  the  inevitable ; 
but  even  the  enemies  of    Sitting  Bull    must  concede  that 
the  uncompromising  savage  was  far  advanced  toward  the 
twilight  of  life  before  he  accepted    the    white    man's  pro 
tection  or  bounty.      It  was  simply  a  case    where    he    had 
nothing  else  to  do.     The  land  he    had    loved  and  fought 
to  retain  had  been  wrested    from    his    hands ;    his  people 
had  been  gradually  driven  into  agency    exile  or  killed  in 
battle;  the  game  had  sought  shelter  from  the  encroaching 
Caucasian    in    a    land    where    other    powerful  tribes  lived 
and    flourished  ;    and    the    matter    resolved    itself    into    a 
question  of  suicide  by  starvation  or  humble  submission  to 
the  will  of  Government.      The    women  and  children  were 
ragged  and  hungry,  and  the  spirit  of  the  chief  was  broken. 
Diplomatic,  even  to  the    end,    he    laid  away  the  weapons 
of  the    warrior,  submissively    folded    his    arms  across  his 
crime-hardened  breast  and  accepted  the  agency — and  death. 
"  Many  of  the  high-minded  and  most  of    the  vicious 
among  the  Indian    nations    of    the    northwest  found  their 
leader  in  Sitting  Bull,  who,  though  often    unpopular  with 
his  fellow  chiefs,    was    always    potent    for    evil    with    the 
wild  and  restless  spirits  who  believed  that  war    with    the 
whites  was,  or  ought  to  be,   the    chief  object  of  their  ex 
istence,"  writes  Finerty  in    1879,    a  twelvemonth  previous 
to  Sitting  Bull's  surrender.       "This    was    about  the  true 
status  of    the    Indian    agitator    in    those    days.      He    had 
strong  personal    magnetism.      His   judgment    was    said    to 
be  superior  to  his  courage,  and    his    cunning    superior   to 
both.     He  had  not,  like  Crazy   Horse,   the    reputation    of 
being  recklessly  brave,  but  neither  was  he  reputed  a  das- 


SITTING  BULL.  389 

tard.  Sitting  Bull  was  simply  prudent,  and  would  not 
throw  away  his  life  so  long  as  he  had  any  chance  of 
doing  injury  to  the  Americans. 

"I    don't    care,"    observes    this    same     writer     during 
the   year   above    mentioned,    "what    any   one    says    about 
Sitting   Bull  not  having  been   a  warrior.     If  he  had   not 
the    sword,    he    had,    at    least,    the  magic   sway  of  a  Mo 
hammed    over   the    rude   war    tribes    that    engirdled    him. 
Everybody    talks    of    Sitting    Bull,    and    whether  he   be  a 
figure-head  or  an  idea,   or  an    incomprehensible    mystery, 
his    old-time   influence    was    undoubted.       His    very   name 
was    potent.       He    was   the    Rhoderick    Dhu    of   his   wild 
and    warlike    race,    and,     when    he    fell,   the    Sioux    con_ 
federation    fell    with   him,    even    as    dropped  the   pine    of 
Clan  Alpine  when  its  hero  sank  before  the  sword  of   the 
Knight    of    Snowdoun." 

Captain  Bourke  speaks  of  Sitting  Bull  as  a  "medi 
cine  man  and  a  great  talker,  and  rarely  let  pass  an 
opportunity  for  saying  something."  But  Sitting  Bull 
was  a  warrior,  as  well.  He  not  only  pointed  out  the 
way,  but  led  the  way.  He  may  not  have  fought  with  the 
apparent  fearlessness  of  Crazy  Horse,  but  his  hand-to- 
hand  encounter  with  a  foe  in  his  youth  on  the  Porcu 
pine  settled  for  once  and  always  the  question  of  his 

psrsonal    bravery.      Like    Caesar,  he  would  rather  tell    his 

» 

people  what  was  to  T>e  feared  than  what  he  feared.  He 
was  boastful,  but  he  had  some  reason  for  his  egotism, 
for  did  not  all  the  other  chiefs  and  warriors  count  their 
coups  during  religious  worship;  and  why  not  he? 

It  took    generalship  to  hold  and  lead  a  large  village 


390  SITTING  BULL. 

away  from  the  enticements  the  government  held  out  to 
the  hostiles.  Ammunition  had  to  be  secured,  and  Sitting 
Bull's  camp  was  always  well  supplied.  He  needed  no 
intercessor  between  himself  and  the  latest  improved  breech 
loaders.  He  made  treaties,  but  they  were  with  the  San- 
tees  and  northern  tribes.  He  scorned  to  deal  with  the 
whites.  There  was  nothing  of  the  traitor  about  the  man. 
He  did  not  profess  open  friendship  to  hide  his  enmity. 
He  was  not  as  politic,  perhaps,  as  Spotted  Tail  or  Red 
Cloud, -but  the  Government  never  miscalculated  on  his 
hatred. 

He  asked  no  quarter.  In  1875,  when  he  was  appealed 
to  for  concessions  regarding  the  Black  Hills  country,  he 
sent  the  following  characteristic  answer  back  to  the  com 
mission  that  awaited  his  coming  at  the  lied  Cloud 
Agency  : 

"  Are  you  the  great  God  who  made  me;  or  was  it  the 
great  God  who  made  me  who  sent  you?  If  He  asks  me 
to  come  to  see  Him,  I  will  go  ;  but  the  Big  Chief  of 
the  white  men  must  come  see  Me.  I  will  not  go  to  the 
reservation.  I  have  no  land  to  sell.  There  is  plenty  of 
game  for  us.  ~We  have  enough  ammunition.  We  don't 
want  any  white  men  here." 

These  are  the  words  attributed  to  Sitting  Bull  on  that 
memorable  occasion  by  Captain  Bourke,  and  they  are  too 
characteristic  to  be  erroneous.  Napoleon's  message  to  the 
Pope  was  not  more  exacting ;  but  ruin,  exile  and  death 
followed  in  both  cases.  Little  did  Sitting  Bull  realize  in 
1875  that  he  would  so  soon  be  driven  from  the  lands  se 
cured  to  him  and  his  people  by  solemn  treaty  with  the 


SITTING  BULL.  391 

Great  Father  at  Washington.  The  massacre  of  1866  was 
already  bearing  its  fruit.  Ten  years  from  its  date  found 
Sitting  Bull  and  the  warriors  who  had  participated  in  that 
butchery  wanderers  and  asylum  seekers.  They  were  no 
longer  hunting,  but  hunted.  Crook's  column  of  daring, 
dashing  soldiers  had  invaded  the  country  from  the  south, 
and  swept  hill  and  valley  in  their  northward  march.  Like 
the  voice  that  was  forever  sounding  in  the  ear  of  the 
Wandering  Jew,  an  irresistible  force  commanded  Cheyenne 
and  Sioux  to  "Move  on!  Move  on!"  They  stopped  to 
give  battle  when  pressed  and  weary,  but  they  gained  only 
temporary  respite.  From  the  Flatte  river  valley  to  the 
Powder  fled  the  Indian,  and  hot  in  his  wake  went  the 
blue  coats  with  their  death-dealing  magazine  guns  and 
howitzers.  Onward,  through  the  rich  valleys  of  the 
Tongue,  affrighting  the  antelope  and  driving  the  buffalo 
before  them,  still  fled  Sioux  and  Cheyenne.  The  pur 
suers  slackened  not  their  pace.  From  the  north,  over  the 
very  trails  the  Indians  were  taking,  came  a  new  and  un- 
thonght-of  danger — Terry  and  Gibbon,  and  Custer  and 
Reno  and  Benteen  !  The  armies  of  the  Great  Father 
were  merciless.  The  natural  instincts  of  the  savage 
were  nomadic,  but  rest  was  as  necessary  to  him  as  it 
was  to  his  civilized  brother.  In  the  face  of  all  the 
threatened  dangers  he  could  not  pause  to  rest.  The 
edict  said,  "Move  on  !  Move  on  ! ': 

There  was  no  return.  Death  and  Devastation  was 
behind;  the  Sword  and  Destruction  in  front.  To  the 
redrnan  the  case  was  desperate.  In  the  words  of  Mac 
beth,  there  was  "No  flying  hence  nor  tarrying  here!" 


392  SITTING  BULL. 

No  wonder,   then,    that,    like  the  cry  of  the  Scotch  Mon 
ster,  the  savage  wail  went  up, 

Blow,  wind ;  come,  wrack ; 
At  least,  we'll  die  with  harness  on  our  back ! 

Six  thousand  hostiles  were  in  the  pantin-g  army  mov 
ing  northward  toward  the  less  inhospitable  possessions  of 
the  English  queen.  Thousands  more  would  join  them  on 
the  way,  and  the  year  1878  found  the  hostile  bands 
under  the  protection  of  the  British  flag.  The  line  of 
boundary  between  the  country  where  they  found  asylum 
and  their  native  land  was  no  longer  an  imaginary  one. 
The  soldiers  of  the  Great  Father  patrolled  it  with  jealous 
care.  Distasteful  as  had  been  the  thought  of  the  Amer 
ican  agencies  to  the  Indian,  it  was  now  conceded  to  be 
no  worse  than  perpetual  banishment  from  the  haunts  and 
homes  they  loved.  Despair  reconciled  them  to  the  hard 
conditions  of  the  Great  Father ;  and,  in  the  end,  the 
ghosts  of  the  legion  that  once  populated  the  mighty 
west  flitted  over  the  border  and  stood  silent  and  sub 
missive  on  the  great  American  reserves.  It  was  not  the 
return  of  prodigals.  It  was  the  incoming  of  a  broken- 
spirited  horde  of  homeless  heathen.  The  eagle  had 
feasted  on  the  hawk,  but  there  were  no  wrens  for  the 
hawks  to  prey  upon !  The  words  of  Oettewayo  were 
indeed  prophetic.  His  estimate  of  civilization  was 
sound,  at  least:  "First  came  the  missionary — then  came 
the  soldiers  !" 

Many   crimes    are    laid   at   thy  door,  oh,   Civilization ! 
Perhaps    unjustly,   but  they  are  laid    there,    all  the  same. 


CHAPTER  LIV. 


THE  "SWORD  BEARER"  TROUBLE. 

It  was,  I  think,  in  the  fall  of  1886,  that  the  trouble 
occurred  on  the  Crow  reservation  between  the  Indians  and 
troops.  Sword  Bearer,  one  of  the  Crow  braves,  was  the 
victim  of  the  uprising.  It  was  at  the  time  that  consid 
erable  talk  was  indulged  in  about  reducing  the  army  and 
abandoning  many  western  posts,  so  something  had  to  be 
done  to  stir  the  country  up  to  a  realization  that  the 
Indian  still  existed  and  had  not  forgotten  the  tricks  of 
his  fathers.  I  don't  think  there  would  have  been  any 
trouble  at  all  if  it  had  not  been  brought  about  by  the 
whites. 

Sword  Bearer,  who  had  very  little  following  among 
the  Crows,  had  spent  three  nights  and  as  many  days 
at  the  base  of  Clouds  Peak,  in  the  Big  Horn  Range, 
making  medicine,  and  when  he  got  back  to  the  reserva- 
he  told  some  startling  stories  of  what  he  could  accomp 
lish  with  the  medicine  he  had  made.  He  got  quite  a 
number  of  the  Indians  excited  and  finally  the  troops 
were  called  into  requisition.  I  was  dispatched  from  Fort 
McKinney  to  the  reservation  to  find  out  the  cause  of 
the  excitement.  When  I  arrived  at  the  Crow  reserve 


394  THE  "SWORD  BEARER"  TROUBLE. 

I  met  Sword  Bearer  and  learned  that  his  influence  had 
not  spread  to  over  twenty  bucks,  and  so  reported  to 
Gen.  Ruger.  I  informed  the  general  that  it  would  be 
the  easiest  matter  in  the  world  to  arrest  those  concerned 
in  the  trouble  and  thus  end  the  matter,  but  he  did  not 
seem  to  want  to  take  that  kind  of  action,  and  sent 
word  to  the  Indians  that  it  Sword  Bearer  and  his  active 
allies  were  not  surrendered  by  twelve  o'clock  on  the  fol 
lowing  day  he  would  attack  the  village. 

In  the  meantime  Sword  Bearer  had  declared  that 
the  bullets  of  the  troops  could  not  injure  him,  and  he 
made  quite  a  number  of  the  Crows  believe  that  he 
could  decapitate  all  the  soldiers  at  once,  by  one  swoop 
through  the  air  with  his  sword.  The  troops  were  drawn 
up  near  the  village  ready  for  action  at  noon,  when 
Sword  Bearer  and  his  followers  jumped  their  ponies  and 
charged  down  upon  the  soldiers.  When  the  attacking 
party  was  pretty  close  to  the  blue  coats  one  of  the  Indian 
police  named  Medicine  Tail  shot  Sword  Blearer  in  the 
arm,  and  the  great  medicine  man  started  from  the  field 
as  fast  as  his  pony  would  carry  him,  followed  by  Crazy 
Head,  who  overtook  the  fleeing  man  by  the  side  of  the 
creek  and  tried  to  persuade  him  to  return,  telling  him 
he  had  tried  to  make  the  Crows  believe  he  was  big 
medicine,  had  got  them  into  the  trouble  and  should  now 
face  it  out,  and  he  grasped  the  wounded  warrior's  horse 
and  started  to  lead  it  back  into  camp.  But  Sword  Bearer 
had  got  quite  enough  of  war  and  was  crying  piteously, 
and  said  he  wished  to  be  allowed  to  go  into  the  hills 
and  die.  Just  then  two  Indian  police  came  up,  one  of 


THE  "SWORD  BEARER"  TROUBLE.  395 

whom  berated  Sword  Bearer  severely  and  told  him  that  he 
had  claimed  that  bullets  could  not  enter  his  flesh,  and  yet 
a  bullet  had  shattered  his  arm.  "If  a  bullet  can't  harm 
you,"  said  the  policeman,  uthen  how  is  it  your  arm  is  bro 
ken?''  So,  to  satisfy  himself,  the  policeman  put  his  gun 
behind  Sword  Bearer's  head  and  pulled  the  trigger.  The 
result  was  that  Sword  Bearer  fell  to  the  ground,  dead, 
without  a  groan. 

I  arrived  on  the  scene  almost  at  the  moment  the  shot 
was  tired,  examined  the  body  and  reported  the  affair  to 
Gen.  Ruger.  lie  asked  me  if  there  could  not  be  sonie 
mistake  about  the  dead  man's  identity,  and  I  told,  him  no. 
He  thought  it  would  be  well  to  have  some  of  the  officers 
visit  the  place  where  the  killing  occurred  and  make  a 
sworn  statement  regarding  the  identity  of  tha  dead  man, 
together  with  all  the  circumstances  surrounding  the 
tragedy,  which  was  done,  and  that  ended  the  war  on  the 
Crow  reservation,  for  which  there  was  not  the  shadow 
of  an  excuse,  anyway.  The  Crows  were  never  unfriendly 
toward  the  whites,  but  had  been  our  allies  during  the 
campaign  of  1876  and  at  other  times.  Deaf  Bull  and 
Crazy  Horse  were  sent  to  Bismark,  where  they  were  kept 
some  little  time,  and  were  then  permitted  to  return  to  the 
reservation.  The  soldiers  were  returned  to  their  quarters. 


CHAPTER  LV. 


THE    SOUTH    DAKOTA    OUTBREAK. 

Some  time  before  the  outbreak  of  the  Sioux  and 
Cheyennes  at  Pine  Ridge,  S.  D.,  in  1890,  Grouard  was 
ordered  to  proceed  to  the  Rosebud  Agency  and  find  out, 
so  far  as  lay  in  his  power,  the  cause  of  the  discontent 
among  the  Indians.  The  ghost  dances  were  already  in 
progress  at  that  time.  The  scout  went  among  the  Indians 
and  found  they  were  on  the  verge  of  starvation.  It  was 
not  alone  the  thought  of  the  coming  Indian  Messiah  that 
crazed  them,  but  the  want  of  enough  to  eat.  The  Chey 
ennes  had  killed  a  man  on  the  Rosebud,  and  it  was 
reported  that  depredations  were  being  committed  in  all 
quarters  of  South  Dakota.  The  cattlemen  claimed  that 

c 

their  range  stock  was  being  butchered  by  the  Indians, 
and  matters  were  assuming  a  serious  aspect.  While 
Grouard  was  in  the  vicinity  of  the  excitement  a  cowboy 
was  killed  on  the  range. 

Upon  his  return  to  McKinney,  the  scout  made  his 
report  to  headquarters.  He  had  learned  enough  to  satisfy 
himself  that  all  the  trouble  was  caused  by  the  govern 
ment  employes,  aided  and  abetted  by  outside  parties  who 
saw  a  chance  of  making  money  through  an  Indian  up- 


YANKTON  CHARLIE, 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  397 

rising.     Even  the  police  and  friendly  Indians  were    shak 
ing  their  heads  ominously. 

"Of  course,"  says  Grouard,  u  as  an  excuse  it  was 
made  to  appear  that  the  ghost  dance  was  the  cause  of  all 
the  trouble.  From  what  I  learned  from  the  Indians  no 
outbreak  would  have  resulted  from  the  ghost  dances.  If 
left  alone,  the  craze  would  have  died  a  natural  death. 
Every  ten  or  twenty  years  the  Indians  go  wild  —  some 
hallucination  takes  possession  of  them ;  but  they  quiet 
down  again  in  their  own  good  time  if  left  to  themselves. 
It  was  known,  however,  that  if  some  good  excuse  were 
provided,  the  government  would  spend  considerable  money 
in  putting  troops  and  provisions  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
Pine  Ridge  Agency,  and  mercenary  motives  prevailed." 

It  is  to  be  supposed,  therefore,  that  Grouard's  report 
to  headquarters  stated  these  matters ;  but  before  any 
further  inquiry  could  be  instituted  the  "outbreak"  oc 
curred.  Grouard  was  then  ordered  to  report  at  once  to 
headquarters  at  Pine  Ridge,  which  he  did.. 

Months  before  the  appearance  of  any  war  cloud,  In 
dian  inspector  Armstrong  sent  the  following  graphic  re 
port  from  Pine  Ridge  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
but  no  particular  attention  was  given  the  matter: 

"In  former  years  this  agency  was  allowed  5,000,000 
pounds  of  beef.  This  year  it  has  been  reduced  to  4,000,- 
000  pounds.  These  Indians  were  not  prepared  for  this 
change.  No  instructions  had  been  given  the  agent  that 
1,000,000  pounds  of  beef  would  be  cut  off  from  the  In 
dians  this  year.  Consequently,  issues  were  made  from 
the  beginning  of  the  fiscal  year  —  July  1st,  1889 — until 


398  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

the  date  of  final  delivery  of  beef,  about  October  loth, 
1889,  on  the  basis  of  5,000,000  pounds  for  the  year. 
This  necessitated  a  large  reduction  in  the  beef  issue  after 
ward  to  catch  ap  with  the  amount,  and  came  just  at  the 
worst  season  of  the  year.  The  Indians  were  kept  at  the 
Agency  between  three  and  four  weeks  in  the  farming 
season  of  1889,  when  they  should  have  been  at  home 
attending  to  their  corn.  This  enforced  absence  attending 
the  Sioux  Commission  caused  them  to  lose  all  they  had 
planted  by  the  stock  breaking  in  on  their  farms  and  de 
stroying  everything  they  had.  They  have  been  com 
pelled  to  kill  their  private  stock  during  the  winter  to 
keep  from  starving,  and  in  some  cases  have  been  depre 
dating  on  the  stock  of  white  people  living  near  the  line 
of  reservation. 

"A  bad  feeling  is  growing  among  the  Indians  out 
of  this,  and  may  lead  to  trouble  between  the  settlers 
and  the  Indians.  The  killing  of  a  hog  made  the  Nez 
Perces  war,  with  Indians  far  more  advanced  than  these 
people.  The  full  allowance  of  beef  should  be  given 
them.  They  complain  and  with  good  grounds,  that  they 
were  told  by  the  Sioux  Commissioners  that  their  rations, 
etc.,  should  not  be  reduced  ;  that  while  this  talk  was 
•going  on,  the  Department  in  Washington  was  fixing  to 
cut  off  one-fifth  of  their  meat  supply,  but  did  not  let 
ithem  know  it,  until  they  had  signed  the  Sioux  bill. 
They  had  a  good  start  in  cattle,  but  have  had  to  kill 
over  three  times  as  many  of  their  own  cattle,  old  and 
young,  as  they  did  the  year  before  ;  that  .they  had  been 
deceived  in  doing  what  they  did  by  the  Government,  and 
that  they  don't  get  as  much  now  as  they  did  before. 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  399 

"I  think  cutting  off  this  1,000,000  pounds  of 
beef  and  thereby  forcing  them  to  kill  their  own  young 
cattle,  has  put  them  back  two  years  or  more  in  raising 
stock,  and  has  created  a  feeling  of  distrust,  which,  unless 
something  is  done  to  repair  it,  will  lead  to  trouble  and 
bad  conduct.  They  have  now  killed  many  of  their  own 
cattle  and  will  next  commence  to  kill  range  cattle.  Al 
ready  hides  and  other  evidences  of  this  are  being  found 
on  the  reservation  borders. 

"Men  will  take  desperate  remedies  sooner  than  suffer 
from  hunger.  Not  much  work  can  be  expected  with  the 
present  feeling.  The  Indians  who  advocated  signing  are 
now  laughed  at  and  blamed  for  being  fooled.  They  don't 
even  get  their  former  rations,  and  ask  where  are  all  the 
promises  that  were  made.  The  Government  must  keep 
faith  as  well  as  the  Indians. 

"The  attention  of  the  Department  has  frequently 
been  called  to  the  condition  of  the  Cheyenne  Indians  at 
this  agency,  their  dissatisfaction  and  determination  to  do 
nothing  to  better  their  condition.  They  now  openly  say 
they  will  leave  there  this  spring,  and  therefore  have  no 
intention  of  putting  in  crops  or  doing  any  work. 

"They  may  be  held  here  by  force,  but  it  is  question 
able  if  it  is  a  good  policy  to  keep  them  at  Pine  Ridge 
agency  any  longer.  The  nine  hundred  Cheyennes  at 
Tongue  river,  Montana,  and  these  five  hundred  Cheyennes 
of  the  same  band  here,  should  be  concentrated  at  one 
agency.  The  Sioux  don't  want  them  here,  and  they  don't 
want'  to  stay.  They  should  not  be  kept  as  prisoners  only. 
The  Tongue  River  reservation  is,  I  know,  wanted  by  cat- 


400  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

tlemen.  They  should  be  a  secondary  consideration. 
These  Indians  should  be  concentrated  there,  and  a  reser 
vation  obtained  for  them  from  the  Crows,  and  the  Chey- 
ennes  should  be  moved  to  it.  They  will  then  be  satisfied, 
settle  down,  and  go  to  work.  No  good  can  ever  come 
to  the  Cheyennes  if  the  course  pursued  toward  them 
during  the  last  six  years  is  continued,  and  much  bad 
feeling  may  result. 

uWhy  should  Indians  be  forced  to  stay  where  they 
never  located  through  choice  ?  Put  them  where  they 
want  to  live  and  can  make  a  living,  and  let  them  stay 
there  and  do  it.  Without  some  prompt  action  regard 
ing  this  beef  matter,  and  also  in  the  Cheyenne  matter, 
on  this  reservation,  the  Department  may,  this  summer 
or  fall,  expect  trouble.  I  have  thought  this  of  sufficient 
importance  to  lay  it  before  the  Department,  and  to  go 
in  person  to  ask  that  some  action  be  taken.  I  have 
seen  this  Cheyenne  matter  brewing  for  two  years,  and 
I  see  now  the  Sioux  put  back  in  the  principal  industry 
on  which  they  have  to  depend.  With  prompt  action  in 
this  matter,  and  the  proper  arrangement  of  districts  for 
the  issuing  of  rations,  a  plan  for  which  I  will  submit, 
these  people  will  go  ahead.  If  not,  they  will  go  back 
ward,  which  to  them  is  the  easier  road."  v 

While  it  is  not  the  desire  of  the  author  of  these 
pages  to  load  this  volume  down  with  official  reports  on 
any  subject,  he  cannot  refrain  from  giving  so  much  of 
the  correspondence  as  passed  between  "  headquarters  in 
the  field"  and  the  authorities  at  Washington,  especially 
when  the  tenor  of  those  reports  convey  the  idea  that 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  401 

hostilities  were  actually  forced  on  the  Indians.  Briga 
dier  General  Ruger,  telegraphing  from  Pierre,  S.  D., 
November  16th,  1890,  to  the  Assistant  Adjutant  Gen 
eral  of  the  Division  of  the  Missouri,  said: 

"  From  information  had  by  conference  with  the  In 
dian  Agent  at  the  Cheyenne  River  Agency,  the  Com 
manding  Officer  at  Fort  Bennett,  and  otherwise,  the 
condition  seems  as  follows:  About  nine  hundred  per 
sons,  mostly  Minneconjou  Sioux,  are  affected  by  the 
excitement  concerning  the  expected  Messiah  and  the  ghost 
dances — about  two  hundred  males,  sixteen  years  and  up 
ward,  are  involved.  The  dancing  began  about  Septem 
ber  20th.  The  Indian  police  were  at  first  able  to 
stop  the  dancing,  as  ordered  by  the  Agent,  and  had  not 
the  excitement  been  fed  by  Indians  coming  from  other 
agencies,  Pine  Ridge  and  Rosebud,  in  particular,  the 
agent  could  probably  have  controlled  matters;  but  he 
is  not  now  able  to  stop  the  dancing  by  means  of  his 
police,  nor  would  the  police  be  able  to  make  arrests. 
The  police,  who  are  armed  with  pistols  only,  have  done 
well.  Settlers  have  reported  the  killing  of  a  few  cattle 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  reservation.  The  agent  states 
that  Indian  owners  of  cattle  have  sold  some  to  whites, 
contrary  to  orders. 

"The  Indians  affected  by  the  craze  are  nearly  all 
those  who  did  not  sign  the  treaty  to  cede  the  lands. 
Hump  is  the  principal  leader.  Big  Foot  is  also  con 
cerned  in  dances.  There  is  not  likely  to  be  an  outbreak 
of  tliese  dancing  Indians  at  present  nor  during  the  winter. 
They  are  somewhat  sullen,  but  have  made  no  threats 


402  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

against  the  agent  or  employees,  and  I  have  directed  that 
a  company  be  sent  from  Fort  Sully  to  Fort  Bennett  at 
the  agency.  Also  shall  keep  the  force  from  Meade,  that 
is  camped  on  the  Cheyenne  river  near  southwest  corner 
of  reservation,  in  the  field.  No  further  action  seems 
immediately  called  for  as  to  the  Cheyenne  Kiver  Res- 
ervation. 

With  respect  to  the  Pine  Ridge  Reservation,  where 
there  has  been  no  military  force  at  hand,  I  infer  from  the 
reports  made  by  the  officer  in  command  of  the  force  at 
Oelrichs  and  information  otherwise,  that  the  proportion  of 
Indians  affected  by  the  craze  is  greater  than  at  Cheyenne 
River  or  Standing  Rock,  and  the  excitement  greater,  and 
that  the  agent  is  unable  to  enforce  his  orders  by  aid  of 
Indian  police.  This  reservation  is  the  place  where  princi 
pally  the  excitement  started  amongst  the  Sioux,  and 
from  which  it  is  fed  by  emissaries  to  other  reservations. 
The  agent,  Royer,  by  telegram  this  date  asks  for  a  mili 
tary  force  ;  that  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  told 
him  to  report  state  of  case  to  me.  I  would  recommend 
that  a  force  strong  enough  to  overawe  the  Pine  Ridge 
Indians  be  sent,  as  soon  as  conveniently  may  be,  to 
the  vicinity  of  the  Pine  Ridge  Agency;  that  such  force 
be  taken  in  preference  from  elsewhere  than  this  depart 
ment,  both  to  save  time  and  also  because  the  force  still 
at  Fort  Meade,  the  most  accessible  in  this  Department, 
should,  I  think,  be  kept  disposible  for  the  present." 

Ten  days  later  Gen.  Rnger  made  a  more  detailed 
statement  from  St.  Paul,  Minnesota,  the  substance  of  which 
follows  : 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  403 


u 


I  made  reports  by  telegraph  November  13th  and 
16th  from  Man  dan,  North  Dakota,  and  from  Pierre,  South 
Dakota,  of  the  condition,  essentially,  of  the  state  of  affairs 
at  those  dates  on  the  Standing  Rock  and  Cheyenne  River 
Reservations,  respectively,  of  which  copies  are  forwarded 
herewith.  The  state  of  case  as  to  each  reservation  has 
not  since  essentially  changed,  but  the  excitement  on  the 
Standing  Rock  Reservation  has  somewhat  abated.  The. 
proportion  actively  affected  is  about  one-fourth,  meny 
women  and  children,  included  by  families — nearly  all  of 
whom  belong  to  the  Uncajiapa  band.  There  has  not,  I 
think,  been  a  time  since  the  excitement  began  that  the 
agent  could  not  (certainly  with  a  slight  show  of  military 
force  to  support  his  Indian  police)  have  made  arrests  by 
the  latter  for  any  disregard  of  his  orders  or  the  regula 
tions  by  individual  Indians. 

"  On  the  Cheyenne  River  Reservation  there  appears,.. 

« 

by  the  latest  report,  to  be  somewhat  less  excitement  rela 
tive  to  the  ghost  dance  ;  the  number  affected  by  the  ex 
citement  remains  about  the  same  as  at  the  date  of  injr 
telegram,  November  16th,  comprising  in  all,  by  familiesy 
about  one-third  of  the  Indians  on  the  reservation,  nearly 
all  of  whom  belong  to  the  Minneconjou  band.  The  In 
dian  agent  would  not,  I  think,  by  means  of  his  Indian 
police  alone,  be  able  to  arrest  any  of  those  actively  en 
gaged  in  the  dances  or  in  sympathy  therewith,  provided 
it  was  supposed  the  arrests  were  attempted  for  reasons- 
relating  to  the  dances  or  disregard  of  the  agent's  orders 
to  individuals  prominent  in  inducing  or  keeping  up  the 
excitement.  The  most  unfavorable  condition  on  this  res- 


404  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

ervation  is  the  inability  of  the  Agent  to  enforce  his 
authority  and  the  disregard  of  his  orders  relative  to 
the  dancing. 

"On  both  reservations,  as  might  be  expected,  those 
most  affected  are  the  Indians  who  have  been  opposed 
most  to  the  policy  of  the  Government  for  the  settlement  of 
the  Indians  and  to  the  disposing  of  any  part  of  the  res 
ervation — those,  in  general,  who  have  always  been  dis 
contented.  There  was  no  evidence,  direct,  nor  fact  from 
which  inference  might  be  drawn,  that  there  was  an  in 
tent,  by  the  Indians  concerned  in  the  dances  on  either 
reservation,  to  become  "hostile;"  but  the  opinion  of  the 
best  and-  most  intelligent  Indians  was,  if  the  matter 
should  be  allowed  to  go  on  without  check,  that  trouble 
would  come;  also  that  those  concerned  in  originating 
the  excitement  should  be  arrested. 

"The  view  of  the  better  Indians  is  undoubtedly  cor 
rect;  for,  although  the  excitement  would  probably  die 
down  after  a  time,  no  outbreak  occurring,  the  dissatisfied 
leaders,  ambitious  to  gain  following,  would  revive  it  from 
time  to  time,  gain  strength,  and  effect  an  organization, 
comprising  Indians  on  all  the  reservations,  that  would 
necessarily  lead  to  hostilities. 

"With  respect  to  the  action  required  to  suppress 
the  present  state  and  prevent  a  recurrence,  reference  is 
necessary  to  the  ground  reasons  of  the  excitement  and 
the  facts  of  its  development: 

"Within  a  few  years,  comparatively,  the  whole  man 
ner  of  life  and  surroundings  of  the  Sioux  Indians  have 
been  changed  by  a  violent  wrench  of  fortune,  whereby 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  405 

the  individual  has  been  deprived  of  his  former  liberty 
of  coming  and  going  at  will,  and  subjected  to  many  irk 
some  rules  of  the  reservation,  and  has  had  at  times,  it 
must  be  admitted,  cause  for  just  complaint;  and  the 
leaders  have  been  deprived,  in  great  degree,  of  their  in 
fluence  and  authority. 

"The  greater  part  have  accepted,  and  some  in  good 
spirit  and  purpose,  the  change;  but  a  part,  those  now 
most  disaffected,  have  not,  further  than  they  felt  com^ 
pelled.  These  were  exactly  in  the  condition  of  discontent 
and  lack  of  hope  in  the  future,  from  their  point  of  view, 
although  savages,  in  which,  for  all  time,  tribes  as  well 
as  people  are  ready  to  welcome,  if  they  do  not  look  for, 
a  Moses  or  Messiah  to  bring  them  to  a  better  state;  and 
the  leaders,  without  whose  impulsion  to  the  excitement 
there  would  have  been  no  strong  resistance  to  the 
authority  of  the  Indian  agent,  took  advantage  of  the 
condition  to  try  to  regain  control  and  influence.  In 
the  development  of  the  "  craze/'  as  it  has  been  called, 
there  have  been  modifications  to  suit  the  locality,  the 
temper  and  surroundings  of  Indians  immediately  concerned, 
and  the  objects  of  the  leaders.  As  originally  preached 
to  the  western  tribes,  the  coining  of  the  Indian  Mes 
siah -- doubtful  whether  white  man  or  Indian — was  to 
be  the  beginning  of  a  time  of  peace  and  good  will  between 
the  whites  and  Indians,  and  all  good  men  were  to  be 
happy;  but  amongst  the  Sioux  the  teaching  has  been  that 
the  whites  are  to  disappear,  and  all  good  things  to  the 
Indians  (in  accord  with  old  ways  and  wishes)  are  to  come. 
"The  proper  course  to  be,  in  the  first  instance,  taken, 


406  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

It  seems  to  me,  is,  after  the  excitement  has  somewhat 
subsided,  or  at  least  during  the  winter  after  the  weather 
becomes  severe  and  there  would  be  less  probability  of 
parties  scattering  from  the  reservation,  that  those  Indians 
prominent  on  the  different  reservations  who.  have  been 
using  their  influence  in  the  past  to  make  trouble  on  the 
reservations  and  who  have  been  active  in  promoting  the 
present  excitement,  shall  be  arrested  and  removed  to  a 
•distance  and  kept  there,  at  least  until  they  could  no 
longer  influence  others  for  harm;  that  a  force  be  kept 
as  long  as  may  seem  necessary  at  those  Sioux  agencies 
where  we  have  not  heretofore  had  garrisons  at  hand; 
that  when  necessary  the  authority  of  the  Indian  agents 
be  supported  by  the  troops;  and  that  all  Indians  belong 
ing  on  the  Sioux  reservation  who  may  be  found  off  their 
proper  reservations  without  authority,  be  arrested  by  the 
military,  and  if  armed,  their  arms  taken  and  kept. 

"I  think  the  course  indicated,  if  followed,  would  re 
store  the  authority  of  the  Indian  agents,  and  that  the 
leaders  in  creating  trouble  being  removed,  there  would  be 
little  probability  of  trouble  hereafter  from  any  cause 
similar  to  the  present.  Any  Indians  ambitious  to  gain 
following  against  the  authority  of  the  Indian  Agents  could 
be  easily  arrested  by  the  Indian  police,  whose  power, 
onder  the  direction  of  the  agents,  would  be  much  strength 
ened  by  the  removal  of  the  present  influential  disaffected 
leaders. 

"The  question  occurs,  of  course,  whether  the  Sioux 
Indians  shall  be  disarmed,  which  I  shall  not  be  able  to 
consider  in  the  time  remaining  since  receiving  the  dis- 


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13 
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55 

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THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  407 

patch  of  this  date,  saying  the  Division  Commander  de 
sired  my  report  forwarded  by  this  evening's  mail  in  order 
that  he  might  receive  it  before  leaving  for  Washington. 
Such  disarming,  if  done,  could  not  properly  be  under 
taken  for  some  time,  and  I  will  write  upon  that  subject 
hereafter," 

It  would  not  appear  from  the  above  that  General 
Euger  viewed  the  situation  with  such  alarm  that  he  was 
satisfied  of  a  coming  conflict.  He  did  not,  in  fact,  think 
the  ghost  dance  meant  anything  worse  than  a  religious 
craze.  In  the  meantime,  General  Gibbon,  commanding 
the  Department  of  the  Pacific,  had  sent  Mr.  A.  A.  I.  Chap 
man  to  Nevada  to  discover  and  report  upon  the  Indian 
Messiah  who  was  said  to  be  located  at  or  near  the  Wal 
ker  Lake  Indian  Reservation.  Mr.  Chapman's  report  is 
dated  December  6th,  1890,  and,  as  it  covers  the  matter 
fully,  is  reproduced  here: 

SAN  FRANCISCO,  CAL.,  December  6th,  1890. 
GENERAL  JOHN  GIBBON, 

Commanding  the  Division  of    the  Pacific, 
San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Sir: — In  accordance  .with  your  instructions  of  the 
28th  ultimo,  to  proceed  to  Walker  Lake  Indian  Reserva 
tion,  Nevada,  and  elsewhere  in  that  vicinity,  and  gather 
certain  and  all  information  regarding  the  Indian  who  per 
sonated  Christ  at  that  place  a  year  ago,  I  have  the  honor 
to  report  that  I  left  this  city  at  7  o'clock  p.  m.  on  the 
day  of  receiving  my  instructions,  and  arrived  at  the 
Walker  Lake  Indian  Reservation  on  the  30th  following, 


408  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

/ 

at  three  o'clock  p.  m.  Here  I  found  quite  a  number  of 
Indians,  including  women  and  children,  in  groups  here 
and  there,  sitting  on  the  ground  playing  cards.  I  made 
myself  known  to  Mr.  J.  O.  Gregory  (Indian  farmer),  who 
was  in  charge  of  the  agency,  and  inquired  of  him  whether 
he  knew  anything  of  an  Indian  in  that  part  of  the 
country  by  the  name  of  John  Johnson.  His  answer  was 
that  he  did  not,  but  that  there  was  a  very  old  Indian 
living  near  the  agency  they  called  old  Johnson,  and 
another  they  called  Squire  Johnson.  I  then  asked  him  if 
either  of  these  Indians  claimed  to  be  a  prophet,  or 
preached  to  the  Indians  at  any  time.  He  said  they  did 
not,  but  that  there  was  an  Indian  in  the  country  by  the 
name  of  Jack  Wilson,  who  claimed  to  be  the  new  Mes 
siah,  and  had  been  preaching  for  the  last  two  or  three 
years,  and  of  late  these  ceremonies  were  becoming  more 
frequent,  and  had  a  much  larger  attendance ;  that  there 
were  a  great  many  strange  Indians  who  attended  these 
dances,  who  he  had  understood  had  come  from  a  great 
way  off;  that  these  dances  were  held  at  intervals  of  about 
three  months,  first  at  one  place  and  then  at  another;  that 
this  Indian,  Jack  Wilson,  was  mostly  raised  by  a  white 
man  who  lived  at  Mason  Valley,  fifty  miles  from  the 
agency,  and  that  he  had  understood  from  the  white  peo 
ple  in  that  portion  of  the  country  that  this  new  Messiah 
(Jack  Wilson)  had  a  good  name  for  being  an  honest, 
hard-working  Indian.  Mr.  Gregory  remembers  very  dis 
tinctly  the  big  dance  which  occurred  near  the  agency, 
when  the  Cheyennes,  Sioux,  Bannocks  and  other  strange 
Indians  were  present,  that  this  meeting  took  place  some 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK.  409 

• 

time  in  last  March.  At  this  time  the  Indians  were  gath 
ering  around  in  considerable  numbers,  and  Mr.  Gregory 
introduced  the  Captain  of  the  Indian  police,  Josephus, 
who  said  he  could  tell  me  more  about  the  new  Messiah 
(Jack  Wilson)  than  he  could. 

Captain  Joseph,  of  the  Indian  police,  said  :  I  am  a 
Piute  Indian,  and  was  born  at  Carson  Sink  ( sinking  of  the 
Carson  river).  I  am  now  about  forty-eight  years  old. 
I  am  captain  of  the  police,  and  also  interpreter  for  the 

government.       I    am    well    acquainted  with    Jack   Wilson, 

• 

this  man  who  preaches.  He  is  a  .Piute  ;  his  Indian 
name  is  Quoitze  Ow  ;  he  was  born  here  at  this  place  of 
a  poor  family,  and  when  quite  a  large  boy  he  went  to 
live  and  work  for  Dave  Wilson,  a  white  man  who  lives 
in  Mason  Valley.  When  this  Jack  Wilson  grew  to  be 
about  twenty  years  old  he  got  married  and  still  lived 
with  Mr.  Dave  Wilson  ( the  white  man)  and  worked  on 
the  farm.  About  three  years  ago  Jack  Wilson  took  his 
family  and  went  into  the  mountains  to  cut  wood  for  Mr. 
Wilson.  One  day  while  at  work  he  heard  a  great  noise 
which  appeared  to  be  above  him,  on  the  mountain.  He 
laid  down  his  axe  and  started  to  go  in  the  direction  of 
the  noise,  when  he  fell  down  dead,  and  that  God  came 
and  took  him  to  heaven,  and  showed  him  everything 
there  ;  that  it  was  the  most  beautiful  country  you  could 
imagine  ;  that  he  saw  both  Indians  and  whites,  who  were 
all  young  ;  that  God  told  him  that  when  the  people  died 
here  on  this  earth,  if  they  were  good  they  came  to 
Heaven,  and  he  made  them  young  again,  and  they  never 
grew  to  be  old  afterwards  ;  that  the  people  up  there  were 


410  THE  SOltTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK. 

dancing,  gambling,  playing  ball  and  having  all  kinds  of 
sports ;  that  the  country  was  nice  and  level  and  green 
all  the  time  ;  that  there  were  no  rocks  or  mountains 
there,  but  all  kinds  of  game  and  fish  ;  that  God  brought 
him  back  and  laid  him  down  where  he  had  taken  him 
from. 

He  woke  up  and  went  to  camp  and  went  to  bed. 
God  came  to  him  again  that  night  and  told  him  to  tell 
all  the  people  that  they  must  not  fight,  there  must  be 

peace  all  over  the  world  ;  that  the  people  must  not  steal 

• 

from  one  another,  but  be  good  to  each  other,  for  they 
were  all  brothers,  and  when  he  had  finished  his  work 
God  would  come  after  him  again.  God  came  and  took 
him  to  Heaven  again,  and  he  saw  all  the  Indians  and 
white  people  who  had  died  heretofore,  that  they  were  all 
young  and  having  a  good  time,  dancing,  etc.;  that  he 
saw  his  own  mother;  that  God  had  given  him  great  power 
and  authority  to  do  many  things  ;  that  he  could  cause  it 
to  rain  or  snow  at  will,  and  many  other  things  ;  that 
they  would  learn  hereafter  that  God  directed  him  on  his 
return  to  say  to  his  people  that  they  must  meet  often 
and  dance  five  nights  in  succession,  and  then  stop  for 
three  months. 

Josephus  (Captain  of  the  police)  said  :  At  this  time 
I  did  not  believe  in  the  new  Messiah,  and  thought  I 
would  try  his  power  over  the  elements,  as  the  country 
was  very  much  in  need  of  rain,  that  unless  they  got  rain 
they  would  have  no  crops  of  any  kind,  and  it  looked  as 
though  there  was  going  to  be  great  suffering  amongst 
the  people. 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  411 

So  Joseplius  concluded  he  would  visit  the  new  Mes 
siah  and  ask  him  to  give  them  rain,  or  otherwise  they 
would  suffer.  He  took  his  horse  and  rode  to  the  new 
Messiah's  home,  arriving  there  late  in  the  evening,  and 
explained  to  him  the  importance  of  his  mission.  He  said 
that  Jack  Wilson  sat  with  his  head  bowed  but  never 
spoke  a  word  during  all  this  time,  but  he  went  off  to 
bed  and  was  up  early  the  next  morning.  When  he  came 
in  where  Joseplius  was  he  said  to  him: 

"You  can  go  home,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  third 
day  you  and  all  the  people  will  have  plenty  of  water." 

Joseplius  said  that  he  went  home  and  told  not  only 
his  people  but  the  white  people,  too,  and  shortly  after 
wards  it  commenced  to  rain,  and  on  the  morning  of  the 
third  day  he  got  up  at  daylight  to  find  Walker  river  out 
of  its  banks  and  all  the  lowlands  overflown. 

"Now,"  said  Joseplius,  UI  am  a  strong  believer  in 
the  unnatural  powers  of  the  new  Christ." 

Ben  Ab-he-gan,  of  the  Indian  police,-  was  present 
during  all  the  time  that  Joseplius  was  making  this  state 
ment,  and  corroborated  every  word  spoken.  I  will  state 
here  that  Mr.  J.  O.  Gregory  and  Mr.  Peas,  employes 
of  the  agency,  were  both  present  during  this  interwiew 
with  Joseplius,  and  corroborated  his  statement  in  regard 
to  the  water.  *  In  fact,  all  the  white  people  I  talked  with 
about  the  agency  and  in  Mason  and  Smith  valleys,  ad 
mitted  that  the  rain  did  come,  but  they  can  not  convince 
the  Indians  that  Jack  Wilson  had  nothing  to  do  with  its 
coming.  Some  of  the  Indians  of  his  own  tribe,  and  those 
of  the  adjoining  tribes,  were  inclined  to  look  upon  the 


412  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK. 

new  Messiah  (Jack  Wilson)  as  an  imposter,  and  he  sent 
them  word  to  come  and  see  him  and  hear  him  talk,  and 
he  would  convince  them.  This  invitation  has  been  the 
cause  of  many  Indians  visiting  the  Piutes  and  taking 
part  in  their  dances. 

Among  the  tribes  that  have  been  represented  there, 
so  I  was  informed  by  Josephus  and  Ben  Ab-he-gan  (both 
of  the  police  force  at  Walker  Lake)  are  as  follows: 
Cheyennes,  Sioux,  Arapahoes,  Utes,  Navajoes,  Shoshones, 
Bannocks,  and  a  tribe  to  the  south  of  'them  that  they 
call  the  Umpaws.  I  was  told  that  the  Indians  numbered 
about  sixteen  hundred  at  the  big  dance  near  Walker 
Lake,  and  were  fed  on  pine  nuts  and  fish  principally 
during  the  .meeting.  Learning  that  the  new  Messiah  was 
at  his  home,  at  the  head  of  Mason  Valley,  I  took  the 
train  and  came  back  on  the  road  as  far  as  Wabuska, 
where  I  took  the  stage  for  Mason,  arriving  there  at  5 
o'clock  in  the  evening. 

I  had  not  been  in  the  place  long  before  I  learned 
through  Ben,  the  Indian  policeman,  who  had  come  with 
me  from  Walker  Lake,  that  Jack  Wilson  had  gone  two 
days  before  to  Desert  Creek  Valley,  distant  sixty  miles, 
and  across  one  range  of  mountains.  I  had  made  arrange 
ments  for  a  team  the  next  morning,  and  taking  Indian 
Ben  with  me,  started  at  6  o'clock  for  Desert  Creek  Val 
ley.  After  traveling  thirty  miles  on  the  Desert  Creek 
road  we  met  some  Indians  on  this  road  coming  up  from 
Bodie,  California.  They  told  us  that  they  had  camped 
at  Desert  creek  the  night  before  and  learned  that  Jack 
Wilson,  the  Messiah,  had  gone  to  Wellington,  on  the 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  413 

west  fork  of  Walker  river.  We  changed  our  course  for 
Wellington,  arriving  there  late  in  the  evening.  I  sent 
for  Jack  Wilson  to  come  down  to  Mr.  Pierce's  house,  as 
the  weather  was  not  suitable  for  holding  outdoor  meetings, 
it  raining  and  snowing  alternately.  He  put  in  his  ap 
pearance  and  I  was  introduced  to  him  by  Captain  Ben, 
the  Indian  policeman.  We  shook  hands,  Jack  Wilson 
remarking  that  he  was  glad  to  see  me.  I  responded, 
saying  that  I  surely  was  glad  to  meet  one  of  such  no 
toriety,  and  that  I  heard  a  great  deal  of  him  through  the 
newspapers,  and  would  like  to  ask  him  a  few  questions, 
which  I  hoped  he  would  answer  freely. 

Question.     What  is  your  name? 

Answer.     Jack  Wilson. 

Q.     What  is  your  Indian  name? 

A.     Quoitze  Ow. 

Q.     What  tribe  of   Indians  do  you  belong  to  ? 

A.     Piutes. 

Q.     About  how  old  are  you  ? 

A.     About  thirty  years  old. 

Q.     Is  your  father  living? 

A.     Yes. 

Q.     How  many  brothers  have  you  ? 

A.     Three,  all  younger  than  myself. 

Q.     Have    you    ever    been     away    from    your    own 
country  ? 

A.     No. 

Q.     Are  you  a  chief  ? 

A.     Yes,   I    am  Chief    of    all   the    Indians    who    sent 
representatives  to  me. 


414  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK. 

Q.  What  do  you  mean  by  chief  of  all  the  Indians? 
Do  you  mean  that  you  are  Head  Chief? 

A.     No,  I  mean  that  I  am  Council  Chief. 

Q.     How  many  Indians  are  there  in  your  tribe? 

A.     I  do  not  know. 

Q.  When  did  you  commence  to  preach  to  the  In 
dians? 

A.     About  three  years  ago. 

Q.      What  did  you  preach  to  the  Indians  ? 

He  then  stated  in  substance  about  the  same  as 
Josephus,  captain  of  the  Indian  police  at  Walker  Lake, 
had  told  me  about  going  to  heaven  and  seeing  all  the 
people  who  had  died  here  on  this  earth,  and  what  a  nice 
place  it  was,  the  dancing  and  other  sports,  etc  ;  that 
God  had  visited  him  several  times  since  and  told  him 
what  to  do;  that  he  must  send  out  wo:'d  to  all  the 
Indians  to  come  and  hear  him,  and  he  would  convince 
them  that  he  was  preaching  the  truth;  that  he  must  tell 
the  Indians  that  they  must  work  all  the  time  and  not 
lie  down  in  idleness;  that  they  must  not  fight  the  white 
people  or  one  another;  that  we  are  all  brothers  and 
must  remain  in  peace;  that  God  gave  him  the  power  to 
cause  it  to  snow  or  rain  at  his  will;  that  God  told  him 
or  gave  him  the  power  to  destroy  this  world  and  all  the 
people  in  it,  and  to  have  it  made  over  again;  and  the 
people  who  had  been  good  heretofore  were  to  be  made 
over  again  and  all  remain  young;  that  God  told  him 
that  they  must  have  their  dances  more  often,  and  dance 
five  nights  in  succession  and  then  stop.  *  *  *  That 
their  dancing  would  commence  again  next  Saturday. 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  415 

Said  he:  "This  country  was  all  dry  early  last  spring 
there  was  nothing  growing,  and .  the  prospects  for  the 
future  were  very  discouraging  to  both  the  Indians  and 
the  whites,  and  they  came  to  me  and  asked  me  for  rain 
to  make  their  crops  grow.  I  caused  a  small  cloud  to 
appear  in  the  heavens,  which  gave  rain  for  all,  and  they 
were  satisfied.  I  think  that  all  white  men  should  pay 
me  for  things  of  this  kind,  some  two  dollars,  others  five, 
ten,  twenty-five  and  fifty,  according  to  their  means.  I 
told  all  the  head  men  who  came  to  see  me  (meaning 
the  representatives  of  other  tribes)  that  when  they  went 
home  to  say  to  their  people  that  they  must  keep  their 
peace  ;  that  if  they  went  to  fighting  that  I  would  help 
the  soldiers  to  make  them  stop."  That  the  people  (whites) 
of  this  country  do  not  treat  him  and  his  people  right; 
that  they  do  not  give  them  anything  to  eat  unless  they 
pay  for  it.  If  the  whites  would  treat  him  right  he  would 
have  it  rain  in  the  valley  and  snow  on  the  mountains, 
during  the  winter,  so  the  farmers  would  have  good  crops. 

Captain  Sam  and  Johnson  Sides,  two  Piute  Indians 
who  did  not  believe  in  his  doctrine,  he  said,  are  tell 
ing  all  over  the  country  that  the  soldiers  were  coming 
to  take  him  and  put  him  in  a  big  iron  box,  and  take 
h'm  out  to  sea  on  a  big  ship  and  sink  him  in  the 
o-ean;  that  he  wanted  them  to  stop  talking  to  the 
people  in  this  way,  and  not  be  afraid,  but  come  and 
talk  to  him;  that  he  hired  out  to  white  men  all  the 
time;  that  he  liked  to  work. 

Mr.  Wilson,  I  want  to  ask  you  one  or  two  more 
questions,  and  that  will  be  all. 


416  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK. 

Q.  Did  you  tell  the  Indians  that  if  they  got  into 
trouble  with  the  whites  that  they  must  not  be  afraid, 
that  you  would  protect  them  against  being  hurt  ? 

A.  That  was  my  dream;  it  has  not  come  to  pass 
yet. 

Q.  Did  you  tell  them  that  you  were  bullet-proof, 
and  to  prove  it  you  spread  a  blanket  on  the  ground  and 
stood  upon  it,  with  nothing  on  you  except  a  calico  shirt, 
and  had  your  brother  shoot  at  you  at  a  distance  of  ten 
feet,  and  the  ball  struck  your  breast  and  dropped  to 
the  blanket  ? 

A.     That  was  a  joke. 

He  said:  "I  heard  that  soldiers  were  coming  up 
after  me.  I  do  not  care  about  that;  I  would  like  to  see 
them.  That  is  all  I  care  to  talk  now.  We  are  going  to 
have  a  dance  next  Saturday." 

In  conclusion  I  would  say  that  I  saw  three  of  their 
dance  grounds.  They  had  been  cleared  of  sagebrush 
and  grass  and  made  perfectly  level,  around  the  outer 
edge  of  which  the  willow  sticks  were  still  standing,  over 
which  they  spread  their  tenting  for  shelter  during  these 
ceremonies.  The  cleared  ground  must  have  been  from 
two  to  three  hundred  feet  in  diameter,  and  only  about 
four  places  left  open  to  enter  the  grounds.  The  Piute 
Indians,  men  and  women,  dress  like  the  white  people, 
and  equally  as  good  as  the  average  white  man  of  that 
country.  The  men  part  their  hair  in  the  middle  and 
have  it  cut  square  off  even  with  the  lower  part  of  the 
ear.  The  women  have  theirs  banged,  and  are  exceed 
ingly  well  dressed  for  Indian  women. 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK,  417 

The  white  people  generally  throughout  the  country 
spoke  well  of  the  Piutes  as  an  industrious  and  hard 
working  people,  but  preferred  to  work  for  the  white 
people  than  for  themselves.  Only  a  few  of  the  white 
men,  Mr.  Pierce  of  Wellington,  particularly,  was  sus 
picious  of  Wilson's  doctrine,  as  it  was  giving  him  too 
much  influence,  and  he  feared  trouble  in  the  end;  that 
he  could  see  that  the  Indians  were  a  little  more  exact 
ing  every  day.  Only  recently  did  one  of  them  with  all 
his  stock  move  into  a  white  man's  field,  and  would  not 
go  out  when  told  to  do  so.  When  the  white  man  threat 
ened  to  come  down  with  his  wagon  and  haul  him  out 
if  he  did  not  go  out  himself,  the  Indian  said:  "You 
had  better  bring  a  crowd  if  you  attempt  it."  The 
Piutes  are  a  very  numerous  and  healthy  tribe,  and  are 
increasing  very  rapidly  (so  the  whites  tell  me  who  have 
been  living  there  for  the  last  thirty  or  forty  years). 

After  gathering  all  the  information  I  thought  of  in 
terest,  I  started  on  my  return,  arriving  at  Reno  on  the 
4th  instant,  where  I  had  a  short  interview  with  Johnson 
Sides,  who  appeared  to  be  very  much  opposed  to  the 
doctrine  preached  by  Jack  Wilson ;  that  he  believed  it  to 
be  all  lies,  and  that  it  was  only  exciting  the  Indians  and 
was  liable  to  lead  to  trouble  in  the  end. 

In  regard  to  the  Cheyenne  Indian,  Porcupine,  who 
gave  an  account  of  his  visit  to  the  Piute  camp  at  Walker 
Lake,  I  will  say  that  it  is  wonderfully  correct,  as  far  as 
I  am  able  to  learn  ;  that  on  his  visit  he  first  met  with 
the  Piutes  at  Winnemucca,  and  then  at  Wadsworth,  on 
the  Central  Pacific  Railroad,  where  he  fell  in  with  Cap- 


418  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

tain  Dave  of  the  Piutes,  who  took  him  and  his  comrades 
in  a  wagon  and  hauled  them  to  Pyramid  Lake  Agency, 
where  they  remained  several  days,  when  Captain  Dave's 
son  took  them  in  wagons  and  hauled  them  to  Wabuska, 
where  they  took  the  cars  for  Walker  Lake.  This  was 
told  me  by  Captain  Ben,  one  of  the  Indian  police  of 
Walker  Lake,  and  from  other  information  I  believe  it  to 
be  true. 

Very  respectfully. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

(Signed)         A.  I.  CHAPMAN. 

By  the  20th  of  November  there  were  at  least  six 
thousand  soldiers  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  threat 
ened  war.  Rumors  of  depredations  flew  about  from  camp 
to  camp,  and  from  agency  to  agency.  At  one  hour  re 
ports  came  in  that  the  Rosebud  Indians  had  gathered  in 
force  and  were  about  to  make  an  attack;  the  next,  denials 
poured  in.  Everything  was  uncertainty.  Those  who 
visited  the  Indians  to  size  up  the  situation  came  back 
with  every  conceivable  kind  of  report,  but  nearly  all  ad 
mitted  that  the  ludians  claimed  that  they  were  frightened 
by  the  coming  of  the  troops,  and  did  not  know  what  to 
do.  Preparations  among  the  Indians  were  making,  but 
the  authorities  could  not  understand  what  the  intentions 
of  the  redmen  were.  The  authorities  at  Washington  were 
slow  to  act.  But  it  was  finally  decided  that  the  course  to 
persue  was  to  arrest  Sitting  Bull  and  disarm  all  the  In 
dians  who  remained  outside  the  agencies. 

Sitting  Bull's  catnp  was  distant  over  forty  miles  from 
Fort    Yates  on  the  Grand   river.       Those    who    spoke    au- 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  419 

thoritatively    said  Sitting  Bull  had  signified    his   intention 
of  leaving  his  home,  and  this  was  construed  into  a  threat 
to  join  the  hostile  bands  that  were  known  to  be  moving 
into    the    badlands.       The    ghost    dances    were    continued 
with  unabated  vigor.       The    half-crazed    Indians   were  re 
ported    to  be    dancing  with    war-bonnets    on    their    heads 
and  weapons    in  their    hands.       Every    breeze    that    blew 
brought  in  its  wake  a  breath  of  war,  and  the  angry  clouds 
that    hung    over    the    heads  of    the    unfortunate    Indians 
grew  darker  and  darker.     The  arrest  of  Sitting  Bull   had 
been  fully  determined  upon,  and  probably  no  event  of  the 
decade  attracted  more  general  attention.     The  author  has 
been  favored  with  an  account  of  Sitting  Bull's  arrest  and 
killing,  and    the    subsequent   flight    of    the    Uncapapas   to 
Big  Foot's  camp  on  Cheyenne  river  from  the  pen  of  Mr. 
James    McLaughlin,  Indian    Agent  at    Standing    Rock    in 
1890.  given    upon    request  to   Mr.   Herbert  Welsh,   corres 
ponding    secretary    of    the  Indian    Rights    Association   of 
Philadelphia,  Pa.,  which  is  hereby  reproduced  : 

UNITED  STATES  INDIAN  SERVICE, 
STANDING  ROCK  AGENCY,  NORTH  DAKOTA,  Jan.  12th,  1890. 

My  Dear  Mr.  Walsh: — Your  letter  of  the  16th  ultimo 
was  duly  received,  and  should  have  been  answered  earlier, 
but  I  have  not  had  a  moment  to  spare  since  its  receipt. 
The  newspaper  reports  regarding  the  arrest  and  death 
of  Sitting  Bull  have  nearly  all  been  ridiculously  absurd, 
and  the  following  is  a  statement  of  the  facts  : 

I  was  advised  by  a  telegram  from  the  Indian  Office, 
dated  November  14th,  1890,  that  the  President  had  di 
rected  the  Secretary  of  War  to  assume  a  military  respon- 


420  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

sibility  for  the  suppression  of  any  threatened  outbreak 
among  the  Sioux  Indians,  and  on  December  1st,  1890, 
another  telegram  instructed  me  that  as  to  all  operations 
intended  to  suppress  any  outbreak  by  force,  to  "co-ope 
rate  with  and  obey  the  orders  of  the  military  officers 
commanding  on  the  reservation."  This  order  made  me 
subject  to  the  military  authorities,  and  to  whom  I  regu 
larly  reported  the  nature  of  the  u  Messiah  Craze"  and 
the  temper  of  the  Indians  of  the  reservation. 

As  stated  in  my  letter  to  you,  dated  November  25th 
last,  the  Messiah  doctrine  had  taken  a  firm  hold  upon 
Sitting  Bull  and  his  followers,  and  that  faction  strove  in 
every  way  to  engraft  it  in  the  other  settlements  ;  but  by 
close  watching  and  activity  of  the  police  we  prevented  it 
from  getting  a  start  in  any  of  the  settlements  outside  of 
the  upper  Grand  river,  which  districts  were  largely  com 
posed  of  Sitting  Bull's  old  followers,  over  whom  he 
always  exerted  a  baneful  influence,  and  in  this  craze  they 
fell  easy  victims  to  his  subtlety,  and  believed  blindly  in 
the  absurdities  lie  preached  of  the  Indian  millennium. 
He  promised  them  the  return  of  their  dead  ancestors 
and  restoration  of  their  old  Indian  life,  together  with  the 
removal  of  the  white  race ;  that  the  white  man's  gun 
powder  could  not  throw  a  bullet  with  sufficient  force  in 
the  future  to  injure  true  believers  ;  and  even  if  Indians 
should  be  killed  while  obeying  the  call  of  the  Messiah, 
they  would  only  be  the  sooner  united  with  their  dead 
relatives,  who  were  now  all  upon  the  earth  (having  re 
turned  from  the  clouds),  as  the  living  and  dead  would 
be  reunited  in  the  flesh  next  spring.  You  will  readily 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  421 

understand  what  a  dangerous  doctrine  this  was  to  get 
hold  of  a  superstitious  and  semi-civilized  people,  and  how 
the  more  cunning  "  medicine  men"  would  impose  upon 
the  credulity  of  the  average  uncivilized  Indian. 

This  was  the  status  of  the  Messiah  craze  here  on 
November  16th,  when  I  made  a  trip  to  Sitting  Bull's  camp, 
which  is  forty  miles  southwest  of  the  agency,  to  try  and  get 
Sitting  Bull  to  see  the  evils  that  a  continuation  of  the 
ghost  dance  would  lead  to,  and  the  misery  that  it  would 
bring  to  his  people.  I  remained  over  night  in  the  settle 
ment,  and  visited  him  early  next  morning  before  they 
commenced  the  dance,  and  had  a  long  and  apparently 
satisfactory  talk  with  him,  and  made  some  impression 
upon  a  number  of  his  followers  who  were  listeners,  but  I 
failed  in  getting  him  to  come  into  the  agency,  where  I 
hoped  to  convince  him  by  long  argument. 

Through  Chiefs  Gall,  Flying-By  and  Gray  Eagle,  I 
succeeded  in  getting  a  few  to  quit  the  dance,  but  the 
more  we  got  to  leave  it  the  more  aggressive  Sitting  Bull 
became,  so  that  the  peaceable  and  well-disposed  Indians 
were  obliged  to  leave  the  settlement,  and  could  not  pass 
through  it  without  being  subjected  to  insult  and  threats. 

The  ghost  dancers  had  given  up  industrial  pur 
suits  and  abandoned  their  houses,  and  all  moved  into 
camp  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  Sitting  Bull's 
house,  where  they  consumed  their  whole  time  in  the  dance 
and  the  purification  vapor  baths  preparing  for  same,  ex 
cept  on  every  second  Saturday,  when  they  came  to  the 
agency  for  their  bi-weekly  rations.  Sitting  Bull  did  not 
come  into  ,the  agency  for  rations  after  October  25th,  but 


422  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

sent  members  of  his  family,  and  kept  a  body  guard  when 
he  remained  behind  while  the  greater  portion  of  his  peo 
ple  were  away  from  the  camp ;  this  he  did  to  guard 
against  surprise  in  case  an  attempt  to  arrest  him  was 
made.  He  frequently  boasted  to  Indians,  who  reported 
the  same  to  me,  that  he  was  not  afraid  to  die  and  wanted 
to  fight,  but  I  considered  this  mere  idle  talk,  and  always 
believed  that  when  the  time  for  his  arrest  came  and  the 
police  appeared  in  force  in  his  camp,  with  men  at  their 
head  whom  he  knew  to  be  determined,  that  he  would 
quietly  accept  the  arrest  and  accompany  them  to  the 
agency,  but  the  result  of  the  arrest  proved  the  contrary. 
Since  the  Sioux  commission  of  1889  (the  Foster, 
Crook  and  Warner  Commission,)  Sitting  Bull  has  behaved 
very  badly,  growing  more  aggressive  steadily,  and  the 
Messiah  doctrine,  which  united  so  many  Indians  in  com 
mon  cause,  was  just  what  he  needed  to  assert  himself  as 
" high  priest,"  and  thus  regain  prestige  and  former  pop 
ularity  among  the  Sioux  by  posing  as  the  leader  of  dis 
affection,  lie  being  in  open  rebellion  against  constituted 
authority,  was  defying  the  Government  and  encouraging 
disaffection,  made  it  necessary  that  he  be  arrested  and 
removed  from  the  reservation,  and  arrangements  were 
perfected  for  his  arrest  on  December  6th,  and  everything 
seemed  favoraMe  for  its  accomplishment  without  trouble 
or  bloodshed  at  that  time  ;  but  the  question  arose  as  to 
whether  I  had  authority  to  make  the  arrest  or  not,  being 
subject  to  the  military,  to  settle  which  I  telegraphed  to 
the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  on  December  4th, 
and  on  the  5th  received  a  reply  which  directed  me  to 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  423 

make  no  arrests  whatever,  except  under  orders  of  the 
military,  or  upon  an  order  from  the  Secretary  of  the 
Interior.  v 

My  reason  for  desiring  to  make  the  arrest  on  De 
cember  6th,  was  that  it  could  be  done  then  with  the 
greater  assurance  of  success,  and,  without  alarming  the 
Indians  to  any  great  extent,  as  the  major  portion  of  them 
would  have  been  in  for  rations  at  the  agency,  forty  miles 
distant  from  where  the  arrest  would  have  been  made,  and 
I  also  foresaw,  from  the  movements  of  the  military,  that 
the  order  for  his  arrest  would  soon  be  issued,  and  that 
another  ration  day  (two  weeks  more)  would  have  to  elapse 
before  it  could  be  so  easily  accomplished. 

On  December  12th  the  following  telegram  was  re 
ceived  by  the  Post  Commander  of  Fort  Yates,  who  fur 
nished  me  with  a  copy  : 

< c  HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  DAKOTA, 
"ST.  PAUL,  MINN.,  December  12th,  1890. 
"To  COMMANDING-  OFFICER,  Fort  Yates,  North  Dakota: 

uThe  Division  Commander  has  directed  that  you 
make  it  your  especial  duty  to  secure  the  person  of  Sit 
ting  Bull.  Call  on  Indian  Agent  to  co-operate  and  render 
such  assistance  as  will  best  promote  the  purpose  in  view. 
Acknowledge  receipt,  and  if  not  perfectly  clear,  report 

back. 

"By  command  of   General  Euger, 

"(Signed)  M.  BARBER, 

"Assistant  Adjutant  General." 

Upon  receipt  of  the  foregoing  telegram,  the  Post 
Commander  sent  for  me,  and  held  a  consultation  as  to 


424  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK. 

the  best  means  to  effect  the  desired  arrest.  It  was  con 
trary  to  my  judgment  to  attempt  the  arrest  at  any  time 
other  than  upon  one  of  the  bi-weekly  ration  days,  when 
there  would  be  but  a  few  Indians  in  Sitting  Ball's  neigh 
borhood,  thus  lessening  the  chances  of  opposition  or  ex 
citement  of  his  followers.  The  Post  Commander  saw  the 
wisdom  of  my  reasoning,  and  consented  to  defer  the  arrest 
until  Saturday  morning,  December  20th,  with  the  distinct 
understanding,  however,  that  the  Indian  police  keep  Sitting 
Bull  and  his  followers  under  strict  surveillance,  to  prevent 
their  leaving  the  reservation,  and  report  promptly  any 
suspicious  movements  among  them. 

Everything  was  arranged  for  the  arrest  to  be  made 
on  December  20th;  but  on  December  14th,  at  4  p.  m.  a 
policeman  arrived  at  the  agency  from  Grand  River,  who 
brought  me  a  letter  from  Lieutenant  of  Police  Henry 
Bull  Head,  the  officer  in  charge  of  the  force  on  Grand 
River,  stating  that  Sitting  Bull  was  making  preparations 
to  leave  the  reservation;  that  he  had  fitted  his  horses  for 
a  long  and  hard  ride,  and  that  if  he  got  the  start  of 
them,  he  being  well  mounted,  the  police  would  be  unable 
to  overtake  him,  and  he  therefore  wanted  permission  to 
make  the  arrest  at  once.  I  had  just  finished  reading 
Lieut.  Bull  Head's  letter,  and  commenced,  questioning 
the  courier  who  had  brought  it,  when  Col.  Drum,  the 
Post  Commander,  came  into  my  office  to  ascertain  if  I 
had  received  any  news  from  Grand  River.  I  handed 
him  the  letter  which  I  had  just  received,  and  after  read 
ing  it,  he  said  that  the  arrest  could  not  be  deferred  longer 
but  must  be  made  without  further  delay;  and  imme- 


WOMAN'S  DRESS. 


THE  SOUTH   DAKOTA    OUTBREAK.  425 

diate  action  was  then  decided  upon,  the  plan  being  for 
the  police  to  make  the  arrest  at  break  of  day  the  .fol 
lowing  morning,  and  two  troops  of  the  Eighth  Cavalry  to 
leave  the  Post  at  midnight,  with  orders  to  proceed  on 
the  road  to  Grand  River  until  they  met  the  police  with 
their  prisoner,  whom  they  were  to  escort  back  to  the 
Post;  they  would  thus  be  within  supporting  distance  of 
the  police,  if  necessary,  and  prevent  any  attempted 
rescue  of  Sitting  Bull  by  his  followers. 

I  desired  to  have  the  police  make  the  arrest,  fully 
believing  that  they  could  do  so  without  bloodshed,  while, 
in  the  crazed  condition  of  the  ghost  dancers,  the  mili 
tary  could  not;  furthermore,  the  police  accomplishing  the 
arrest  would  have  a  salutary  effect  upon  all  the  Indians, 
and  allay  much  of  the  then  existing  uneasiness  among 
the  whites.  I,  therefore,  seat  a  courier  to  Lieut.  Bull 
Head,  advising  him  of  the  disposition  to  be  made  of  the 
cavalry  command  which  was  to  co-operate  with  him,  and 
directed  him  to  make  the  arrest  at  daylight  the  follow 
ing  morning.  Acting  under  these  orders,  a  force  of 
thirty-nine  policemen  and  four  volunteers  (one  of  whom 
was  Sitting  Bull's  brother-in-law,  "Gray  Eagle,")  entered 
the  carnp  at  daybreak  on  December  16th,  proceeding 
direct  to  Sitting  Bull's  house,  which  ten  of  them  entered, 
and  Lieut.  Bull  Head  announced  to  him  the  object  of 
their  mission.  Sitting  Bull  accepted  his  arrest  quietly  at 
first,  and  commenced  dressing  for  the  journey  to  the 
agency,  during  which  ceremony  (which  consumed  con 
siderable  time)  his  son,  "Crow  Foot,"  who  was  in  the 
house,  commenced  berating  his  father  for  accepting  the 


426  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK. 

arrest  and  consenting  to  go  with  the  police;  whereupon 
he  (Sitting  Ball)  got  stubborn  and  refused  to  accompany 
them.  By  this  time  he  was  fully  dressed,  and  the  police 
men  took  him  out  of  the  house;  bat,  upon  getting  out 
side,  they  found  themselves  completely  surrounded  by 
Sitting  Bull's  followers,  all  armed  and  excited.  The 
policemen  reasoned  with  the  crowd,  gradually  forcing 
them  back,  thus  increasing  the  open  circle  considerably; 
but  Sitting  Bull  kept  calling  upon  his  followers  to  rescue 
him  from  the  police;  that  if  the  two  principal  men, 
"Bull"  Head"  and  "Shave  Head,"  were  killed  the  others 
would  run  awuy,  and  he  finally  called  out  to  them  to 
commence  the  attack,  whereupon  "Catch  the  Bear"  and 
"Strike  the  Kettle,"  two  of  Sitting  Bull's  men,  dashed 
through  the  crowd  and  fired.  Lieut.  "Bull  Head"  was 
standing  on  one  side  of  Sitting  Bull  and  First  Sergt. 
"Shave  Head"  on  the  other,  with  Second  Sergt.  "Ked  Tom 
ahawk"  behind,  to  prevent  his  escaping;  "Catch  the 
Bears"  shot  struck  Bull  Head  in  the  right  side,  and  he 
instantly  wheeled  and  shot  Sitting  Bull,  hitting  him  in 
the  left  side  between  the  tenth  and  eleventh  ribs,  and 
"Strike  the  Kettle's"  shot  having  passed  through  Shave 
Head's  abdomen,  all  three  fell  together.  "Catch  the 
Bear,"  who  fired  the  first  shot,  was  immediately  shot 
down  by  private  of  police  "Lone  Man,"  and  the  fight 
then  became  general — in  fact,  a  hand-to-hand  conflict — 
forty-three  policemen  and  volunteers  against  about  one 
hundred  and  fifty  crazy  ghost  dancers.  The  fight  lasted 
about  half  an  hour,  but  all  the  casualties,  except  that  of 
Special  Policeman  John  Armstrong,  occurred  in  the  firs  t 


THE   SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK.  427 

few  minutes.  The  police  soon  drove  the  Indians  from 
around  the  adjacent  buildings,  and  then  charged  and 
drove  them  into  the  adjoining  woods,  about  forty  rods 
distant,  and  it  was  in  this  charge  that  John  Armstrong 
was  killed  by  an  Indian  secreted  in  a  clump  of  brush. 
During  the  fight  women  attacked  the  police  with  knives 
and  clubs,  but  in  every  instance  they  simply  disarmed 
them  and  placed  them  under  guard  in  the  houses  near 
by  until  the  troops  arrived,  after  which  they  were  given 
their  freedom.  Had  the  women  and  children  been 
brought  into  the  agency  there  would  have  been  no  stam 
pede  of  the  Grand  River  people ;  but  the  men,  realizing 
the  enormity  of  the  offense  they  had  committed  by  at 
tacking  the  police,  as  soon  as  their  families  joined  them, 
fled  up  Grand  River,  and  then  turned  south  to  the 
Morian  and  Cheyenne  Rivers. 

The  following  is   a   list   of   the   killed    and   wounded 
casualties  of  the  fight: 

Henry    Bull  Head,   First   Lieutenant   of   Police,   died 
eighty-two  hours  after  the  fight. 

Charles    Shave    Head,  First  Sergeant  of  Police,  died 
twenty-five  hours  after  the  fight. 

James  Little  Eagle,  Fourth  Sergeant  of  Police,  killed 
in  the  fight. 

Paul    Afraid-of-Soldiers,  Private    of   Police,  killed    in 
the    fight. 

John  Armstrong,   Special    Police,  killed  in  the  fight. 

David  Hawkman,   Special  Police,   killed  in  the  fight. 

Alexander    Middle,   Private    of   Police,    wounded,    re 
covering. 


428  THE   SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

Sitting  Bull,   killed,   56  years  of  age. 

Crow  Foot  (Sitting  Bull's  son),  killed,  17  years 
of  age. 

Black  Bird,  killed,  43  years  of  age. 

Catch  the  Bear,  killed,   44  years  of  age. 

Spotted  Horn  Bull,  killed,   56  years  of  age. 

Brave  Thunder,  No.    1,  killed,   46  years  of  age. 

Little  Assiniboine,  killed,  44  years  of  age.  (Sitting 
Bull's  adopted  brother.) 

Chase  Wounded,  killed,   44  years  of  age. 

Bull  Ghost,  wounded,   entirely   recovered. 

Brave  Thunder,  No.   2,  wounded,   recovering  rapidly. 

Strike  the   Kettle,    wounded. 

This  conflict,  which  cost  so  many  lives,  is  much  to 
be  regretted,  yet  the  good  resulting  therefrom  can 
scarcely  be  overestimated,  as  it  has  effectually  eradicated 
;all  seeds  of  dissatisfaction  sown  by  the  Messiah  craze 
among  the  Indians  of  this  agency,  and  has  also  demon 
strated  to  the  people  of  the  country  the  fidelity  and 
loyalty  of  the  Indian  police  in  maintaining  law  and 
order  on  the  reservation. 

Everything  is  now  quiet  at  this  agency,  and  good 
feeling  prevails  among  the  Indians,  newspaper  reports  to 
the  contrary  notwithstanding.  No  Indians  have  left 
this  agency  since  the  stampede  of  December  15th,  fol 
lowing  the  conflict  with  the  police,  and  no,  others  will. 
There  were  three  hundred  and  seventy-two  men,  women 
and  children  left  at  that  time,  of  whom  about  one 
hundred  and  twenty  are  males  over  sixteen  years  of 
age,  and  of  whom  two  hundred  and  twenty-seven  are 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK  429 

now  prisoners  at  Fort  Sully,  and  seventy-two  are  re 
ported  to  have  been  captured  at  Pine  Kidge  Agency 
some  time  ago. 

With  kind  regards,  I  have  the  honor  to  be  very  re 
spectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

JAMES  MCLAUGHLIN, 

Indian  Agent. 

Capt.  E.  G.  Fechet  of  the  Eighth  Cavalry  (now  Major 
of  the  Sixth  Cavalry,  stationed  at  Fort  McKinney,  Wyo 
ming),  who  commanded  the  detachment  charged  with  the 
duty  of  executing  the  order  of  Sitting  Bull's  arrest,  re 
ported  under  date  of  December  17,  1890,  to  the  Post 
Adjutant  at  Fort  Yates  as  follows  concerning  the  part 
his  command  took  in  carrying  out  the  order  of  Gen. 
Miles: 

For  the  information  of  the  commanding  officer  I 
have  the  honor  to  report  the  operations  of  the  battalion 
of  the  Eighth  Cavalry,  under  my  command  for  the 
purpose  indicated  in  Orders  No.  247*  of  this  Post. 

The  command  consisted  of  Troop  F,  Eighth  Cavalry, 
Lieutenants  Slocum  and  Steele,  and  forty-eight  enlisted 
men;  Troop  G,  Eighth  Cavalry,  Captain  Fechet,  Lieutenants 
E.  H.  Crowder  and  C.  E.  Brooks,  and  fifty-one  enlisted 
men;  Captain  A.  R.  Chaplain,  Medical  Officer,  and  Acting 
Hospital  Steward  August  Nickel,  two  Indian  scouts, 
Smell  the  Bear  and  Iron  Dog;  Mr.  Louis  Primeau,  Indian 
Department,  Standing  Rock  Agency,  guide  and  interpreter. 

One  gattling  gun  was  attached  to  G  Troop  and    one 


*Orders  No.  247  will  be  found  at  end  of  Maj.  Fechet's  Report. 


430  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA    OUTBEEAK. 

breech-loading  steel  Hotchkiss  gun  was  attached  to  Troop 
F.  There  was  furnished  the  command  one  four-horse 
spring  wagon,  carrying  one  day's  cooked  rations  and  one 
day's  grain  for  the  whole  command,  and  one  red  cross 
ambulance. 

The  commanding  officers  were  Capt.  E.  Fechet,  com 
manding  battalion  ;  Lieut.  E.  H.  Crowder,  commanding  G 
troop ;  Lieut.  S.  L'H.  Slocum,  commanding  F  troop ; 
Lieut.  E.  C.  Brooks,  commanding  field  artillery. 

The  command  moved  out  at  midnight,  December  the 
14th,  and  by  rapid  marching  was  by  daylight  within  three 
miles  of  Sitting  Bull's  camp,  which  is  fully  from  forty- 
one  to  forty-two  miles  from  Fort  Yates.  After  daybreak 
I  expected  every  minute  to  meet  the  Indian  police  with 
Sitting  Bull  their  prisoner,  it  having  been  arranged  by 
Major  McLaughlin,  Indian  Agent,  that  they  would  make 
a  decent  on  Bull's  camp  about  daybreak,  arresting  Bull 
and  delivering  him  to  me  for  conduct  to  this  Post.  It 
will  be  seen  by  reference  to  the  first  paragraph  of  the 
qrder  that  the  command  was  to  proceed  only  to  the  cross 
ing  of  Oak  river,  which  was  eighteen  miles  from  Bull's 
camp. 

After  receiving  this  order,  on  consultation  with  Col. 
Drum,  commanding  the  Post,  it  was  decided  that  I  should 
move  as  close  to  Bull's  camp  as  possible  without  dis 
covery,  and  there  await  the  police.  A  short  time  after 
dawn  a  mounted  man  was  discovered  approaching  rapidly. 
This  proved  to  be  one  of  the  police,  who  reported  that 
all  the  other  police  had  been  killed.  The  substance  of 
his  report,  with  the  additional  statement  that  I  should 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK.  431 

move  rapidly  and  endeavor  to  relieve  any  of  the  police 
who  might  be  alive,  I  forwarded  to  the  commanding 
officer. 

The  command  was  at  once  put  in  condition  for  im 
mediate  action.  A  light  but  extended  line  of  skirmishers 
was  thrown  in  advance  ;  the  main  body  was  disposed  in 
two  columns,  in  column  of  fours,  about  three  hundred 
yards  apart,  the  artillery  between  the  heads  of  columns. 
A  few  minutes  after  making  these  dispositions  another  of 
the  police  came  in  and  reported  that  Bull's  people  had  a 
number  of  the  police  penned  up  in  his  house.  The  com 
mand  was  moved  with  all  speed  to  a  point  on  the  high 
lands  overlooking  the  valley  of  Grand  river,  and  immedi 
ately  opposite  Sitting  Bull's  house  and  the  camp  of  the 
ghost  dancers,  distant  some  1,500  yards. 

A  hasty  examination  showed  a  party  of  Indians, 
apparently  forty  or  fifty,  at  a  high  point  on  our  right 
front,  some  900  yards  distant,  but  whether  a  party  of 
police  and  friends  or  Bull's  people  could. not  be  deter 
mined.  While  trying  to  make  out  the  position  and 
identity  of  the  two  parties  there  were  a  few  shots  fired 
by  the  party  on  the  hill,  and  replied  to  from  Sitting 
Bull's  house.'  There  was  also  firing  from  the  woods  be 
yond  Bull's  house,  but  on  whom  directed  it  was  impossi 
ble  to  tell.  I  caused  a  white  Hag  to  be  erected  on  the 
crest  where  I  was  located  (a  prearranged  signal  between 
the  soldiers  and  the  police),  and  directed  a  few  shots  to 
be  fired  from  the  Hotchkiss  into  the  woods  mentioned. 
In  answer  a  white  flag  was  displayed  from  Bull's  house, 
and  Indians  were  seen  leaving  the  woods  going  in  the 


432  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK. 

direction  of  the  hills  to  the  south,  across  Grand  river. 
The  Hotchkiss  gun  was  then  turned  upon  the  party  on 
our  right  front ;  this,  with  some  fire  from  a  dismounted 
line  of  F  troop,  caused  them  to  retreat  rapidly  from  their 

position  up  the  valley  of    Grand    river  to  the   northwest. 
i 
Lieutenant    Slocum,  with   his   troop  dismounted,  was 

ordered  to  advance  immediately  upon  the  house.  Lieut. 
Crowder,  with  G  Troop  mounted,  moved  rapidly  to  the 
right  along  the  highlands,  covering  the  right  flank  of  the 
dismounted  line.  As  the  dismounted  line  approached  the 
house  the  police  came  out  and  joined  the  command.  The 
line  was  advanced  through  the  timber,  dislodging  a  few 
hostiles,  who  disappeared  rapidly  up  the  river  through  the 
willows.  This  line,  after  advancing  through  the  willows 
seme  six  hundred  yards,  fell  back  to  the  immediate  vicin 
ity  of  Sitting  Bull's  house,  leaving  pickets  at  the  farthest 
points  gained  by  the  advance. 

Lieutenant  (Crowder,  in  the  meantime,  observing  the 
Indians  gathering  at  houses  up  the  river  about  two  miles 
from  Sitting  Bull's  camp,  moved  in  pursuit  of  them.  The 
Indians  fell  back  from  every  point  upon  the  approach  of 
the  troops,  not  showing  any  desire  to  engage  in  hostile 
actions  against  the  soldiers.  All  the  houses  for  a  distance 
of  about  two  miles  were  examined,  and  all  were  found 
deserted,  but  showed  signs  of  recent  occupation.  Failing 
to  come  up  with  the  Indians  in  this  direction,  G  Troop 
fell  back  and  joined  the  main  command  at  Sitting  Bull's 
lodge. 

Upon  arriving  at  this  place  I  found  evidence  of  a 
most  desperate  encounter  between  the  agency  police  and 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  433 

Sitting    Bull's    followers.       In    the  vicinity  of   the    house, 
within  a  radius  of   fifty  yards,  there  were  found  the  dead 
bodies   of   eight   hostiles,    including    Sitting    Bull.       Two 
liorses  were  also  killed.       Within    the   house  were   found 
four  dead  and  three  wounded  policeman.     It  was  learned 
through  the  interpreter  that   the  hostile   Indians   had  car 
ried   away  with  them  one  of  their   dead   and   five   or   six 
wounded,  making  an  approximate   total   of   fifteen   casual 
ties  in  Sitting  BulFs  band.     A  list  of  casualties,  by  name, 
•on  both  sides  are  hereto  attached. 

From  the  best  evidence  obtainable  I  am  led  to  be 
lieve  that  the  police,  under  the  command  of  Bull  Head 
and  Shave  Head,  about  forty  strong,  entered  Sitting  Bull's 
camp  about  5:50  a.  m.  on  the  15th  instant,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  making  the  arrest  of  Sitting  Bull.  Sitting  Bull 
-was  taken  from  his  house,  and  while  the  police  were  par" 
leying  with  him,  endeavoring  to  induce  him  to  submit 
peacefully,  Bull  Head  was  shot  by  Catch  the  Bear  in  the 
leg.  Bull  Head  immediately  shot  and  killed  Sitting  Bull, 
when  the  melee  became  general,  with  the  results  hereto 
fore  given.  The  fight  lasted  but  a  few  moments,  when 
the  police  secured  the  house  and  stable  adjoining,  driving 
Sitting  Bull's  men  from  the  village  to  cover  in  the  ad 
joining  woods  and  hills.  From  these  positions  the  fight 
was  kept  up  until  about  7:30  a.  m.,  when  the  troops  came 
up.  I  learn  that  soon  after  the  occupation  of  the  house 
and  stable  by  the  police,  volunteers  were  called  for  to 
<;arry  a  report  of  the  situation  back  to  the  approaching 
troops.  Hawk  Man  offered  to  perform  this  perilous  ser 
vice,  and  at  the  imminent  risk  of  his  life.  Assisted  by 


434  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

Red  Tomahawk,  he  effected  his  escape,  being  shot  through 
his  coat  and  gloves  while  engaged  in  the  attempt.  This 
was  the  first  scout  met  by  the  command. 

My  orders  were  explicit  as  to  the  arrest  of  Sitting 
Bull,  but  contemplated  no  pursuit  of  his  band.  I  there 
fore  did  not  feel  authorized  to  follow  the  Indians  up  the 
valley,  especially  as  I  felt  satisfied,  from  the  report  of 
Lieutenant  Crowder,  that  it  would  only  result,  unneces 
sarily,  in  frightening  peaceful  Indians  away  from  their 
homes,  and  that  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops,  together 
with  the  message  I  communicated  to  the  Indians  to  the 
effect  that  only  the  capture  of  Sitting  Bull  was  desired, 
would  tend  to  re-assure  those  who  were  loyally  disposed 
toward  their  agent. 

Accordingly  I  gave  orders  for  the  command  to  with 
draw  to  Oak  creek,  of  which  the  commanding  officer 
was  informed  by  courier,  with  the  request  that  he  com 
municate  his  further  orders  to  me  at  that  point.  Previous 
to  leaving,  word  was  sent  up  and  down  the  valley 
to  the  friendly  Indians  of  this  movement,  in  order  that 
they  might  avail  themselves  of  the  protection  of  the 
troops  in  their  withdrawal  to  the  agency,  which  they  did 
in  considerable  numbers.  All  the  dead  Indian  police, 
together  with  their  wounded,  and  the  body  of  Sitting 
Bull,  were  brought  in  by  me. 

Upon  reaching  Oak  creek,  at  6  p.  m.,  I  was  met 
by  a  courier,  who  informed  me  that  the  commanding 
officer  of  Fort  Yates,  with  two  companies  of  infantry 
and  ten  days'  supplies,  would  reach  Oak  creek  some  time 
in  the  night.  Upon  their  arrival  at  12  o'clock  I  turned 
over  the  command. 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  435 

The  attention  of  the  commanding  officer  is  invited 
to  the  celerity  of  this  movement.  In  brief,  the  command  ! 
marched  from  here  to  Sitting  Bull's  camp  and  back  to 
Oak  creek  in  seventeen  hours.  This,  with  the  ground 
covered  in  getting  into  position,  and  the  demonstration 
to  the  right  by  Lieut.  Crowder,  made  a  total  distance  of 
at  least  seventy  miles.  It  must  be  taken  into  consider 
ation  that  the  movement  back  to  Oak  creek,  eighteen 
miles,  was  made  very  slowly.  Thus,  it  will  be  seen  that 
the  march  out,  including  the  movements  into  position, 
were  made  at  a  rate  of  over  six  miles  an  hour.  During 
the  whole  march  the  column  moved  steadily,  without 
stretching  out  or  closing  up  —  a  most  satisfactory  com 
mentary  upon  the  drill  and  discipline  of  the  two  troops 
composing  my  command.  To  say  less  would  be  a  want 
of  appreciation  on  my  part  of  the  command  under  my 

orders. 

E.  G.  FECHET, 

Captain  Eighth  Cavalry,   Commanding. 


*ORDERS  No.   247. 
FORT  YATES,  N.  D.,  December  14,  1890. 

2.  Captain  E.  G.  Fechet,  Eighth  Cavalry,  will  proceed 
with  troops  F  and  G,  Eighth  Cavalry,  the  Hotchkiss  gun 
and  one  gattling  gun,  to  the  crossing  of  Oak  creek  by  the 
Sitting  Bull  road,  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the  escape 
or  rescue  of  Sitting  Bull,  should  the  Indian  police  suc 
ceed  in  arresting  him. 

The  command  will  move  out  at  12  o'clock  midnight, 
in  light  marching  order,  and  will  be  supplied  with  fifty 


436  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

rounds  of  carbine  and  twelve  rounds  of  revolver  ammuni 
tion  per  man,  4,000  rounds  of  ammunition  for  Gattling 
gun,  25  rounds  for  Hotchkiss  gun,  cooked  rations  and 
one  day's  forage. 

After  receiving  the  prisoner  Captain  Fechet  will 
return  with  his  command  to  this  Post,  reporting  to  the 
commanding  officer  on  arrival. 

If,  on  arrival  at  Oak  creek,  Captain  Fechet  learns 
that  the  police  are  fighting  or  need  assistance,  he  will 
push  on,  and  if  necessary,  follow  Sitting  Bull  as  long  as 
possible  with  his  supplies,  keeping  the  post  commander 
informed  by  courier  of  his  movements. 

The  march  will  be  so  regulated  as  to  reach  Oak 
creek  by  6:30  o'clock  a.  m.,  to-morrow,  the  15th  instant. 
Should  arrest  be  made,  every  precaution  will  be  taken  to 
prevent  escape  or  rescue. 

Two  Indian  scouts  will  accompany  the  command. 
Assistant  Surgeon  A.  R.  Chapin,  Medical  Department,  will 
report  to  Captain  Fechet  for  duty  with  the  expedition. 

First  Lieutenant  S.  L'H.  Slocum,  with  Troop  F,  will 
report  to  Captain  Fechet  for  orders. 

Second  Lieutenant  E.  C.  Brooks,  Eighth  Cavalry,  will 
also  report  to  Captain  Fechet  for  duty  with  the  expedi 
tion. 

One  hospital  ambulance,  with  necessary  supplies,  will 
accompany  the  expedition,  the  Quartermaster's  Depart 
ment  furnishing  the  necessary  team. 

By  order  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  W.  F.  Drum: 

E.  C.  BROOKS, 
Second  Lieutenant,  Eighth  Cavalry,  Post  Adjutant. 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  437 

The  killing  of  Sitting  Bnll  was  hailed  with  delight 
by  people  generally,  but  not  by  the  Indians.  The  fears 
entertained  by  the  redmen  when  the  soldiers  first  put 
in  an  appearance  about  the  agencies  did  not  seem  to 
be  groundless,  now  that  a  once  mighty  man  of  their 
nation  had  been,  as  they  were  led  to  believe,  ruth 
lessly  slain.  Wild  with  excitement  and  filled  with  re 
ligious  zeal  over  the  announced  appearance  of  their 
promised  Messiah,  and  haunted  by  the  fear  that  they 
were  to  be  first  disarmed  and  afterward  butchered,  it  is 
hardly  to  be  wondered  at  that  they  should  combine  to 
protect  themselves. 

Chief  Big  Foot,  whom  the  government  seems  to 
have  marked  out  from  the  first  as  a  disturber,  was  re 
lated,  both  by  birth  and  marriage,  to  many  of  the  In 
dians  who  had  escaped  from  the  scene  of  the  Sitting 
Bull  killing,  and  when  they  came  to  his  camp,  clad  in 
rags  and  literally  starving,  the  old  chief  took  them  in 
and  fed  them,  and  his  people  gave  them  shelter.  Deny, 
if  you  will,  that  the  Indian  nature  is  wanting  of  all  the 
attributes  of  humanity,  but  do  not  try  to  reconcile  it 
with  this  act  of  poor  old  Chief  Big  Foot,  who,  when 
asked  by  Colonel  Sumner  why  he  had  permitted  the 
Standing  Rock  refugees  to  enter  his  camp,  replied: 

"What  else  could  I  do  ?  They  came  to  me  almost 
naked,  were  hungry,  footsore  and  weary,  many  of  them 
my  brothers  and  relatives  ! " 

The  humanity  of  this  savage  stirred  the  better  im 
pulses  of  Colonel  Sumner's  heart.  He  had  met,  where 
he  had  expected  to  find  hostility,  a  living  exemplification 


438  TEE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK. 

of  the  Divine  command.  The  weary  had  been  rested; 
the  hungry  fed.  No  wonder,  then,  that  Colonel  Sum- 
ner  was  convinced  that  Chief  Big  Foot  did  not  mean  to 
join  the  hostiles  in  the  badlands,  and  permitted  him  and 
his  people  to  remain  in  their  homes.  But  because  he 
did  this,  he  brought  upon  himself  the  censure  of  his 
superiors.  Let  the  military  man  tell  his  own  story. 
In  his  report,  under  date  of  February  3d,  1891,  to  the 
Assistant  Adjutant  General,  Department  of  Dakota, 
Colonel  Sumner  says: 

I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  your 
communication  directing  me  to  submit  a  report  of  the 
flight  of  Big  Foot's  band  from  Cheyenne  river  and  all 
circumstances  connected  therewith.  In  compliance  there 
with  I  respectfully  submit  the  following  statement : 

On  my  arrival  on  Cheyenne  river,  December  3d,  rein 
forcing  the  command  there  under  Captain  Hennissee, 
Eighth  Cavalry,  with  D  Troop,  Eighth  Cavalry,  I  took 
command  of  troops  in  the  field.  This  command,  then, 
was  C,  D  and  I  Troops,  Eighth  Cavalry,  and  F  Company, 
Third  Infantry  (later  C  Company,  Third  Infantry),  and 
two  Hotchkiss  guns.  My  instructions  were  set  forth  in 
Post  Orders  No.  254,  dated  Fort  Meade,  S.  D.,  November 
29th,  and  telegraphic  instructions  from  Headquarters  De 
partment  of  Dakota,  attached  copy  herewith  presented. 
In  compliance  with  these  instructions  I  moved  the  camp 
up  the  Cheyenne  river  nearer  to  Smith ville,  and  opened 
a  trail  directly  east  over  the  hills  and  established  an  out 
post  at  Davidson's  ranch,  twenty  miles  east  of  my  camp 
at  head  of  Deep  creek,  and  on  the  trail  between  Big 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.         439 

Foot's  village  and  Pine  Ridge.  This  trail  was  not  prac 
ticable  for  wagons,  but  could  have  been  used  by  cavalry, 
and  the  outpost  was  established  to  give  information  of 
any  Indians  passing  north  or  south. 

My  orders    specified    protection    to   settlers    on    Belle 
Fourche    and  vicinity,  as  well    as  a  watch    on  Big   Foot's 
camp.       A  few  days  after  my  arrival  most  of    the  chiefs 
and    head    men    called    to    see    me,   including    Big    Foot. 
They  remained    two    days    about    my  camp,   and,   without 
exception,  seemed    not  only  willing    but    anxious  to   obey 
my  orders    to    remain    quietly    at    home,  and   particularly 
wished  me  to  inform  my  superiors  that  they  were  all  on 
the  side  of  the  Government  in  the  trouble  then  going  on. 
This  information   was  furnished    December    8th,  by  letter 
dated  Camp  Cheyenne,  December  8th  ;  also  in  letter  from 
same    camp,   dated  December    12th ;    also    in    letter  from 
same  camp,  dated  December  16th.     Frequent  communica 
tion,  and    always    friendly,  was    kept    up    with    all    these 
leaders  until    about    December  15,  when    Big   Foot    came 
to    my    camp    to    say    good-by,  as  he    and    a*ll    his    men, 
women  and  children  were  going  to  Bennett  for  their  an 
nuities,    again    assuring    me    that    none    of   the    Cheyenne 
River  Indians  had  any  intentions  or    thoughts    of  joining 
the  hostiles    at   Pine    Ridge. 

Notwithstanding  this  assurance,  however,  I  was  at 
that  time  impressed  with  the  idea  that  Big  Foot  was 
making  an  extraordinary  effort  to  keep  his  followers 
quiet,  and  seemed  much  relieved  at  having  succeeded  in 
getting  them  to  go  to  Bennett.  With  this  impression  on 
my  mind  it  appeared  to  me  that  he  required  at  that  time 


440        THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

all  the  support  I  could  give  him,  and  I  never  failed,  in 
the  presence  of  his  own  men  and  others,  to  show  good 
feeling  and  the  utmost  confidence.  About  this  date  came 
the  telegram  from  department  headquarters,  dated  Decem 
ber  16th.  Under  the  circumstances,  and  owing  to  the 
delicate  situation  of  affairs  at  that  moment,  as  described 
above,  viz.,  my  belief  that  Big  Foot  could  alone  control 
the  young  men,  and  was  doing  so  under  my  advice  and 
support,  I  thought  it  best  to  allow  him  to  go  to  Bennett 
a  free  man,  and  so  informed  Division  Commander  by  tel 
egraph  December  18;  also  telegram  to  department  head 
quarters  same  date  ;  also  telegram  to  Division  Commander 
at  Rapid  City  dated  December  19th.  I  invite  special 
attention  to  this  dispatch,  as  showing  that  every  effort 
was  being  made  to  keep  informed,  to  inform  my  super 
iors,  and  to  make  the  most  of  my  command,  and  in  this 
connection  see  copy  of  dispatch  to  General  Carr,  Sixth 
Cavalry,  dated  December  19th  ;  also  letter  to  Mr.  Dunn 
same  date,  on  Belle  Fourche.  On  this  day,  December 
19th,  later  in  the  day,  intelligence  reached  me  from  a  de 
tachment  sent  down  the  river  to  look  after  Standing 
Rock  Indians,  that  the  Cheyenne  River  Indians  had 
stopped  on  their  way  down  to  Bennett,  and  had  assembled 
at  Hump's  camp  to  meet  Sitting  Bull. 

On  receiving  this  information  from  the  officer  in  ad 
vance,  Lieutenant  Duff,  Eighth  Cavalry,  I  marched  at  once 
down  the  river  with  two  troops  of  cavalry  and  one  com 
pany  of  infantry,  reinforced  to  fifty  men  and  two  Hotch- 
kiss  guns,  and  was  soon  in  support  of  the  troop,  Good 
win's  Eighth  Cavalry,  near  Big  Foot's  camp.  On  Decem- 


PRETTY  EAGLE  AND  SHOSHONE  FRIEND. 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  441 

her  20th  reached  Narseilles  ranch  and  went  into  camp, 
and  there  received  a  letter  from  Big  Foot  stating  that  he 
was  my  friend  and  wished  to  talk.  December  21st,  made 
an  early  start  to  join  Goodwin's  command,  and  to  either 
fight  or  capture  Big  Foot  if  any  resistance  was  offered. 
While  on  the  march,  and  four  miles  east  of  Narseilles, 
Big  Foot  came  to  me,  bringing  with  him  two  Standing 
Kock  Indians.  He  expressed  a  desire  to  comply  with  any 
orders  I  had  to  give,  and  said  all  his  men  would  do  the 
same.  I  asked  at  once  how  many  Indians  were  in  his 
camp.  He  replied  one  hundred  of  his  own  and  thirty- 
eight  Standing  Kock  Indians.  I  asked  why  he  had  re 
ceived  the  latter,  knowing  them  to  be  off  their  reserva 
tion  and  refugees.  His  reply  was  certainly  humane,  if  not 
a  sufficient  excuse,  and  was  to  the  effect  that  they  were 
brothers  and  relations ;  that  they  had  come  to  him  and 
his  people  almost  naked,  were  hungry,  footsore  and  weary; 
that  he  had  taken  them  in,  had  fed  them,  and  no  one 
with  any  heart  could  do  any  less.  The  ^Standing  Rock 
Indians  with  Big  Foot,  that  is,  those  whom  I  saw,  an 
swered  his  description  perfectly,  and  were,  in  fact,  so  pitia 
ble  a  sight  that  I  at  once  dropped  all  thought  of  their 
being  hostile  or  even  worthy  of  capture.  Still  my  instruc 
tions  were  to  take  them,  and  I  intended  doing  so.  Since 
the  flight  of  Big  Foot  and  the  fight  at  Wounded  Knee, 
I  believe  I  was  to  some  extent  imposed  upon  in  regard 
to  Standing  Rock  Indians,  and  I  now  think  there  were 
perhaps  some  warriors  with  them  who  were  kept  out  of 
sight,  but  near  enough  to  get  food  and  to  act  in  support 
should  a  fight  take  place. 


442  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

However,  everything  went  on  quietly  and  I  was  not 
aware  of  it  if  any  other  Indians  than  those  in  sight  were 
near  us.  I  directed  Capt.  Hennissee,  Eighth  Cavalry,  to 
go  to  the  Indian  camp  with  Big  Foot,  get  all  the  Indians 
and  return  to  my  camp  at  Marseilles  ranch,  where  I  en 
camped  on  the  night  of  the  21st.  Goodwin's  troop  was 
called  and  at  3  p.  m.  Hennissee  marched  in  with  three 
hundred  and  thirty-three  Indians ;  the  increase  in  num 
bers  as  given  by  Big  Foot  to  me  on  the  road  being 
something  of  a  surprise.  I  arranged  my  camp  accord 
ingly,  and  was  fully  prepared  for  anything  that  might 
occur.  The  Indians  went  into  camp  as  I  directed,  turned 
out  their  ponies  and  made  themselves  comfortable  while 
preparing  for  the  feast  I  had  promised.  The  night  passed 
quietly,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  22d  we  all  made  an 
early  start  for  my  home  camp,  Big  Foot,  at  the  time, 
seeming  willing  to  go  there.  On  the  march  some  of  the 
young  bucks  undertook  to  pass  the  advance  guard,  and 
Lieut.  Duff,  the  officer  in  charge,  drove  them  back,  and 
in  so  doing  deployed  a  line  faced  to  the  rear.  This 
action  seemed  to  frighten  some  of  the  Indians  and  the 
squaws  in  the  wagons  whipped  up,  threw  out  some  of 
their  loads  and  screamed,  and  this  excitement  was  soon 
communicated  down  the  column.  I  rode  at  once  to  the 
head,  found  Big  Foot,  who  was  driving  his  wagon,  and 
asked  him  what  this  excitement  meant.  He  laughed,  and 
in  reply  said:  "Nothing  the  matter;  some  old  woman 
screamed."  I  told  him  to  have  it  stopped,  and  he  at 
once  got  on  his  pony,  rode  about  and  allayed  all  con 
fusion,  and  the  march  continued  to  the  village. 


TEE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  443 

[Col.  Sumner  here  introduces  copies  of  his  dispatches 
sent  to  division  and  department  commanders  on  the  19th, 
21st  and  22d  December.]  In  that  of  the*  19th,  I  state 
Indians  were  reported  to  me  as  defiant.  That  report  was 
false,  and  I  did  not  find  them  to  be  so.  In  another  dis 
patch  I  used  the  term  surrender  more  in  anticipation  of 
what  might  have  taken  place. 

When  the  meeting  took  place  there  seemed  to  be  no 
occasion  for  surrender,  and  in  all  later  dispatches  I  relate 
the  fact  that  the  Indians  "come  in,"  and  all  statements 
in  those  dispatches  are  based  on  the  supposition  that  I 
had  only  to  deal  with  one  hundred  and  thirty-eight  In 
dians,  whereas  the  number  coming  in  was  three  hundred 
and  thirty-three.  Still,  as  will  be  observed  in  dispatch 
of  December  21st,  I  hoped  to  carry  out  my  designs  with 
even  that  number,  but  on  arrival  at  the  village  I  saw 
that  Big  Foot  himself  could  not  control  or  overcome  the 
desire  they  all  had  to  go  to  their  homes,  and  he  came 
frankly  to  me  and  said: 

"I  will  go  with  you  to  your  camp,  but  there  will 
be  trouble  in  trying  to  force  these  women  and  children, 
cold  and  hungry  as  they  are,  away  from  their  homes." 
And  further  said:  "This  is  their  home,  where  the  Gov 
ernment  has  ordered  them  to  stay,  and  none  of  my  peo 
ple  have  committed  a  single  act  requiring  their  removal 
by  force." 

I  concluded  that  one  of  two  things  must  happen  — 
I  must  either  consent  to  their  going  into,  their  village  or 
bring  on  a  fight ;  and,  if  the  latter,  must  be  the  aggressor, 
and,  if  the  aggressor,  what  possible  reason  could  I  pro- 


444  THE  SOUTH  DAKJTA  OUTBREAK. 

dace  for  making  an  attack  on  peaceable,  quiet  Indians 
on  their  reservation  and  at  their  homes,  killing,  perhaps, 
many  of  them,  and  sacrificing,  without  any  justification, 
the  lives  of  many  officers  and  enlisted  men.  %  I  confess 
that  my  ambition  was  very  great,  but  it  was  not  sufficient 
to  justify  me  in  making  an  unprovoked  attack  on  those 
Indians  at  that  time,  and  even  if  an  attack  had  been 
made  to  enforce  my  wishes,  the  result  would  have  onlj 
been  to  have  driven  the  Indians  out  of  the  country  sooner 
than  they  did  go.  I  was  prepared  to  fight  at  any  mo 
ment  should  provocation  be  afforded,  but  with  my  small 
force  I  could  not  have  surrounded  the  Indians,  nor  could 
I  have  prevented  their  fleeing  from  me  and  going  to  the 
badlands,  or  even  to  the  hostile  camp,  with  a  reasonable 
demand  for  protection,  which,  in  going  as  they  did,  they 
did  not  have. 

Dispatch  (December  21)  indicates  the  fear  I  had 
of  a  sudden  departure  of  the  young  men  in  a  stealthy 
manner.  I  considered  that  Big  Foot's  presence  and  in 
fluence  with  them  would  be  more  powerful  to  prevent 
that  than  anything  I  could  do ;  he  was,  as  it  were, 
working  with  me  to  accomplish  my  ends,  and  I  had  every 
confidence  that  he  would  be  able  to  hold  his  people  on 
the  reservation,  and  also  to  deliver  the  Standing  Rock 
Indians  to  me,  as  he  promised  to  do,  and  as  I  still  be 
lieved  he  desired  to  do.  It  was  not  practicable  at  that 
time  to  select  the  thirty-eight  Standing  Rock  Indians  out 
of  the  crowd,  as  no  one  but  the  Indians  themselves 
knew  who  they  were.  I  therefore,  for  the  reasons  stated, 
left  Big  Foot  with  his  people,  and  in  connection  with, 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK.  445 

«uch  action  I  believe  I  was  acting  in  accordance  with 
many  precedents  of  early  timers  of  later  years,  and  with 
those  established  at  Pine  Ridge  in  the  present  campaign, 
where,  even  in  the  presence  of  a  much  larger  force  pro 
portionately  than  I  had,  Indians  were  allowed  to  be 
friendly  one  day  and  hostile  the  next,  and  then  to  return 
1o  a  friendly  status.  It  is  fair  to  presume  that  those 
Indians  who  surrounded  and  fired  upon  the  Seventh  Cav 
alry  December  30th  came  from  the  hostile  camp  and  re 
turned  to  it  again. 

Leaving  Big  Foot,  then,  with  his  people  in  his  village, 
but  taking  his  promise  to  see  me  the  next  day  and  bring 
-with  him  the  Standing  Rock  Indians,  I  returned  to  my 
camp,  and  purposely  all  the  way  there,  to  establish  confi 
dence,  after  the  excitement  on  the  march,  which  might 
have  been  continued,  or  perhaps  increased,  had  I  en- 
•camped  and  taken  up  an  offensive  position  near  the 
village,  but  which  was  no  doubt  allayed  by  my  apparent 
reliance  on  the  chief,  whom  I  was  bound  at  that  time, 
•either  to  support  or  fight.  Up  to  that  time  I  had  no' 
reason  to  doubt  the  integrity  of  the  chief  ;  on  the  other 
hand,  had  every  reason  to  believe  in  the  sincerity  of  his 
motives.  I  decided  to  trust  him,  and  in  doing  so  was 
wholly  unmindful  of  orders  received,  and  desirous  only 
of  accomplishing  what  I  understood  to  be  the  wishes  of 
my  superiors,  especially  those  of  the  Division  Com 
mander,  believing  that  his  plans  were  to  settle  matters, 
if  possible,  without  bloodshed. 

I    have    already    stated    what    in    my    opinion    would 
have  occurred  if  I  had  taken  the  other  course.      While  in 


446  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK. 

my  camp  on  the  night  of  22d  and  23d,  I  received  the 
dispatch  from  General  Miles.  I  had  no  thought  of  the 
escape  of  the  Indians  as  a  body,  but  was  only  anxious 
lest  a  few  warriors  should  run  away,  and  I  supposed  I 
had  taken  the  best  precaution  against  that,  and  was  there 
fore  obeying  orders.  The  information  relative  to  In 
dians  from  the  north  made  rne  hesitate  to  leave  my 
camp  at  all,  but  I  hoped  to  accomplish  matters  with  Big 
Foot  on  the  23d  —  get  him  started  for  Bennett  and  hurry 
back  to  camp,  although  I  marched  towards  the  village 
with  every  soldier  I  could  take,  and  fully  intended  to 
enforce  my  orders  for  Bennett  and  make  any  refusal 
sufficient  provocation  to  fight,  and  in  that  extremity  take 
the  chances  on  the  call  to  Meade.  My  anxiety  at  this 
time  to  meet  all  the  calls  made  upon  me  is  apparent  in 
dispatches  to  General  Miles  dated  22d  and  23d. 

At  noon  on  23d  December,  not  hearing  anything 
from  Big  Foot  or  from  any  of  my  scouts  who  had  been 
sent  to  the  village,  I  had  ordered  the  march  of  my 
command,  and  was  about  moving  when  Mr.  Dunn,  a 
citizen  living  on  Belle  Fourche  and  friend  of  Big  Foot's, 
appeared  at  my  camp.  I  obtained  Mr.  Dunn's  service 
to  go  to  the  village  and  see  what  was  going  on,  and 
instructed  him  to  take  my  order  to  Big  Foot  to  go  with 
his  people  to  Bennett,  and  also  to  say  to  Big  Foot 
that  I  would  enforce  the  order.  What  Mr.  Dunn  said 
or  did  is  a  question.  I  was  at  one  time  inclined  to  be 
lieve  that  Mr.  Dunn  had  played  me  false,  but  he  is  a  man 
of  good  reputation,  and  from  his  statement  and  state 
ments  of  officers  who  have  seen  and  interviewed  him 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  447 

since,  I  am  now  sure  that  I  did  him  an  injustice,  and 
I  do  not  believe  or  claim  that  Mr.  Dunn  was  in  any 
way  responsible  for  events  which  afterwards  occurred. 

Air.  Dunn  after  seeing  Big  Foot,  met  me  on  the 
march  and  informed  ms  that  Big  Foot  and  all  his  peo 
ple  had  consented  to  go  to  Bennett — that  there  was  a 
good  deal  of  feeling  among  them — no  desire  to  fight  or 
in  any  way  to  oppose  my  orders,  and  that  they  would 
move  next  morning.  Big  Foot  intended  to  yisit  my 
camp  that  evening.  I  had  no  suspicion,  nor  had  anyone 
else  in  my  command,  that  anything  else  would  happen. 
This  record  shows  what  confidence  I  already  had  in  Big 
Foot,  and  certainly  Mr.  Dunn's  report  was  not  calculated 
to  weaken  it ;  besides  this  I  had  still  later  reports  from 
my  interpeter,  Benoit,  who  left  the  village  after  Dunn, 
that  everything  was  all  right  and  everybody  going  to 
Bennett. 

About  7  p.  m.  two  scouts  came  in,  one  stating  that 
he  thought  the  Indians  were  going  south,  and  the  other 
expressed  a  belief  that  although  they  were  going  up 
Deep  creek,  he  thought  they  would  turn  towards  Bennett 
after  reaching  the  divide,  and  that  they  did  this  to  es 
cape  the  soldiers  coming  up  the  Cheyenne  River  from 
Bennett.  On  the  possibility  that  they  had  gone  south 
I  sent  the  dispatch  to  Col.  Carr,  Sixth  Cavalry,  dated 
23d,  and  also  dispatch  to  Gens.  Miles  and  Ruger.  On 
the  morning  of  December  24th,  I  received  dispatch  from 
Gen.  Miles  dated  23d.  It  will  be  observed  that  in  this 
dispatch  Big  Foot  is  considered  both  hostile  and  defiant 
by  the  Division  Commander,  and  that  positive  orders 


448  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK. 

were  sent  me  for  action  against  him,  but  those  orders 
came  too  late  and  could  not  be  carried  out. 

The  opinion  of  the  Division  Commander  was  quite 
the  reverse  of  my  own  experience  with  these  Indians 
and  I  may  therefore  be  reasonably  excused  for  not  an 
ticipating  such  orders,  and  with  the  exception  of  the 
dispatch  from  Gen.  Eager  indicating  the  desirability  of 
arresting  Big  Foot,  it  will  be  difficult  to  find  in  any  of 
my  orders  or  instructions  any  intimation  of  hostility  on 
the  part  of  those  Indians.  On  the  other  hand,  all  anx 
iety  seemed  to  point  to  my  preventing  their  becoming 
hostile.  I  believe  that  duty  was  best  performed  in  the 
course  pursued  up  to  the  time  they  left  their  reserva 
tion  ;  an  event  I  did  not  look  for,  could  not  anticipate, 
and  could  not  have  prevented. 

Any  move  on  my  part  to  the  south  of  Big  Foot's 
village  would  have  left  the  settlements  unguarded,  the 
citizens  unprotected,  who  were  by  orders  under  my  pro 
tection,  and  my  supply  camp  on  the  river  at  the  disposal 
of  the  Indians  on  their  way  south  by  that  route,  instead 
of  the  one  they  took.  If  Big  Foot  had  been  hostile  and 
defiant  in  attitude,  I  was  not  aware  of  it  until  receiving 
the  orders  making  him  so  and  authorizing  his  arrest  and 
the  arrest  of  others.  My  course  would  have  been  very 
plain  if  I  could  have  received  these  orders  in  time,  or 
could  have  known  the  wishes  of  the  Division  Commander. 
The  result,  however,  would  probably  have  been  the  same, 
as  any  display  of  hostile  intent  on  my  part  would  have 
caused  the  Indians  to  flee,  and  I  could  not  have  inter 
posed  any  force  to  prevent. 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  449 

The  fact  that  even  in  the  opinion  of  my  superiors  I 
did  not  have  sufficient  force  to  do  that,  is,  I  believe,  made 
apparent  in  several  dispatches  from  Department,  Htad- 
quarters  stating  that  I  would  be  reinforced  first  by  Wells' 
command,  then  by  Adams'  First  Cavalry  and  Cheyenne 
scouts,  then  by  Colonel  Merriam,  Seventh  Infantry — none 
of  whom  ever  reached  me  in  time  ;  also  in  several  of  my 
dispatches  are  reports  that  I  did  not  have  force  enough 
to  guard  the  trails  leading  south.  I  did  not  ask  for  more 
troops  or  for  any  reinforcements. 

I  never  for  a  moment  considered  that  my  command 
was  not  strong  enough  to  meet  any  force  likely  to  be 
brought  against  it,  but  that  is  quite  a  different  matter 
from  surrounding  and  capturing  an  enemy,  especially  of 
the  character  of  the  Indian,  who  considers  a  surrender 
merely  a  halt  in  the  fight  to  be  fed,  but  had  no  idea  of 
being  disarmed.  In  the  case  of  big  Foot's  band  now 
under  consideration  no  surrender  was  made — no  arms  were 
demanded.  The  march  to  the  vicinity  of  Big  Foot's 
camp,  situated  down  the  Cheyenne  river  twenty-two  miles 
below  his  village,  was  for  the  purpose  of  arresting  any 
warriors  from  the  Standing  Rock  Agency  who  were  sup 
posed  to  have  been  concerned  in  the  Sitting  Bull  fight, 
and  who,  it  was  feared,  might  go  further  south  ;  to  have 
a  check  on  Big  Foot's  band  and  other  Cheyenne  river 
Indians. 

As  I  already  stated,  the  mere  appearance  of  the  few 
Standing  Rock  Indians  in  sight  as  reported,  precluded 
anything  like  the  use  of  military  force  against  them.  The 
Big  Foot  band  and  other  Indians  belonging  to  Cheyenne 


450  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

river  were  on  their  reservation  and  willing  to  go  to  their 
village  in  compliance  with  my  wishes.  This  was  a  com 
plete  surrender  as  far  as  I  was  authorized  to  act — any 
further  demand  on  my  part  would  have  provoked  hostili 
ties  and  would  have  placed  me  clearly  outside  of  my 
orders,  and  even  beyond  any  excuse  for  such  action. 
Nor  could  it  be  presumed  that  an  attack  by  my  force  on 
Big  Foot  would  have  resulted  in  any  other  way  than  that 
experienced  by  every  commander  in  our  service  who  has 
made  such  an  attack.  The  Modocs  were  attacked  and 
fled  to  the  Lava  Beds,  killing  every  citizen  within  reach; 
the  Bannocks  were  attacked  and  scattered  over  the  coun 
try,  killing  innocent  people  and  committing  depredations; 
the  Nez  Perces  were  attacked  by  General  Howard  and 
led  his  command  and  others  for  thousands  of  miles,  and 
when  finally  surrounded  and  attacked  by  fresh  troops  a 
number  succeeded  in  escaping  to  Canada.  In  the  '76- 
campaign  on  one  occasion  the  Indians  were  met  in  hostile 
array  and  the  troops  were  withdrawn,  and  it  is  supposed 
the  commanders,  having  discretion,  did  a  wise  thing.  In 
the  campaign  of  this  year,  at  Pine  Kidge,  it  is  the  com 
mon  rumor,  and  generally  supposed  to  be  true,  that  Two- 
Strike's  band  and  other  bands  of  Indians  were  allowed 
to  pass  back  and  forth  between  the  agency  and  the 
hostile  camp,  always  armed,  and  alternately  friendly  and 
hostile,  at  their  own  will. 

I  do  not  presume  to  question  the  management  of 
these  affairs  or  the  wisdom  of  the  policy  pursued,  but 
in  connection  with  the  management  and  policy  I  would 
like  to  have  my  action  considered.  My  orders  were 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  451 

positive  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  Indians  I  had  in 
charge;  to  prevent  any  Indians  from  coming  from  the 
south  and  joining  those  on  the  Cheyenne  river;  to  pro 
tect  the  settlements  in  my  rear  and  on  the  Belle  Fourche; 
and  to  watch  for  Indians  coming  from  the  northwest 
(that  was  in  my  rear),  and  to  be  prepared  to  march 
rapidly  to  Fort  Meade.  In  the  face  of  these  several 
duties,  all  to  be  preformed  by  my  small  command,  I 
could  only  hope  to  succeed  by  using  a  peaceful  policy 
rather  than  force. 

I  hoped  to  hold  Big  Foot  and  that  he  would  be 
able  to  control  his  men  and  take  them  to  Bennett,  and 
up  to  7  p.  m.  on  the  night  of  the  23d,  I  felt  reasonably 
assured  that  I  would  not  only  succeed  in  that  measure 
but  1  would  also  be  prepared  for  any  other  demands.  So 
that,  instead  of  being  in  disobedience  of  orders  as  re 
ported  by  the  division  commander,  I  was,  I  know,  doing 
my  utmost  to  carry  out  his  orders,  and  even  to  fullfil 
what  I  thought  were  his  wishes. 

The  flight  of  Big  Foot's  band,  no  doubt,  interfered 
with  the  plans  of  the  campaign;  I  was  prepared  to  hear 
that,  and  further,  perhaps,  that  I  had  not  met  with  the 
expectations  of  the  Major  General  commanding  in  per 
mitting  the  Indians  to  go.  I  should  have  regretted  even 
that  censure;  but  to  see  that  I  am  accused  of  disobedi 
ence  of  orders  is  a  surprise  to  one,  and,  in  my  opinion, 
is  as  unjust  as  it  is  unwarranted  either  by  facts,  circum 
stances,  or  a  possibility  of  intention.  My  orders  from 
General  Miles  after  the  flight  of  the  Indians  for  Fine 
Ridge,  were  to  return  to  my  camp  and  remain  in  that 
vicinity. 


452  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

Since  the  departure  of  the  Indians  I  have  learned 
through  other  Indians  that  Big  Foot  was  forced  to  go 
with  his  people;  that  there  was  probably  no  intention  of 
hostilities,  but  rather  a  desire  on  the  part  of  all  to  seek 
the  crowd  at  Pine  Ridge  Agency,  and  being  there  to  get 
better  terms  than  at  Bennett.  My  opinion  is  that  the 
advance  of  Colonel  Merriam  up  Cheyenne  river  and  the 
report  that  the  Standing  Rock  Indians  at  Bennett  had 
been  disarmed,  caused  a  sudden  change  of  plan  in  Big 
Foot's  village,  and  that  the  young  men,  on  account  of 
the  situation,  were  able  to  overcome  all  objections  to 
going  south.  They  certainly  passed  through  the  country 
without  committing  any  depredations  or  harming  anyone. 

They  passed  near  a  detachment  from  my  command 
at  Davidson's  ranch,  on  head  of  Deep  creek,  passed  with 
in  sight  of  citizens  at  Pinaugh's  ranch,  at  Howard's  went 
through  his  pasture  filled  with  horses  and  cattle,  and,  it 
is  reported,  disturbed  nothing.  They  had  passed  all 
roads,  as  I  understood  it,  to  the  hostile  camp,  and  were 
met  by  Maj.  Whitside  twelve  miles  from  the  .agency  and 
going  in  that  direction,  were  willing  to  surrender  to  him 
and  did  march  with  him  to  his  camp  and  remain  quietly 
with  him  all  night.  This  command  having,  as  was  re 
ported,  captured  Big  Foot's  band,  was  as  large,  if  not 
greater  than  mine,  and  was  in  supporting  distance  of 
other  troops. 

Still,  Maj.  Whitside  asked  for  reinforcements,  and 
they  were  promptly  sent,  as  he  reported  he  did  not  con 
sider  it  safe  to  make  the  attempt  to  disarm  them  with 
his  command.  Reinforcements  having  arrived,  this  band 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  453 

of  Indians  was  then  in  the  presence  of  regimental  head 
quarters,  eight  troops  cavalry  and  three  or  four  guns  with' 
artillery  detachments ;  a  fight  occurred,  the  details  of 
which  have  been  published,  and  have  no  place  here  ex 
cept  to  show  that  any  attack  by  my  command,  although 
without  provocation,  would,  if  successful,  have  driven  the 
Indians  out  of  the  country,  but  could  not  have  held  or 
disarmed  them. 

It  will  be  observed  from  the  evidence  accompanying 
this  report  that  on  the  day  on  which  the  Major  General 
commanding  was  writing  his  dispatch,  December  23,  pro 
claiming  Big  Foot  to  be  hostile  and  defiant,  and  ordering 
his  arrest,  he,  Big  Foot,  was  in  reality  quietly  occupying 
his  village  with  his  people  amenable  to  orders,  having 
given  no  provocation  whatever,  to  my  knowledge,  for 
attack,  and  no  more  deserving  punishment  than  peaceable^ 
Indians  at  any  time  on  their  reservation.  I  was  not 
aware  that  Big  Foot  or  his  people  were  considered  hos 
tile,  and  am  now  at  loss  to  understand  why  they  were  so 
considered,  every  act  of  theirs  being  within  my  experi 
ence  directly  to  the  contrary,  and  reports  made  by  me 
were  to  the  effect  that  the  Indians  were  friendly  and 
quiet. 


As  will  be  seen  from  the  report  submitted  by  Col. 
Sumner,  Big  Foot's  people  had  shown  no  hostility  toward 
the  whites,  nor  had  they  given  any  indication  that  they 
intended  to  act  contrary  to  the  orders  promulgated  by 
the  Government.  On  the  contrary,  the  old  chief  had 
declared  himself  in  every  way  friendly,  and  his  contem- 


454  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

:plated  trip  from  his  village  to  Fort  Bennett  for  annuities 
was  made  no  secret  of  by  him  in  his  talk  with  Col. 
Sumner.  That  he  had  changed  his  original  plans  and 
started  for  Pine  Ridge  instead  of  Bennett,  must  be  ad 
mitted  ;  but  this  is  officially  explained  in  the  statement 
that  Big  Foot's  people,  having  heard  of  the  disarming  of 
all  the  Indians  at  Bennett,  thought  they  would  be  treated 
better  by  the  Pine  Ridge  Agency  authorities.  But  their 
trip  toward  Pine  Ridge  was  construed  as  an  endeavor  to 
join  the  hostile  Indians  in  the  badlands,  and  orders  were 
air  once  given  to  intercept  Big  Foot  and  his  people,  dis 
arm  them  and  send  them  as  prisoners  to  Omaha. 

"  If  Big  Foot  had  been  hostile  and  defiant  in  atti 
tude,  1  was  not  aware  of  it,"  says  Col.  Sumner,  "  until 
receiving  the  orders  making  him  so,  and  authorizing  his 
arrest  and  the  arrest  of  others." 

When  on  December  28th,  within  twenty  miles  of  the 
Pine  Ridge  Agency,  Big  Foot  and  his  people  were  met 
by  Major  Whitside  and  command,  they,  without  offering 
any  resistance,  accompanied  the  troops  to  the  military 
camp  on  Wounded  Knee  creek.  Word  of  the  capture  of 
the  band  was  immediately  sent  to  headquarters,  and  Gen. 
Brooke  at  once  dispatched  Col.  Forsyth  with  the  troops 
of  the  Seventh  Cavalry  to  reinforce  Major  Whitside  and 
disarm  the  members  of  Big  Foot's  band,  numbering,  all 
told,  three  hundred  ar.d  thirty-three  people.  The  Indian 
camp  had  been  surrounded  by  Major  Whitside's  com 
mand  before  the  arrival  o£  Col.  Forsyth,  and  the  Indians 
were  apprehensive  when  they  saw  preparations  going  on 
for  the  accomplishment  of  some  object  they  could  not 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  455 

comprehend.  The  killing  of  Sitting  Bull  a  short  while 
previous,  and  rumors  of  the  disarming  of  all  Indians  who 
had  surrendered  at  Bennett,  were  promoting  causes  of 
fear  and  distrust,  and  every  act  on  both  sides  was  made 
subject  to.,  misapprehension. 

Grouard  says  he  was  ordered  out  from  Fine  Ridge 
with  Col.  Forsyth's  command  on  the  night  of  December 
28th,  but  was  recalled  by  courier  before  he  had  traveled 
half  the  distance  between  the  agency  and  Wounded  Knee, 
where  Big  Foot  was  camped.  He  is  positive  that  the 
trouble  which  occurred  the  following  morning  arose  through 
a  misunderstanding  on  both  sides,  and  that  the  awful 
catastrophe  might,  as  well  as  not,  have  been  averted. 

When  Col.  Forsyth  arrived  at  Wounded  Knee  on  the 
morning  of  December  29th,  Big  Foot  was  in  his  lodge 
suffering  from  pneumonia.  The  trip  from  the  Cheyenne 
river  through  the  biting  cold  had  incapacitated  the  old 
chief,  and  from  all  accounts  his  condition  was  desperate. 
Of  course  the  soldiers  knew  nothing  of  this.  They  were 
about  to  carry  out  orders  given  by  superior  authority, 
and  they  had  learned  the  first  duty  of  soldiers  too  well 
to  disobey,  no  matter  what  their  knowledge  or  inclination 
might  be. 

When  the  final  order  to  disarm  the  Indians  was  given 
by  Col.  Forsyth,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  Decem 
ber  29,  the  male  members  of  Big  Foot's  band  were 
brought  forward  and  closely  surrounded  by  the  troops — 
Custer's  old  regiment,  the  Seventh.  The  Indians  at  this 
juncture  knew  the  intention  was  to  disarm  them,  but  they 
did  not  understand  what  was  to  follow  when  they  were 


456  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

rendered  helpless  by  obeying  the  order  to  give  up  their 
arms.  Big  Foot  did  not  come  out  of  his  lodge,  but  his 
nephew — a  young,  scatter-brain  fellow — was  in  the  crowd, 
dressed  in  all  the  paraphernalia  of  the  ghost  dancers. 
The  tents  of  the  soldiers  and  the  tepis  of  the  hostiles 
were  very"  close  together  ;  in  fact,  it  might  be  said  that 
the  two  camps  were  one.  When  the  order  was  given  to 
produce  their  arms,  the  members  of  the  band  came  for 
ward  and  sat  in  a  semi-circle  on  the  ground.  The  weather 
was  very  cold,  and  the  bucks  were  wrapped  in  their 
blankets,  many  of  them  having  their  guns  concealed  be 
neath  these  coverings. 

Instead,  however,  of  giving  up  all  their  weapons  at 
once,  as  demanded,  the  Indians  handed  in  so  few  that  the 
officers  conducting  the  disarming  became  suspicious  and 
ordered  tepis  and  Indians  both  searched.  Authority  is 
conflicting  at  this  point  as  to  whether  any  searching  of 
the  persons  of  the  Indians  was  or  was  not  done ;  but 
there  was  great  suppressed  excitement,  in  the  midst  of 
which  Good-for-Nothing,  the  nephew  of  Big  Foot,  jumped 
to  his  feet  and  began  to  harangue  the  camp.  He  is  said 
to  have  exclaimed  that  the  soldiers  could  not  injure  him, 
as  he  had  his  ghost  shirt  on,  and  that  now  was  as  good 
a  time  to  test  its  efficacy  as  he  would  ever  have.  He 
took  a  handful  of  dirt  from  the  ground  and  tossed  it  in 
the  air  over  his  head,  and  then  discharged  his  gun,  the 
soldiers  claim  at  them,  the  Indians  say  in  the  air. 

By  this  time  all  the  Indians  were  in  a  high  state  of 
excitement,  and  the  soldiers,  believing  the  action  of  Good. 
for-Nothing  to  be  a  prearranged  signal  for  an  attack, 


15 


*3 
•— i 

K 


o 

s 

GO 

c? 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  457 

poured  a  volley  of  lead  into  the  Indians,  and  instantly 
the  fight  became  general.  The  soldiers,  being  on  all 
sides  of  the  Indians  and  within  twenty  feet  of  them, 
could  not  help  but  cross-fire,  and  no  doubt  killed  many 
of  their  own  number,  though  it  has  never  been  denied 
that  the  members  of  Big  Foot's  band  fought  desperately, 
and  to  kill. 

The  battle  lasted  perhaps  an  hour,  but  not  at  the 
spot  where  the  trouble  begun,  as  a  great  many  were 
killed  at  the  first  volley,  and  those  among  the  band  who 
could  get  out  of  the  camp  through  the  cordon  of  troops, 
started  for  the  adjacent  bluffs,  the  soldiers  pursuing  and 
shooting  them  down  as  fast  as  they  could  overtake  them. 
The  number  killed  has  never  been  definitely  ascertained, 
though  it  is  estimated  at  about  one  hundred  and  fifty,  a 
large  number  of  the  slain  being  women  and  children. 
Many  have  strongly  condemned  the  action  of  Col.  For- 
syth's  command  in  shooting  down  the  squaws  and  chil 
dren,  and  refer  to  it  as  a  wanton  slaughter ;  but  it  must 
be  remembered  that  when  the  first  gun  was  fired  the  In 
dians  became  mixed  up  indiscriminately,  and  no  distinc 
tion  could  be  made  between  the  men  and  the  women. 
There  certainly  is  no  good  reason  for  attaching  blame  to 
the  command  for  the  killing  of  women  and  children 
under  these  circumstances  ;  nor  does  the  fact  that  dead 
bodies  of  slain  females  and  babes  were  found  on  the 
frozen  ground  at  distances  from  the  camp  varying  from 
one  hundred  yards  to  an  eighth  of  a  mile  disprove  the 
claim  made  by  the  troops  that  these  unfortunate  beings 
were  mowed  down  by  the  rain  of  bullets  and  shot  which 


458  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK. 

was  poured  upon  the  fleeing  bucks  after  the  fight  in  the 
camp  was  over  and  the  Indians  were  endeavoring  to  find 
shelter  in  the  neighboring  hills. 

After  the  battle  the  body  of  Big  Foot  was  found 
outside  his  tepi.  The  body  of  the  old  chief,  rigid  in 
death,  had  been  pierced  by  a  score  of  bullets.  Death 
must  have  been  instantaneous.  He  had  apparently  risen 
from  his  bed  when  the  firing  first  begun,  and  rushed  out 
of  his  lodge  at  the  moment  when  the  awful  storm  of 
bullets  broke  from  the  soldiers'  rifles.  His  squaw  was 
found  dead  inside  the  tepi,  her  nerveless  fingers  still 
clutching  a  loaded  Winchester.  The  chief's  lodge  stood 
but  a  few  feet  back  from  where  the  Indians  had  squatted 
on  the  ground  previous  to  the  commencement  of  disarm 
ing,  and  the  fusilade  from  the  troops  fairly  riddled  the 
tepi's  sides.  The  squaw,  being  inside  and  standing  up 
right,  was  struck  and  killed  by  the  bullets  which  tore 
through  the  thin  canvas  of  which  the  walls  of  the  lodge 
were  composed. 

When  the  battle  ground  at  Wounded  Knee  was 
gone  over  the  troops  found  twenty-seven  of  their  com 
rades  cold  in  death,  and  more  than  thirty  seriously 
wounded.  Capt.  George  D.  Wallace  of  K  troop  was 
among  the  slain.  The  dead  were  given  burial  with  mil 
itary  honors  and  the  wounded  were  removed  at  once  to 
the  agency  and  given  the  best  of  care. 

A  large  number  of  wounded  Indians  were  taken  to 
the  agency  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  doctors  and  skilled 
nurses,  but  many  of  them  succumbed  to  their  injuries. 

Some  little  time  after  the    battle    Col.   Forsyth    was 


THE  SOUTH   DAKOTA   OUTBREAK.  459 

relieved  of  his  command  pending  an  investigation  of  the 
charge  that  women  and  children  were  killed  wantonly  by 
the  soldiers  of  Col.  Forsyth's  command  at  the  Wounded 
Knee  battle,  but  Col.  Forsyth  was  honorably  acquitted 
and  promoted  shortly  afterward. 

Among  other  commands  that  had  been  sent  out  to 
keep  an  eye  on  the  hostiles  and  intercept  Big  Foot's 
band  was  Col.  Guy  Y.  Henry's  (Ninth  Cavalry,)  whose 
camp  was  distant  about  thirty-five  miles  from  the  Pine 
Ridge  Agency.  On  the  day  of  the  Wounded  Knee  bat 
tle  word  had  been  sent  to  Col.  Henry  to  report  with 
his  command  at  headquarters,  which  he  accordingly  did. 
But  he  had  no  sooner  arrived  in  camp  than  word  came 
that  his  wagon  train,  which  was  moving  into  the  agency 
at  leisure,  had  been  attacked  by  the  hostiles,  and  he 
immediately  went  to  its  relief,  driving  off  the  attacking 
party  and  bringing  in  the  train. 

In  the  meantime  a  fire  at  the  Mission,  five  miles 
from  the  agency  (supposed  to  be,  from  reports  brought 
into  Pine  Ridge,  the  Mission  building  itself  undergoing 

* 

destruction  at  the  hands  of  the  hostiles),  caused  an  order 
to  be  issued  for  Col.  Forsyth  and  a  detachment  of  the 
Seventh  Cavalry  to  repair  at  once  to  the  scene  of  the 
fire  and  drive  off  the  Indians.  Upon  arriving  there 
Col.  Forsyth  was  entirely  surrounded  by  th'e  hostiles, 
and  a  request  for  reinforcements  was  at  once  dispatched 
to  headquarters.  Col.  Henry's  tired  troopers  had  just 
arrived  at  the  agency  when  this  request  arrived  from 
Forsyth.  In  fact,  the  cavalrymen  had  barely  dis 
mounted  when  "boots  and  saddles"  was  sounded,  and 


460  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

away  flew  Henry  and  his  men  to  rescue  the  threatened 
Seventh.  And  they  did  it,  too  ! 

No  officer  in  the  army  is  held  in  higher  esteem  by 
his  men  than  Colonel  Henry.  His  regiment,  then,  the 
Ninth,  composed  entirely  of  colored  troops,  would  charge 
any  position  or  follow  any  forlorn  hope  where  he  led. 
Brave  as  a  lion  and  gentle  as  a  woman,  he  has  rare 
qualities  for  leadership,  and  his  knowledge  of  Indian 
warfare  has  been  acquired  by  years  of  campaigning  on 
the  border  with  such  heroes  as  Crook  and  Custer. 
Grouard  places  him  in  the  foremost  rank  as  an  Indian 
fighter,  and  says  his  judgment  in  such  matters  is  today 
superior  to  that  of  any  officer  in  the  United  States 
army.  His  services  during  the  '76  campaign  were 
heroic,  and  his  scarred  face  (the  result  of  a  rifle  shot 
received  at  the  battle  of  the  Rosebud,  when  Chief 
Crazy  Horse  with  six  thousand  warriors  attacked 
Crook's  command,)  appeals  more  eloquently  for  deserved 
recognition  than  can  words  of  commendation. 

The  hostile  camp,  which,  up  to  the  llth  of  Janu 
ary,  1891,  was  located  fifteen  miles  from  the  Pine 
Ridge  Agency,  contained  no  less  than  3,500  souls, 
about  six  hundred  being  fighting  warriors.  Chief  Red 
Cloud  had  been  forced  into  the  hostile  camp  and  could 
not  get  away.  On  the  7th  of  January  Lieutenant 
Casey  of  the  Twenty-second  Infantry,  commanding  a 
company  of  Cheyenne  scouts,  left  the  camp  of  Colonel 
G.  B.  Sanford,  on  the  bank  of  White  River,  opposite 
the  mouth  of  White  Clay  creek,  to  reconnoiter  the 
hostile  village  located  at  No  Waters,  on  White  Clay 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  461 

creek,  about  eight  miles  from  its  mouth.  He  had  em 
ployed  his  scouts  up  to  the  day  of  his  death  in  locating 
and  watching  the  Sioux  camp.  The  day  preceding  the 
murder  of  Lieutenant  Casey,  says  Lieutenant  Robert 
Getty,  he  had  invited  a  number  of  Sioux  warriors  to 
his  camp,  where  he  entertained  and  had  a  friendly 
talk  with  them. 

On  the  day  following,  about  nine  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  he  left  camp  with  two  scouts,  telling  Lieut. 
Getty  that  he  was  going  out  to  get  a  view  of  the  hostile 
village.  About  one  o'clock  the  two  scouts  returned  with 
Lieut.  Casey's  horse  and  reported  that  he  had  been 
killed  by  the  Sioux.  By  permission  of  Gen.  Brooke, 
who  had  established  his  headquarters  with  Col.  Sanford 
on  January  5th,  Lieut.  Getty  took  a  troop  of  scouts  and 
proceeded  up  White  Clay  Creek,  where  he  found  Lieut. 
Casey's  body  on  the  right  bank  of  the  creek  within  a 
mile  and  a  half  of  the  Sioux  camp.  Part  of  the  clothing 
had  been  taken,  but  the  body  was  not. mutilated.  He 
had  been  shot  through  the  head,  the  ball  entering  at 
the  back  and  coming  out  under  the  right  eye,  killing 
him  instantly.  The  Sioux  offered  no  resistance  to  the 
recovery  of  his  body. 

White  Moon,  one  of  the  scouts  with  Lieut.  Casey, 
says  the  officer  proceeded  up  White  Clay  creek,  and  a 
short  distance  from  the  hostile  camp  met  a  Sioux  woman, 
with  whom  he  talked  in  English.  He  then  proceeded 
on,  and  within  a  short  distance  of  the  Sioux  camp  came 
to  a  party  of  Indians  butchering  cattle,  with  whom  he 
shook  hands.  While  White  Moon  was  conversing  with 


462  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK. 

these  Indians  Lieut.  Casey  rode  on.  The  other  scout, 
Rock  Road,  turned  back,  but  White  Moon  followed  the 
Lieutenant. 

When  he  caught  up  with  him  the  Lieutenant  was 
talking  with  Pete  Richard,  a  half-breed.  On  Richard's 
right  stood  a  Sioux,  and  on  his  left  a  little  in  rear  of 
the  Lieutenant  was  Plenty  Horses,  the  Indian  who  did 
the  killing.  While  the  conversation  was  in  progress 
Plenty  Horses  shot  the  young  officer  from  behind.  White 
Moon  says  he  rode  toward  the  Lieutenant,  hoping  to 
catch  him  before  he  fell  from  his  horse,  but  did  not 
succeed.  He  caught  the  horse,  however,  and,  accom 
panied  by  Richard,  took  it  back  to  Gen.  Sanford's  camp 
and  reported  the  matter  to  General  Brooke.  Plenty 
Horses  was  afterwards  surrendered  and  brought  to  trial, 
but  escaped  conviction  on  the  technical  ground  that  the 
killing  occurred  during  open  hostilities,  and  under  the 
rule  of  "war"  he  could  not  be  held  for  murder. 

After  the  murder  of  Lieut.  Casey  old  Red  Cloud 
knew  matters  were  coming  to  a  crisis,  and,  in  company 
with  his  daughter,  set  out  from  the  hostile  camp  for 
the  agency  and  nearly  froze  to  death  in  making  the 
journey.  The  hostiles  were  desirous  of  keeping  the  old 
warrior  in  their  midst,  and  he  had  to  steal  away  in  order 
to  accomplish  his  purpose.  While  plodding  agencyward 
through  the  deep  snow  and  bitter  cold,  some  of  the  hos 
tiles,  who  had  either  followed  him  or  were  out  in  the 
hills  scouting,  fired  on  the  old  chief  and  his  daughter 
several  times ;  but  they  threw  themselves  in  the  snow 
drifts  and  escaped  the  bullets,  finally  arriving  in  safety, 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK.  463 

though  nearly  frozen,  at  Pine  Ridge  Agency.  There  seems 
to  be  no  reason  to  doubt  the  statement  of  Red  Cloud 
that  he  was  forced  to  leave  his  home  and  go  to  the  hos 
tile  camp  in  the  badlands,  as  he  certainly  sent  word  from 
the  latter  place  to  Lieut.  Casey  ( when  he  saw  that  officer 
coming  toward  the  hostile  village  on  the  morning  of  the 
7th)  not  to  approach  nearer  for  fear  of  being  killed,  and 
he  also  sent  a  request  to  Fine  Ridge  for  the  authorities 
to  rescue  him  from  the  hostile  village. 

On  the  llth  day  of  January  Gen.  Miles  decided  to 
send  a  courier  to  the  hostile  camp  and  ask  the  Indians 
to  come  in  peaceably  and  surrender.  From  the  date  of 
the  battle  on  Wounded  Knee  the  troops  had  been  gradu 
ally  drawing  a  tighter  cordon  about  the  Indian  camp, 
and  by  the  llth  they  were  completely  and  effectually 
surrounded.  Gen.  Miles'  policy  was  a  humane  one.  He 
had  not  gone  to  Pine  Ridge  to  make  war,  but  to  enforce 
order  and  secure  peace.  He  had  shown  the  utmost 

A 

patience  and  forbearance  under  most  trying  and  exasperat 
ing  circumstances,  and,  in  the  eleventh  hour,  did  not  pro 
pose  to  be  diverted  from  his  mapped  out  course  by  the 
clamor  of  those  who  demanded  immediate  surrender  of 
the  hostiles,  regardless  of  consequences. 

Gen.  Miles  entrusted  his  message  to  the  hostiles  to 
Grouard,  who,  accompanied  by  Yankton  Charlie  (a  Sioux 
scout  who  was  one  of  Grouard's  warmest  friends),  started 
out  on  his  dangerous  mission  after  dark,  his  object  being 
to  get  into  the  hostile  camp  unobserved  as  near  one 
o'clock  as  possible.  He  arrived  there  an  hour  later  than 
he  had  calculated  upon,  and  went  direct  to  the  lodge  of 


464  THE    SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBEEAK. 

Yankton  Charlie's  brother,  informing  that  hostile  gentle 
man  that  he  was  the  bearer  of  a  message  from  Gen. 
Miles,  and  asking  him  to  call  into  the  tepi  the  head  men 
of  the  village  and  also  some  Indian  who  could  read  and 

interpret  the  General's  letter. 

• 
It  was  but  a  few  minutes  before  the  lodge  was  filled 

with  the  leading  spirits^  among  the  hos.tiles,  who  were 
surly  enough  when  they  saw  Grouard,  but  listened  atten 
tively  to  the  General's  kind  and  friendly  communication. 
They  did  not  want  to  act  hastily  in  the  matter,  however, 
and  consumed  the  time  from  2  a.  m.  until  sun-up  deliber 
ating  on  the  proposition  submitted,  at  the  end  of  which 
time  they  informed  Grouard  that  they  had  decided  to 
break  camp  at  once  and  move  closer  to  the  agency,  from 
which  point  some  of  the  head  mem  would  go  in  and  con 
fer  with  Gen.  Miles,  and,  if  everything  were  satisfactory, 
would  surrender  and  give  up  their  arms. 

Grouard  and  Yankton  Charlie  waited  about  until  the 
Indian  police  (Dog  Soldiers)  surrounded  the  camp  and  the 
tepis  were  taken  down  and  packed,  when  they  moved  off 
some  hundred  yards  and  awaited  the  moving  of  the  cav 
alcade,  made  up  of  as  fantastic  and  ragged  a  horde  as 
,ever  painted  for  the  warpath  or  started  for  the  poorhouse. 
Some  had  guns  and  others  were  armed  with  clubs.  Dur 
ing  the  time  that  Grouard  waited  the  moving  of  the 
camp,  the  Dog  Soldiers  fired  a  number  of  volleys  in  the 
direction  where  he  was  stationed,  but  high  enough  in  the 
air  not  to  do  him  injury,  thereby  intimating  that  they  had 
it  in  their  power  to  prevent  his  return  to  the  agency,  but 
forebore  exercising  it. 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  465 

When  the  Indians  were  at  last  on  the  move  toward 
the  agency,  that  is  when  the  last  of  the  hostile  band  had 
"folded  their  tents"  and  joined  the  famished,  ragged  car 
avan  which  moved  through  the  extended  lines  of  ..infantry, 
cavalry  and  artillery,  Grouard  and  Yankton  Charlie  rode 
leisurely  along  toward  the  head  of  the  procession,  some  of 
the  Indians  being  on  horseback,  some  in  dilapidated 
wagons,  while  the  majority  were  afoot.  The  Dog  Soldiers 
were  at  the  head  of  the  line,  and  Grouard  rode  in 
Amongst  them.  One  of  the  police,  who  was  armed  with 
a  big  club,  nodded  his  head  up  the  road  and  pointed  to 
the  scout,  remarking  that  the  latter  had  better  go,  when 
Yankton  Charlie  spoke  up  and  told  his  hostileship  that 
they  would  go  when  they  got  ready.  Charlie  could  not 
have  been  induced  to  visit  the  camp  if  it  were  not  for 
the  fact  that  Grouard  had  been  ordered  to  go,  and  the 
scout  says  that  while  he  and  Charlie  were  on  their  way 
to  the  hostile  village  from  the  agency,  the  Sioux  told  him 
that  they  were  the  biggest  fools  on  earth  to  make  the 
trip,  as  the  Indians  had  it  in  for  both  of  them  and  would 
kill  them  on  sight.  uBut,"  said  Grouard's  fearless  friend, 
"if  you  go,  I  shall  accompany  you  ;  I  don't  believe  either 
of  us  will  ever  come  back,  though." 

Grouard  and  Charlie  soon  drew  away  from  the  hos- 
tiles  and  returned  to  the  agency,  reporting  to  Gen.  Miles 
that  the  Indians  were  moving  toward  army  headquarters. 
In  answer  to  his  message  the  hostiles  sent  word  that  they 
would  hold  a  conference  with  Gen.  Miles  on  the  follow 
ing  day.  They  did  not  desire  Mr.  Cody  (who  had  sent 
them  word  that  he  intended  to  visit  their  camp)  to  come 
among  them,  so  Mr.  Cody  did  not  go. 


466  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

On  the  following  day  some  of  the  head  men  came 
to  the  agency  and  held  a  council.  Gen.  Miles  told  them 
he  wanted  them  to  come  in  and  give  up  their  arms,  prom 
ising  to  pay  for  every  gun  taken  from  them,  and  the  In 
dians  finally  concluded  the  best  thing  for  them  to  do  was 
to  act  upon  the  General's  advice,  which  they  did  on  the. 
15th.  A  place  near  the  agency  was  designated  as  the 
spot  where  the  disarming  should  take  place  (an  immense 
flat  visible  from  headquarters).  Grouard  says  anyone  who 
witnessed  the  parade  of  the  hostiles  on  that  day  will 
never  forget  it.  The  line  was  fully  five  miles  long,  and 
the  Indians  rode  and  marched  in  twos  with  all  the  proud 
bearing  and  precision  of  soldiers,  the  mounted  men  rep 
resenting  Indian  cavalry  and  the  footmen  (walk-a-heaps) 
infantry.  Some  were  armed  and  others  carried  clubs,  but 
all  had  something  in  their  hands  or  on  their  shoulders 
representing  weapons.  They  marchd  in  review  of  the 
officers  and  troops,  deporting  themselves  as  proudly  as  if 
returning  from  a  conquest.  Their  garments  were  the  odd 
ends  of  every  conceivable  kind  of  male  attire,  with  here 
and  there  a  bright  colored  blanket  and  a  stovepipe  hat. 

Grouard  says  he  preceded  the  column  to  the  flat  where 
the  Indians  gave  up  their  weapons  and  saw  them  sur 
render  all  the  firearms  they  then  possessed  ;  but  he  was 
satisfied  that  not  over  one  gun  out  of  ten  which  the  bucks 
really  had  were  given  up,  as  they  had  taken  the  precau 
tion  to  bury  them  before  coming  in  to  the  agency  the 
day  previous.  They  did  not  fail,  however,  to  turn  in  all 
the  old  useless  weapons  they  had  in  their  camp.  When 
taken  from  them  each  gun  was  properly  marked  for  iden- 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  467, 

tification,  and  afterward  each  Indian  received  remuneration 
for  what  he  had  given  up.  A  feast  was  provided  for  the 
surrendering  host.  Afterwards  the  Indians  were  returned 
to  their  respective  reservations,  and  peace  -  once  more 
spread  its  wings  over  the  Dakota  hills  and  valleys. 

While  this  memorable  campaign  was  productive  of 
one  result  that  was  inevitable,  it  should  have  also  taught 
the  Government  that  humane  treatment  of  the  Indians 
can  accomplish  greater  ends  than  may  be  attained 
through  conquest.  It  must  be  conceded  by  all  that  no 
one  is  more  interested  in  the  management  of  the  Indians 
on  reservations  than  the  Indian  himself.  Having  been 
forced  to  yield  to  the  force  of  a  supreme  power,  he  has 
the  right  to  expect  just  consideration  and  honest  dealing. 
And  the  government  can  do  no  better  than  adopt  many 
of  the  suggestions  which  come  from  its  savage  wards, 
when  it  cannot  but  realize  that  such  action  would  pre 
clude  the  possibility  of  Indian  outbreaks,  and  save  life 
and  the  expenditure  of  millions  of  dollars. 

There  is  no  use  in  theorizing.  There  is  a  practical 
side  to  the  problem,  "What  shall  we  do  with  the  In 
dian  ?"  Why,  treat  him  like  a  human  being.  Properly 
clothe  and  sufficiently  feed  and  shelter  him.  He  cannot 
be  expected  to  learn  our  ways  if  he  is  neglected  and 
furnished  no  teachers.  Make  his  surroundings  so  pleas 
antly  comfortable  that  he  will  be  attracted  instead  of 
repelled,  and  his  condition  will  change  so  rapidly  that 
he  will  be  self-supporting  in  a  decade.  His  superiors 
should  be  those  in  whom  he  has  confidence.  No  human 
being,  nor  any  wild  animal,  either,  can  be  won  by  cruelty. 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

Submission  may  follow  starvation,  but  the  spirit  cannot 
be  conquered  so.  "  Kills  every  man  the  thing  he  does 
not  love?"  We  proudly  boast  that  the  Indian  is  Ameri 
can  !  Then  in  the  name  of  reason,  treat  him  as  an 
American,  and  make  a  man  of  him.  The  author  of  these 
pages  has  witnessed  scenes  on  Indian  reservations  that 
would  scarcely  be  credited  were  they  recited  here.  I 
have  seen  —  not  once,  but  many,  many  times  —  an  Indian 
woman  and  her  children  emptying  the  offal  barrels  and 
boxes  at  the  rear  of  kitchens  at  the  Posts  and  on  the 
reservations,  and  eating  the  filthy  food  to  satisfy  the 
pangs  of  hunger  —  hunger  that  was  apparent  in  their 
gaunt  faces  and  wasted  forms  ;  hunger  that  shone  in  the 
startled  look  within  their  eyes.  Ah,  says  someone,  they 
have  no  preference  when  it  comes  to  food — "He  that 
is  filthy,  let  him  be  filthy  still." 

Let  me  state  right  here,  that  no  class  of  people  on 
earth  ate  better  or  more  nutritious  food  than  the  savage 
before  the  government  drove  him  to  the  starvation  pen 
on  the  reservation.  It  may  not  be  the  fault  of  the  gov 
ernment  that  he  is  half  clad  and  worse  than  not  fed  at 
all ;  but  I  think  it  is.  The  policy  that  has  permitted 
and  still  permits  favored  persons  to  control  Government 
reserves  and  grow  fat  in  bank  accounts  on  what  they 
filch  from  the  poor  Indian,  is  a  Government  policy,  and 
one  the  Government  cannot  discountenance  and  discon 
tinue  any  too  soon.  It  is  a  shame  and  disgrace,  in  light 
of  the  fact  that  this  matter  has  been  aired  so  often,  that 
such  conditions  still  maintain.  What  is  the  remedy? 
Why,  listen  to  the  prayer  of  the  Indian  himself,  and  save 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  4C9 

him  from  civilian  rule  and  robbery  by  vesting  the  reser 
vation  government  in  the  War  Department,  for,  when  truth 
is  told,  the  military  man  is  the  only  practical  friend  the 
haif-elad;  half-starved,  outraged,  pilfered  Indian  has,  and, 
knowing  this,  and  asking  that  the  agents  be  appointed 
from  among  the  soldiery,  the  Indian  is  taking  the  first 
step  he  has  ever  taken  on  the  highway  of  civilization. 

The  author  claims  no  originality  for  these  observa 
tions.  Their  source  is  to  be  found  in  the  masterly  ar 
raignment  of  the  Government  by  no  less  a  personage  than 
Chief  Ked  Cloud,  who,  appealed  to  in  1890  by  that  Chris 
tian  martyr,  Father  Jule,  for  an  expression  of  opinion  on 
the  causes  leading  up  to  the  last  Indian  outbreak,  said: 

"When  first  we  made  treaties  with  the  Government, 
this  was  our  position :  Our  old  life  and  our  customs 
were  about  to  end  ;  the  game  upon  which  we  lived  was 
disappearing ;  the  whites  were  closing  around  us,  and 
nothing  remained  for  us  but  to  adopt  their  ways  and 
have  the  same  rights  with  them  if  we  wished  to  save 
ourselves.  The  Government  promised  us  all  the  means 
necessary  to  make  our  living  out  of  the  land,  and  to 
instruct  us  how  to  do  it,  and  abundant  food  to  support 
us  until  we  could  take  care  of  ourselves.  We  looked 
forward  with  hope  to  the  time  when  we  could  be  as  in 
dependent  as  the  whites  and  have  a  voice  in  the  Govern 
ment. 

"The  officers  of  the  army  could  have  helped  us 
better  than  any  others,  but  we  were  not  left  to  them. 
An  Indian  Department  was  made,  with  a  large  number 
of  agents  and  other  officials  drawing  large  salaries,  and 


470  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK. 

these  men  were  supposed  to  teach  us  the  way  of  the 
whites.  Then  came  the  beginning  of  trouble.  These 
men  took  care  of  themselves,  but  not  of  us.  It  was 
made  very  hard  for  us  to  deal  with  the  (jroverment  ex 
cept  through  them.  It  seems  to  me  that  they  thought 
they  could  make  more  by  keeping  us  back  than  by 
helping  us  forward.  We  did  not  get  the  means  to  work 
our  land.  The  few  things  given  were  given  in  such  a 
way  as  to  do  us  little  or  no  good.  Our  rations  began 
to  be  reduced.  Some  said  that  we  were  lazy  and  wanted 
to  live  on  rations,  and  not  to  work.  That  is  false. 
How  does  any  man  of  sense  suppose  that  so  great  a 
number  of  people  could  get  to  work  at  once,  unless  they 
were  at  once  supplied  with  means  to  work,  and  in 
structors  enough  to  teach  them  how  to  use  them  ? 

"Remember  that  even  our  little  ponies  were  taken 
away  under  the  promise  that  they  would  be  replaced 
by  oxen  and  large  horses,  and  that  it  was  long  before 
we  saw  any,  and  then  we  got  very  few.  We  tried, 
even  with  the  means  we  had,  but  by  one  pretext  or  another 
we  were  shifted  from  place  to  place  or  told  that  such  a 
transfer  was  coming.  Great  efforts  were  made  to  break 
up  our  customs,  but  nothing  was  done  to  introduce  the 
customs  of  the  whites.  Everything  was  done  to  break 
the  power  of  the  real  chiefs,  who  really  wished  their 
people  to  improve,  and  little  men,  so-called  chiefs,  were 
made  to  act  as  disturbers  and  agitators.  Spotted  Tail 
wanted  the  ways  of  the  whites,  and  a  cowardly  assassin 
was  found  to  remove  him.  This  was  charged  upon  the 
Indians,  because  an  Indian  did  it,  but  who  set  on  the 
Indian? 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK.  471 

"I  was  abused  and  slandered,  to  weaken  my  in 
fluence  for  good  and  make  me  seem  like  one  who  did 
not  want  to  advance.  This  was  done  by  the  men  paid 
by  the  Government  to  teach  us  the  ways  of  the  whites. 
I  have  visited  many  other  tribes,  and  find  that  the 
same  things  were  done  among  them.  All  was  done  to 
discourage  and  nothing  to  encourage.  I  saw  the  men 
paid  by  the  Government  to  help  us,  all  very  busy  mak 
ing  money  for  themselves,  but  doing  nothing  for  us. 

"  Now,  don't  you  suppose  we  saw  all  this  ?  Of  . 
course  we  did,  but  what  could  we  do  ?  We  were  pris 
oners,  not  in  the  hands  of  the  army,  but  in  the  hands 
of  robbers.  Where  was  the  army?  Set  by  the  Gov 
ernment  to  watch  us,  but  having  no  voice  in  setting 
things  right,  so  that  they  would  not  need  to  watch  us. 
They  could  not  speak  for  us,  though  we  wished  it  very 
much.  Those  who  held  us  pretended  to  be  very  anxious 
about  our  welfare,  and  said  our  condition  was  a  great 
mystery.  We  tried  to  speak  and  clear  up  this  mystery, 
but  were  laughed  at  and  treated  as  children.  So  things 
went  on  from  year  to  year.  Other  treaties  were  made, 
and  it  was  all  the  same.  Rations  were  further  reduced, 
and  we  were  starving.  Sufficient  food  was  not  given 
us,  and  no  means  to  get  food  from  the  land  were  pro 
vided.  Rations  were  further  reduced.  A  family  got  for 
two  weeks  what  was  not  enough  for  one  week. 

"What  did  we  eat  when  that  was  gone?  The  peo 
ple  were  desperate  from  starvation  —  they  had  no  hope. 
They  did  not  think  of  fighting;  what  good  would  it  do? 
They  might  die  like  men,  but  what  would  the  women 


472  TEE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK* 

and  children  do?  Some  say  they  saw  the  Son  of  God; 
others  did  not  see  Him.  I  did  not  see  Him.  If  He  had 
come  He  would  do  some  great  things  as  He  had  done 
before.  We  doubted  it,  because  we  had  saw  neither 
Him  nor  His  works.  Then  Gen.  Crook  came.  His 
words  sounded  well;  but  how  could  we  know  that  a  new 
treaty  would  be  kept  any  better  than  the  old  one?  For 
that  reason  we  did  not  care  to  sign.  He  promised  to  see 
that  his  promise  would  be  kept.  He,  at  least,  had  never 
lied  to  us.  His  words  gave  the  people  hope.  They  signed. 
They  hoped.  He  died.  Their  hope  died  with  him.  De 
spair  came  again.  The  people  were  counted,  and  wrongly 
counted.  Our  rations  were  again  reduced.  The  white 
men  seized  on  the  land  we  sold  them  through  Gen. 
Crook,  but  our  pay  was  as  distant  as  ever.  The  man 
who  counted  us  said  we  were  feasting  and  wasting  food. 
Where  did  he  see  this? 

"  How  can  we  eat  or  waste  what  we  have  not?  We 
felt  that  we  were  mocked  in  our  misery.  We  had  no 
newspapers,  and  no  one  to  speak  for  us.  We  had  no 
redress.  Our  rations  were  again  reduced.  You,  who  eat 
three  times  a  day  and  see  your  children  well  and  happy 
around  you,  can't  understand  what  starving  Indians  feel. 
We  were  faint  with  hunger  and  maddened  by  despair.  We 
held  our  dying  children  and  felt  their  little  bodies  trem 
ble  as  their  souls  went  out  and  left  only  a  dead  weight 
in  our  hands.  They  were  not  very  heavy,  but  we  our 
selves  were  very  faint,  and  the  dead  weighed  us  down. 
There  was  no  hope  on  earth,  and  God  seemed  to  have 
forgotten  us.  Some  one  had  again  been  talking  of  the 


THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA  OUTBREAK,  473 

Son  of  God,  and  said  He  had  come.  The  people  did 
not  know;  they  did  not  care.  They  snatched  at  the 
hope.  They  screamed  like  crazy  men  to  Him  for  mercy. 
They  caught  at  the  promise  they  heard  He  had  made. 

"The  white  men  were  frightened,  and  called  for  sol 
diers.  We  had  begged  for  life,  and  the  white  men  thought 
we  wanted  theirs.  We  heard  that  soldiers  were  coming. 
We  did  not  fear.  We  hoped  that  we  could  tell  them 
our  troubles  and  get  help.  A  white  man  said  the  sol 
diers  meant  to  kill  us.  We  did  not  believe  it,  but  some 
were  frightened  and  ran  away  to  the  badlands.  The  sol 
diers  came.  They  said:  i Don't  be  afraid;  we  come  to 
make  peace,  and  not  war.'  It  was  true.  They  brought 
us  food,  and  did  not  threaten  us.  If  the  Messiah  has 
really  come,  it  must  be  in  this  way.  The  people  prayed 
for  life,  and  the  army  brought  it.  The  Black  Kobe 
(Father  Jule)  went  into  the  badlands  and  brought  in  some 
Indians  to  talk  to  Gen.  Brooke.  The  General  was  very 
kind  to  them,  and  quieted  their  fears,  and  was  a  real 
friend.  He  sent  out  Indians  to  call  in  the  other  Indians 
from  the  badlands.  I  sent  all  my  horses  and  all  my 
young  men  to  help  Gen.  Brooke  save  the  Indians.  Am 
I  not  right  when  I  say  that  he  will  know  how  to  settle 
this  trouble?  He  has  settled  it. 

"The  Indian  Department  called  for  soldiers  to  shoot 
down  the  Indians  whom  it  had  starved  into  despair. 
Gen.  Brooke  said:  'No.  What  have  they  done?  They 
are  dying.  They  must  live.'  He  brought  us  food.  He 
gave  us  hope.  I  trust  to  him  now  to  see  that  we  will 
be  well  treated.  I  hope  that  the  despair  that  he  has 


474  THE  SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK. 

driven  away  will  never  return  again.  If  the  army  had 
been  with  us  from  the  first  there  never  would  have  been 
any  trouble.  The  army  will,  I  hope,  keep  us  safe  and 
help  us  become  as  independent  as  the  whites." 

Red  Cloud  did  not  have  a  very  high  opinion  of  Sit 
ting  Bull.  "  He  was  nothing,"  said  the  old  chief,  ubut 
what  the  white  men  made  him.  He  was  a  conceited 
man  who  never  did  anything  great,  but  wanted  to  get 
into  notice,  and  white  men  who  had  something  to  make 
by  it,  encouraged  and  used  him.  When  they  had  made 
him  as  great  as  they  could,  they  killed  him  to  get  a  name 
by  it.  The  fight  at  his  arrest  would  have  been  made  (by 
the  Indians)  for  any  one  arrested  in  the  same  way.  If 
he  was  a  little  man,  he  was  a  man,  and  should  not  have 
been  murdered  uselessly.  What  is  worse,  many  good  men 
were  killed,  also.  The  soldiers  came  in  time  to  prevent 
more  murders,  but  too  late  to  save  all.  If  the  army  had 
wanted  to  arrest  him  they  knew  how  to  do  it,  and  never 
would  have  done  it  in  that  way.  You  see  how  they  are 
doing  here.  The  agent  does  not  interfere  with  the  army, 
and  the  army  saves  lives  and  does  not  do  anything  cruel. 
No  Indian  wants  to  fight;  they  want  to  eat,  and  work 
and  live  ;  and  as  the  soldiers  are  peace-makers,  there  will 
be  no  trouble  here.  The  Indian  Department  has  almost 
destroyed  us.  Save  us  from  it.  Let  the  army  take  charge 
of  us.  We  know  it  can  help  us.  If  this  can  be  done, 
I  will  think  that  all  this  late  trouble  has  been  only  a 
storm  that  broke  the  clouds.  Let  the  sun  shine  on  us 
again." 


THE   SOUTH  DAKOTA   OUTBREAK.  475 

4 'Nature,"  says  Jean  Ingelow,  <c before  it  has  been 
touched  by  man,  is  almost  always  beautiful,  strong  and 
cheerful  in  man's  eyes  ;  but  Nature,  when  he  has  once 
given  it  his  culture  and  then  forsakes  it,  has  usually  an  air 
of  sorrow  and  helplessness.  He  has  made  it  live  the  more 
by  laying  his  hand  upon  it  and  touching  it  with  his  life. 
It  has  come  to  relish  of  his  humanity,  and  it  is  so 
flavored  with  his  thoughts,  and  ordered  and  permeated  by 
his  spirit,  that  if  the  stimulus  of  his  presence  is  with 
drawn,  it  cannot  for  a  long  while  do  without  him,  and 
live  for  itself  as  fully  and  as  well  as  it  did  before.  " 


Conspicuous  among  those  whose  services  during  the 
uprising  were  of  incalcuable  value  to  the  Government 
were  the  Sioux  and  Cheyenne  Indian  scouts,  more  par 
ticularly  Yankton  Charlie,  Woman's  Dress  (who  acted  as 
body  guard  to  Gen.  Brooke),'  and  No  Neck,  who  gave 
complete  proof  of  their  regeneration.  The  author  has 
been  enabled  to  secure  the  photographs  of  these  cour 
ageous  men,  copies  of  which  will  be  found  in  these 
pages. 


CHAPTER  LYI. 


GROUARD'S  LIFE  UP  TO  DATE. 


Before  the  opening  of  the  spring  campaign  of  1876 
the  Government  purchased  a  large  number  of  horses - 
some  of  the  animals  having  been  bred  and  raised  on  the 
Laramie  plains,  and,  like  many  of  the  Wyoming-raised 
horses,  had  a  strain  of  cayuse  or  broncho  i"n  their  blood. 
One  of  these  horses  fell  to  Grouard.  Its  original  cost 
was  only  sixty-three  dollars,  but  its  real  worth  could  not 
be  computed  in  greenbacks  or  gold.  This  animal  was 
used  by  the  scout  on  very  many  of  his  most  hazardous 
undertakings,  and  never  failed  to  respond  when  called 
upon  for  duty. 

During  the  summer  of  1880  the  telegraph  line  be 
tween  Fort  McKinney  and  the  Powder  river  (a  distance 
of  fifty-three  miles)  was  kept  in  such  wretched  repair 
and  became  so  unreliable  that  Grouard  was  compelled  at 
least  once  every  week  for  several  months  to  make  the 
trip  on  horseback  to  deliver  and  receive  official  messages 
at  both  ends  of  the  line.  It  was  his  custom  to  leave  the 
Post  in  the  morning  at  sun-rise,  take  dinner  at  the  Powder 
river  telegraph  station,  and,  returning,  reach  Fort  ^cKin- 
ney  in  time  to  witness  dress  parade  ( sun-down ).  Here 


GROUARD' S  LIFE  UP  TO  DATE.  477 

was  a  distance  covered  of  one  hundred  and  six  miles  in 
twelve  hours,  with  time  enough  taken  out  to  feed  and 
rest  the  animal  and  its  rider. 

There  was    nothing    about    the   horse  to    indicate   its 

great  fleetness    or   powers  of  endurance.     It   stood    about 
j' 

sixteen  hands  high,  weighed  ten  hundred  and  fifty  pounds, 
was  rangy  in  build  and  light  bay  in  color.  It  was  a 
very  affectionate  animal,  and  seemed  to  understand  every 
thing  its  master  said  to  it.  Grouard  had  obtained  posses 
sion  of  the  horse  when  it  was  three  years  old,  broke  it 
himself  and  never  permitted  anyone  else  to  ride  it.  If  it 
were  out  on  the  prairie,  all  that  was  necessary  for  its 
master  to  do  to  get  it  in  the  corral  was  to  call  or 
whistle.  It  would  follow  Grouard  like  a  dog,  and  be 
came  a  general  favorite  about  the  Post,  and  among  the 
officers'  and  soldiers'  wives  and  children.  It  was  the  only 
animal  permitted  to  stray  or  remain  upon  the  parade 
ground.  Everybody  in  the  country  knew  the  animal, 
and  was  familiar  with  the  qualities  which  made  it  of  such 
value  to  the  scout.  Mr.  Trabing,  who  kept  the  store  at 
the  head  of  Six  Mile  Lane,  south  of  the  Post,  once 
counted  out  five  hundred  dollars  in  gold  and  offered  it  to 
Grouard  for  the  animal,  but  the  offer  was  promptly  re 
fused,  Grouard  remarking  that  the  money  could  do  him 
no  good  if  he  were  in  a  tight  place  where  he  needed  a 
horse  which  he  could  rely  upon,  while  the  possession  of 
the  animal  was  better  than  an  insurance  policy  against 
accident. 

On  one  of  his  long  journeys  from  the  Post,  Grouard 
became  so  thoroughly  worn  out    from  fatigue  and  loss  of 


478  GROUARD' S  LIFE  UP  TO  DATE. 

sleep  that  he  fell  from  the  back  of  the  animal  to  the 
ground  while  unconscious,  where  he  must  have  lain  for 
several  hours.  Upon  awaking,  however,  he  found  his 
faithful  horse  standing  quietly  by  his  side,  it  not  having 
moved  twenty  feet  from  the  spot  where  the  scout's  rest 
ing  place  had  been.  Grouard  offered  many  times  to 
wager  five  hundred  dollars  that  he  could  ride  the  animal 
from  Fort  McKinmey  to  Custer,  a  distance  of  one  hun 
dred  and  thirty-nine  miles,  on  any  fair  day,  between  sun 
and  sun,  but  nobody  was  ever  found  rash  enough  to 
accept  the  wager. 

The  animal  was  feeding  on  the  parade  ground  one 
day  in  1887,  and  was  noticed  by  the  Post  veterinary 
surgeon  to  go  over  t®  one  of  the  irrigating  ditches  and 
bend  down  its  head  as  if  to  get  a  drink.  A  moment 
later  it  fell  to  the  ground,  and  when  those  who  witnessed  its 
fall  arrived  at  its  side,  the  animal  was  dead.  Grouard, 
whose  love  of  animals  is  as  great  as  his  knowledge  con 
cerning  them,  gave  evidence  of  genuine  grief  over  his 
loss,  and  he  had  the  carcass  buried  with  as  much  care  as  is 
bestowed  upon  the  bodies  of  many  mortals. 

The  author  might  cite  many  instances  of  the  scout's 
love  of  animals  and  the  care  he  always  bestowed  upon 
them."  Nothing  so  exasperated  him  as  to  see  some  brute 
in  the  shape  of  a  man  abusing  a  dumb  creature.  I  rem 
ember  once  of  riding  with  Grouard  and  a  man  who  had 
indulged  a  little  too  freely  in  the  ardent.  The  man  in 
sisted  upon  driving,  but  the  scout  quietly  took  the  reins 
in  his  own  hands  and  refused  to  give  them  up.  His 
action  somewhat  nettled  the  would-be  driver  who,  mak- 


GROUARD' S  LIFE  UP  TO  DATE.  479 

ing  the  remark  that  he  would  like  to  run  the  animal 
into  a  gulch  and  break  its  neck,  grasped  the  whip  and 
attempted  to  strike  the  horse.  Grouard  snatched  the 
whip  in  a  twinkling,  with  these  words,  spoken  so  low 
and  yet  so  .deliberately  that  they  were  terribly,  distinct: 
UI  am  one  of  those  kind  of  men  who  think  a  great 
deal  of  a  horse,  and  never  permit  one  to  be  abused  in 
my  presence  !"  With  that  he  put  the  whip  in  the  bot 
tom  of  the  carriage,  placed  his  foot  on  it  and  drove 
along  as  if  nothing  had  happened  to  disturb  his  usually 
quiet  nature,  while  the  would-be  driver  ruminated  on  the 
proposition  that  it  was  a  <4h — 1  of  a  notion  that  a  man 
couldn't  do  what  he  pleased  with  his  own  property." 

After  his  return  to  McKinney  from  Pine  '  Ridge  at 
the  close  of  the  Indian  uprising,  Grouard  was  sent  to 
Fort  Washakie,  Wyoming,  and  into  Idaho  to  investigate 
and  report  upon  the  ghost  dance  excitement  which  had 
prevailed  in  the  vicinity  of  the  former  Post  and  Fort 
Hall.  His  trip  and  labor  occupied  his  time  for  some 
months,  and  his  report  was  satisfactory  to  those  who 
commissioned  him.  Since  that  time  he  has  been  doing 
duty  about  Fort  McKinney,  where  he  lives  in  a  home 
of  his  own,  surrounded  by  all  the  comforts  necessary 
to  make  the  average  mortal  contented  and  happy.  He 
keeps  several  fine  horses,  and  is  prepared  at  a  mo 
ment's  notice  to  depart  the  Post  on  any  mission  intrusted 
to  him  by  his  superior  officer.  His  dairy  stock  is 
high  grade,  and  are,  like  all  animals  that  come  under 
the  scout's  influence,  gentle  and  thoroughly  domesti 
cated.  Up  to  a  year  ago  his  kennel  comprised  old  Flo 


480  GROUAE&S  LIFE  UP  TO  DATE. 

(the  dog  saved  from  Grouard's  house  at  the  time  the 
Sioux  records  were  destroyed)  and  a  beautiful  thorough 
bred  water  spaniel  named  Bird.  Twelve  months  since, 
poor,  old,  faithful  Flo  stretched  her  aged  body  on  the 
porch  with  her  eyes  turned  toward  her  master's  win 
dow,  and  ceased  to  be.  Grouard  buried  her  with  his 
own  hands,  but  never  spoke  about  her  death.  When 
the  author  asked  him  what  had  become  of  her,  he 
answered  with  a  sign  that  was  more  eloquent  than  words, 
and  there  the  matter  ended. 

During  the  spring  of  1893  great  efforts  were  made 
by  the  people  of  Sheridan  County,  Wyoming,  and  those 
living  in  the  eastern  portion  of  the  Big  Horn  Basin,  to 
establish  a  mail  route  from  Sheridan  to  Hyattville,  over 
the  Big  Horn  mountains.  This  matter  was  agitated  dur 
ing  the  entire  summer,  and  the  postal  authorities,  con 
vinced  at  last  that  northern  Wyoming  was  settling  up  so 
rapidly  that  increased  mail  facilities  was  a  necessity,  de 
cided  to  establish  the  route  prayed  for  if  a  practicable 
pass  across  the  snowy  range  could  be  secured.  By  the 
time  this  decision  was  reached,  the  year  1893  had  be 
come  a  lean  and  slippered  Pantaloon,  and  the  great 
storms  that  visit  the  Big  Horn  were  in  progress.  Feb 
ruary  and  March  are  the  two  worst  months  of  the  year 
in  the  mountains  of  northern  Wyoming,  and  it  was  in 
the  latter  month  of  the  present  year  that  Grouard  re 
ceived  orders  to  cross  the  range  and  find  a  practicable 
mail  route — one  that  could  be  traveled  at  all  seasons 
of  the  year.  The  intrepid  scout,  accompanied  by  a 
Wyoming  character  called  "  Shorty "  —one  of  that  class 


GROUAR&S  LIFE  UP  TO  DATE.  481 

of  men,  who,  if  they  ever  had  a  surname,  have  lost 
sight  of  it  during  their  progress  through  and  knocks 
against  the  rough  edges  of  the  world — at  once  started 
on  his  errand. 

Those  acquainted  with  the  character  of  the  moun 
tains  through  which  the  scout  was  forced  to  pass,  shook 
their  heads  and  expressed  themselves  as  certain  that 
Grouard  and  his  companion  would  perish  on  top  of  the 
range,  if  they  ever  got  that  far.  The  two  men  aban 
doned  their  horses  at  Big  Horn,  and,  putting  on  snow 
shoes,  started  up  the  Little  Goose  creek  canyon  for  the 
divide.  They  carried,  besides  their  firearms,  one  blanket 
apiece  and  rations  sufficient  for  five  days.  They  passed 
from  the  Little  Goose  to  the  Big  Goose  creek  and 
Tongue  river,  thence  to  a  .point  six  miles  northeast  from 
Clouds  Peak  (the  highest  point  in  the  range),  thirteen 
thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  They  were 
on  top  of  the  range  for  eight  days,  three  of  which  were 
spent  in  huge  snowdrifts  without  fire  or  food.  They 
finally  found  their  way  down  the  Paint  Kock  canyon  to 
Hyattville,  but  they  were  sorry  looking  mortals  upon  ar 
riving  at  the  latter  place.  One  of  Grouard's  eyes  was 
completely,  closed  from  snow  blindness,  and  the  other 
was  nearly  useless.  His  face  was  swollen  to  such  an 
extent  and  frozen  so  badly  that  he  was  unable  to  leave 
the  house  for  two  weeks,  at  the  end  of  which  time  he 
started  across  the  range  for  Fort  McKinney.  "Shorty" 
had  fared  no  better  than  the  scout,  and  he  suffered  ter 
ribly  from  frozen  face,  hands  jind  feet. 

The  object  of  the    trip   had    been    attained,   however, 


482  GROUAR&S  LIFE  UP  TO]  DATE. 

and  Grouard's  report  was  acted  upon  by  the  postal 
authorities.  The  mail  route  was  established  as  he  had 
laid  it  out. 

The  result  of  this  journey,  so  far  as  Grouard  is  con 
cerned,  has  proved  very  unfortunate,  as  the  scout's  eye 
sight  was  permanently  impaired,  and  eminent  oculists 
have  so  far  failed  to  give  him  any  but  temporary  relief 
from,  his  sufferings.  His  service  in  the  army  covers  a 
period  of  nearly  nineteen  years,  and  this  service  has  con 
tinued  uninterruptedly  until  the  month  of  August  last, 
when  he  departed  for  St.  Joseph,  Mo.,  to  consult  em 
inent  specialists  concerning  his  eyesight. 

Grouard  has  made  a  trip  to  St.  Louis,  which  point 
is  the  farthest  east  he  has  ever  been,  and  that  city  is 
the  largest  one  he  has  ever  seen.  From  his  nineteenth 
to  his  twenty-sixth  year  he  was  a  captive  among  the 
Sioux,  and  he  has  been  with  the  army  from  shortly 
after  the  time  of  his  escape  from  the  hostile  Indians  to 
the  present  day.  He  passed  his  forty-fourth  milestone 
in  life's  journey  on  the  20th  day  of  last  September. 
Physically  he  is  a  superb  specimen  of  manhood,  and, 
with  ordinary  care,  should  live  for  many  years  ^to  come. 
Men,  however,  who  have  faced  the  hardships,  dangers 
and  privations  such  as  have  fallen  to  the  lot  of 
Grouard,  are  not  proof  against  sudden  decline  by  reason 
of  natural  physical  ability  to  resist  disease.  In  fact,  it 
is  the  rule  that  army  campaigners,  such  as  the  scout  has 
been,  have  no  certainty  on  a  lease  of  life  beyond  To 
day.  The  Grim  Reaper  is  forever  busy,  and  humbles 
young  valor  and  gray  service  without  distinction. 


GEN.  GEORGE  CROOK,  IN  "CAMPAIGN  UNIFORM." 


PART  SECOND 


CHAPTER  I. 


GENERAL  GEORGE  CROOK. 

Gen.  George  Crook  was  born  at  Dayton,  Ohio,  in 
1829.  He  was  nineteen  years  of  age  when  he  received 
his  appointment  to  the  West  Point  Military  Academy. 
In  1852  he  graduated  and  was  assigned  to  duty,  as 
Second  Lieutenant,  with  the  Fourth  Infantry.  Two  years 
later,  after  campaigning  with  his  regiment  in  Oregon  and 
California  against  the  Indians,  he  received  his  appoint 
ment  as  First  Lieutenant.  Until  the  breaking  out  of  the 
civil  war  he  was  in  active  service  in  the  west,  and  in 
1859  was  dangerously  wounded  by  an  Indian  spear  head, 
a  portion  of  the  missile  remaining  in  his  side  to  the  day 
of  his  death.  His  record  during  the  civil  war  is  a 
glorious  one.  Rising  to  a  Captaincy  in  the  Fourth  Infantry 
in  1861,  he  became  colonel  of  the  Thirty-sixth  regiment 
Ohio  volunteers  four  months  later.  In  August,  1862, 
he  was  appointed  Commander  of  the  Third  Provisional 
Brigade,  and  in  the  fall  of  the  same  year,  for  gallant 


484  GENERAL  GEORGE  CROOK. 

services  at  the  battle  of  Lewisburg,  Ya.,  was  breveted 
Major  in  the  regular  army.  Not  long  afterwards  he  was 
promoted  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier-General  of  volunteers. 
He  took  command  in  July,  1863,  of  the  Second  Cavalry 
division.  In  1864  he  was  breveted  Major-General  of 
volunteers  for  gallant  conduct  in  the  Virginia  campaign, 
joining  Sheridan  in  the  Sheriandoah  valley  the  same  year, 
and  commanding  the  cavalry  branch  of  the  army  of 
the  Potomac  in  1865,  his  brevet  Brigadier-General 
rank  in  the  regular  army  dating  from  the  same  year. 
He  was  present  at  the  surrender  of  Lee  at  Appomatox 
Court  House.  After  commanding  the  District  of  Will- 
mington,  North  Carolina,  in  1866,  he  was  made  Com 
mander  of  the  Boise,  Idaho,  district,  and  turned  his 
attention  to  the  hostile  Snake  Indians,  and  after  subduing 
them  went  to  the  Department  of  the  Columbia  and  quieted 
the  Umatilla  and  Nez  Perces.  His  next  field  of  opera 
tions  was  in  the  Department  of  Arizona,  where  he  assumed 
command  in  June,  1871.  Here  he  made  such  a  bril 
liant  record  in  his  campaign  against  the  Apaches  that 
President  Grant  made  him  a  Brigadier-General,  his  com 
mission  dating  in  1873.  In  1875  he  was  transferred  to 
the  Department  of  the  Platte.  Serving  in  the  latter  De 
partment  until  1882,  he  again  took  charge  of  the  Depart 
ment  of  Arizona,  where  he  succeeded  in  subduing  the 
Apaches  in  1883.  Again  he  was  made  Commander  of 
the  Department  of  the  Platte.  In  1888  he  assumed  con 
trol  of  the  Military  Division  of  the  Missouri  with  the 
rank  of  Major-General.  His  death,  which  was  sudden 
and  unlocked  for,  occurred  in  Chicago  on  the  21st  of 


GENERAL  GEORGE  CROOK.  485 

March,  1890,  and  his  body  was  interred  during  the  fall 
of  the  same  year  in  Arlington  Cemetery,  Virginia, 
opposite  Washington. 

No  man  can  place  a  proper  estimate  upon  the  mili 
tary  services  of  General  Crook.  He  was  a  plain,  blunt 
man,  hating  and  avoiding  ostentation,  was  beloved  by  his 
intimates  and  associates  and  respected  and  'feared  by  his 
foes.  There  was  not  a  spark  of  rashness  in  his  makeup. 
Doggedly  courageous,  with  a  superb  judgment,  all  his 
enterprises  were  eminently  successful,  and  he  rose  to 
position  and  honor  upon  his  deserts.  Grouard,  like  all  men 
who  knew  him  and  were  with  him  in  his  campaigns,  says 
he  was  the  master  of  every  emergency  where  coolness 
and  courage  were  essential.  His  chastisement  of  the  hos 
tile  Indians  was  tempered  with  mercy,  and  the  name  of 
"Lone  Star"  was  both  feared  and  revered  among  the 
red  men. 

Crook's  career  was  an  honorable  and  active  one,  and 
reflects  great  glory  on  the  military  achievements  of  the 
American  army.  His  insight  and  knowledge  of  the  In 
dian  character  made  him  master  of  the  situation  which 
presented  itself  on  the  frontier  in  1876.  His  theory  was 
that  the  savage  would  remain  in  his  primitive  condition 
just  so^  long  as  he  was  permitted  to  hold  sway  over  those 
great  stretches  of  public  domain  where  game  was  ample 
to  furnish  food.  In  the  summer  season  the  Indian's 
nomadic  nature  kept  him  on  the  move  ;  in  the  winter  he 
pitched  his  tepi  with  a  -view  to  enjoying  the  greatest 
shelter  and  security.  Crook  was  the  first  army  officer  to 
intrude  upon  the  redman's  winter  security.  His  campaign 


486  GENERAL  GEORGE  CROOK. 

in  the  spring  of  '76,  when  he  fell  upon  and  destroyed 
the  village  of  Crazy  Horse,  with  the  thermometer  regis 
tering  sixty .  below  zero,  was  a  revelation  to  the  country 
and  carried  consternation  to  the  heart  of  the  savage.  All 
seasons  were  Crook's,  and  the  redmen "  awoke  to  a  full 
realization  of  this  fact  before  the  snows  of  1876  covered 
the  plains  of  the  great  midwest.  He  drove  them  from 
" pillar  to  post;"  from  the  Platte  valley  to  the  Yellow 
stone;  from  plain  and  mountain  to  exile  and  the  agency. 
He  made  war  against  their  customs  and  traditions,  de 
stroyed  their  villages,  subdued  their  spirits  and  broke 
their  hearts.  On  this  line  of  campaigning  he  pursued 
them  in  season  and  out  of  season,  until  the  Indian  feared 
an  ambuscade  in  every  draw  or  suspected  the  presence  of 
"Lone  Star"  behind  each  sagebush.  Crook  was  undeni 
ably  the  greatest  Indian  fighter  of  the  century,  and  he 
did  his  work  so  thoroughly  and  well  that  little  or  nothing 
of  like  nature  is  left  for  his  successors  to  do.  ,  He  deter 
mined  the  , status  of  the  Indian  —  solved  the  question  — 
and  his  memory  will  ever  have  a  high  niche  in  the 
temple  of  fame.  Humanity  is  so  deeply  obligated  to  his 
warrior  spirit  and  generous  nature  that  it  will  always  re 
main  his  debtor ! 

His  life  was  gentle,  and  the  elements 

So  mixed  in  him,  that  Nature  might  stand  np 

l.nd  say  to  all  the  world,  "This  was  a  man.  ' 


CHAPTER  II. 


GENERAL    GEORGE    A.   CTJSTER. 

I 

General  George  Armstrong  Ouster  was  born  at  New 
Ramley,  Ohio,  on  the  5th  of  December,  1839.  He  en 
tered  West  Point  Militaiy  Academy  in  1857  and  was 
graduated  in  1861,  being  assigned  to  the  Second  Cavalry,- 
with  rank  of  Second  Lieutenant.  He  participated  in  the 
first  battle  of  the  rebellion  (Bull  Run)  and  served  with 
great  bravery  and  distinction  throughout  the  civil  war. 
General  McClellan  was  the  first  to  discover  the  right  kind 
of  metal  in  the  young  man,  and  made  him  an  aide-de 
camp.  Custer  never  forgot  his  first  promotion  nor  the 
donor  of  it,  and  McClellan,  throughout  the  years  of  his 
vicissitudinous  career,  alwajs  found  a  warm  champion  in 
the  man  he  had  marked  for  distinction.  He  led  a  grand 
charge  under  Hancock  on  the  3d  of  May,  1862,  and  won 
golden  opinions  and  a  Brigadier-Generalship  under  Kil- 
patrick  when  *  that  General  confronted  the  Confederate 
forces  under  Stuart  in  1864,  being  promoted  from  a  Cap 
taincy.  He  was  then  but  twenty-three  years  of  age.  His 
courage  was  the  theme  of  every  camp  fire,  and  his  bril 
liant  achievements  under  Sheridan  in  the  Shenandoah 
Valley  are  remembered  as  vividly  today  as  in  the  '60's. 


488  ,    GENERAL  GEORGE  A.  OUSTER 

He  is  said,  as  a  General  of  Cavalry,  to  have  led  sixty 
successful  charges.  After  the  close  of  the  war  he  served 
for  a  short  season  in  Texas  as  Major  General  of  volun 
teers,  and  in  '66  was  assigned  to  the  Seventh  Cavalry, 
with  the  rank  of  Lieutenant  Colonel.  Upon  joining  his 
new  regiment  in  Kansas  he  found  plenty  of  work  to  do 
in  subduing  the  Indians,  and  in  1868  fought  the  famous 
battle  against  the  allied  forces  of  the  Arapahoe,  Chey 
enne  and  Kiowa  tribes  in  the  Indian  Territory,  known  as 
the  Battle  of  the  Washita,  in  which  he  captured  the  pony 
herd  of  the  savages,  destroyed  their  village  with  its  entire 
contents  and  killed  over  one  hundred  of  the  hostiles,  in 
cluding  their  two  principal  chiefs.  The  Yellowstone 
(Montana)  campaign  followed.  Then  came  the  Battle  of 
the  Little  Big  Horn  and  —  the  end  of  Custer's  remark 
able  career. 

Custer  and  fear  never  were  introduced  to  each  other. 
He  inspired  his  men  by  his  rare  courage.  There  was  not 
a  soldier  in  his  regiment  but  would  have  followed  him 
into  the  mouth  of  perdition  had  he  but  led  the  way.  A 
story  characteristic  of  him  is  told  by  Captain  Whittaker 
in  his  "Life  of  Custer,"  which  will  illustrate  the  man's 
inspiring  spirit  : 

At  Brandy  Station,  Ya.,  during  Meade's  fall  back, 
Custer  and  cavalry  brought  up  the  rear,  and  all  soldiers 
know  it  is  the  worst  place  on  God's  footstool  to  cover  a 
retreat.  To  allow  the  infantry  ample  time  to  cross  the 
Kappahannock  the  cavalry  kept  fooling  around,  with  an 
avarage  of  10,000  rebs  on  all  sides  of  them.  Once 
when  a  lull  had  seemed  to  come  with  ominous  stillness, 


GENERAL  GEORGE  A.  OUSTER.  489 

some  one  remarked:  "Hello,  look  ahead!"  and  sure 
enough,  about  5,000  rebs  were  suddenly  seen  to  be  massed 
in  our  front,  and  right Mn  the  path  we  must  travel  if  we 

ever  saw  "the  girls  we  left    behind  us."     Ouster  was  sit- 

. % 
ting  on  his  horse  at  the  head  of   the  regiment,  the  Fifth 

Cavalry.  *  He  took  one  look  of  about  ten  seconds,  then 
snatched  off  his  hat,  raised  up  in  his  stirrups,  and  yelled, 
"Boys  of  Michigan,  there  are  some  people  between  us 
and  home  ;  I'm  going  home;  who  else  goes  ?"  Suffice  it 
to  say,  we  all  went.  Gen.  Alger,  then  Colonel  of  our 
regiment,  can  vouch  for  our  flying  movements  as  we  fol 
lowed  Custer,  with  his  bare  head  and  golden  locks,  and 
long,  straight  saber,  putting  the  very  devil  into  the  old 
Fifth  Cavalry,  until  a  clear  track  was  before  us.  When 
out  of  the  woods,  up  came  Kilpatrick  and  sung  out : 
"Custer,  what  ails  you?"  His  reply  was:  "  Oh,  nothing, 
only  we  want  to  cook  some  coffee  on  the  Yank  side  of 
the  Rappahannock." 


CHAPTER   III. 


JOHN    F.    FINERTT. 

The  subject  of  this  sketch,  Hon.  John  F.  Finerty, 
was  born  in  the  city  of  Galway,  Ireland,  on  the  tenth 
day  of  September,  in  the  year  1846.  For  many  years  his 
father  followed  the  profession  of  journalism  and  was  for  a 
long  time  editor  of  one  of  the  leading  papers  in  Ireland. 
The  boy  gave  early  indication  of  a  bright  and  inquiring 
mind,  and  was  afforded  every  opportunity  of  acquiring  a 
splendid  education  at  the  hands  of  private  tutors.  He  left 
his  native  land  when  twenty  years  of  age  and  served  in 
the  Union  army  during  the  close  of  the  war.  He  also 
became  interested  and  active  in  the  cause  of  Ireland, 
being  one  of  the  organizers  of  the  American  Fenian 
movement.  For  some  time  he  acted  as  correspondent 
for  the  Irish  Press,  connecting  himself,  in  1869,  with 
the  Chicago  Republican.  Three  years  later  he  was  pro 
moted  to  the  city  editorship  of  that  paper,  which  position 
he  left,  just  previous  to  the  great  Chicago  fire,  to  accept 
a  remunerative  one  on  the  evening  Post,  and  shortly 
afterward  went  to  the  Tribune,  remaining  on  that  journal 
until  the  year  1875.  In  the  latter  year  he  became  the 
candidate  on  the  People's  ticket  for  clerk  of  the  super- 


HON.  JOHN  F.  FINERTY,"THE  FIGHTING  CORRESPONDENT." 


JOHN  F.  FINERTY.  491 

ior  court,  but  was  defeated  at  the  election.  During  the 
winter  of  '75  he  became  identified  with  the  local  staft  of 
the  Chicago  Times,  and  the  following  spring  was  detailed 
by  Editor  Story  to  accompany  Gen.  Crook's  expedition 
against  the  Sioux  and  Cheyenne  Indians.  His  assign 
ment  to  the  important  work  is  best  told  in  his  own  words. 
He  says: 

In  the  beginning  of  May,  1876,  I  was  attached  to 
the  city  department  of  the  Chicago  Times.  One  day 
Mr. -Clinton  Snowden,  the  city  editor,  said  to  me,  "Mr. 
Story  wants  a  man  to  go  out  with  the  Big  Horn  and  Yel 
lowstone  expedition,  which  is  organizing  under  Generals 
Crook  and  Terry,  in  the  departments  of  the  Platte  and 
Dakota.  There  is  apt  to  be  warm  work  out  there  with 
the  Indians,  so  if  you  don't  care  to  go,  you  needn't  see 
Mr.  Story.  " 

"I  care  to  go,  and  I'll  see  Mr.  Story,"  was  my 
answer. 

The  famous  editor  of  the  Chicago  Times  did  not,  at 
that  period,  show  any  significant  indication  of  that  "  with 
ering  at  the  top "  which  subsequently  obscured  his  won 
derful  faculties.  He  was  a  tall,  well-built,  white-haired, 
white-bearded,  gray-eyed,  exceedingly  handsome  man  of 
sixty,  or  thereabout,  with  a  courteous,  but  somewhat 
cynical  manner. 

"  You  are  the  young  man  Mr.  Snowden  mentioned 
for  the  plains  ? "  he  asked,  as  soon  as  I  had  made  my 
presence  known  by  the  usual  half-shy  demonstrations,  be 
cause  everybody  who  did  not  know  him  well,  and  who 
had  heard  his  reputation  on  the  outside,  approached  the 
formidable  Vermonter  in  somewhat  gingerly  fashion. 


19&  JOHN  F.  FINERTY. 

I  replied  in  the  affirmative.  u  Well,  how  soon  can 
you  be  ready  ?  "  he  inquired. 

"At  any  time  it  may  please  you  to  name,"  was  my 
prompt  reply. 

uYou  should  have  your  outfit  first.  Better  get 
some  of  it  here— perhaps  all.  You  are  going  with 
Crook's  column,"  said  Mr.  Storey,  with  his  customary 
decisiveness  and  rapidity. 

"I  understood  I  was  to  go  with  Custer,"  I  re- 
joined.  "I  know  General  Custer,  but  am  not  ac 
quainted  with  General  Crook." 

uThat  will  make  no  difference,  whatever,"  said  he. 
"  Terry  commands  over  Custer,  and  Crook,  who  knowa 
more  about  the  Indians,  is  likely  to  do  the  hard  work. 
Custer  is  a  brave  soldier — none  braver — but  he  has  been 
out  there  some  years  already,  and  has  not  succeeded  in 
bringing  the  Sioux  to  a  decisive  engagement.  Crook 
did  well  in  Arizona.  However,  it  is  settled  that  you  go 
with  Crook.  Go  to  Mr.  Patterson  (the  manager)  and 
get  what  funds  you  may  need  for  your  outfit  and  other 
expenses.  Report  to  me  when  you  are  ready." 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  that  Mr.  Finerty 
came  within  an  ace  of  accompanying  the  ill-fated  Custer 
command.  In  fact,  had  it  been  left  to  his  own  choice, 
he  would  probably  have  followed  the  fortunes  of  the 
gallant  leader  of  the  Seventh,  and  the  fate  which  over 
took  poor  Mark  Kellogg,  of  the  St.  Paul  Press,  would 
have  been  his  also.  He  endeared  himself  alike  to  the 
officers  and  men  of  Crook's  command,  and  shared  all 
their  dangers  and  deprivations.  In  the  famous  Sibley 


JOHN  F.  FINER  TV.  493 

Scout  he  played  no  unimportant  part,  and  the  journalistic 
profession  has  just  cause  for  pride  over  the  conspicuous 
bravery  that  characterized  this  "fighting  correspondent," 
as  Frank  Grouard  calls  him.  The  Scout  says  Finerty  im 
portuned  him  to  be  permitted  to  accompany  him  on  every 
scouting  expedition  that  was  organized,  but  not  until  the 
starting  of  the  Sibley  party  did  the  correspondent  have 
his  wishes  gratified  ;  and  while  he  bore  himself  with 
soldierly  decorum  on  that  occasion,  he  made  no  further 
request  (so  says  the  scout)  to  be  one  of  any  future  scout 
ing  parties. 

Mr.  Finerty's  labors  on  the  Chicago  Times  were  con 
tinuous  until  the  year  1881,  the  interim  having  been  filled 
in  reporting  the  Nichols-Packard  trouble  in  Louisiana  and 
the  Pittsburg  riots  in  18u7,  and  in  visiting  and  writing 
up  Texas  and  old  Mexico  during  the  years  1878-9.  He 
was  with  Gen.  Miles  in  the  latter's  campaign  against  the 
Sioux,  and  with  Gen.  Merritt  during  the  Ute  outbreak  in 
'79.  The  next  year  found  him  doing  the  southern  states 
for  the  Times,  and  acting,  in  the  year  following,  as  edi 
torial  correspondent  for  his  paper  in  Washingtony  D.  C. 
He  also,  during  1881,  mad«  a  tour  of  the  Canadian  and 
Northern  Pacific  railroads,  and  in  the  fall  was  assigned 
as  war  correspondent  with  Gen.  Carr  in  that  officer's  ex 
pedition  against  the  Apaches.  He  withdrew  from  the 
Times  in  November,  1881,  and  organized  the  first  Irish 
National  Land  League  convention,  which  was  held  in  the 
city  of  Chicago  during  that  winter.  On  the  14th  of  Jan 
uary,  1882,  he  established  The  Citizen,  a  publication  de 
voted  to  Irish-American  interests,  and  the  venture  has 


494  JOHN  F.  FINERTY. 

proven  a  successful  and  profitable  one.  In  1882  Mr. 
Finerty  was  an  independent  candidate  for  Congress  from 
the  Second  district  of  Illinois,  and  was  elected.  "In 
1884  he  supported  James  G.  JJlaine  in  the  Ohio  cam 
paign,"  says  John  C.  Flinn's  Handbook  of  Chicago  Biog 
raphy,  "  and  was  himself  again  a  candidate  for  Congress, 
running  as  a  Elaine  Independent.  In  this  contest  he  was 
nominally  defeated  by  disreputable  means.  In  April, 
1885,  he  was  Kepublican  candidate  for  City  Treasurer, 
but  was  defeated,  having  been  counted  out  with  Sidney 
Smith,  candidate  for  Mayor,  and  was  afterward  appointed 
City  Oil  Inspector,  in  which  office  he  served  during  Mr. 
Roche's  administration." 

Mr.  Finerty  has  been  twice  married.  He  is  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Chicago  Press  Club,  has  twice  been  elected 
President  of  the  Irish-American  Societies  of  Chicago  and 
Cook  county,-  and  is  widely  known  as  a  political  writer 
and  lecturer,  being  a  protectionist  and  Republican.  In 
1890  he  gave  to  the  world  a  volume  of  personal,  experi 
ences  and  adventures  in  the  Big  Horn  and  Yellowstone 
expedition  of  1876,  entitled  "Warpath  and  Bivouac;  or, 
the  Conquest  of  the  Sioux."  -  This  book  has  reached  its 
second  edition,  and  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  and 
best  written  stories  of  its  kind  published. 


WASHAKIE,  CHIEF  OF  THE  SHOSHONES. 


CHAPTER  IY. 

WYOMING    INDIANS    OF    TODAY. 

There  are  no  Indians  in  Wyoming  today  except  the 
Shoshones  and  Arapahoes,  who  together  occupy  an  area 
covering  1,520,000  acres.  This  reservation,  being  a  por 
tion  of  Fremont  and  Johnson  counties,  is  called  the 
Wind  River  Reservation,  and  is  one  of  the  finest  agricul 
tural  sections  in  the  state.  The  Big  Wind  river  cuts 
the  reservation  almost  in  two  from  the  northwest  to 
the  southeast,  while  the  Little  Wind  river  flows  east 
ward  to  its  junction  with  the  parent  stream  in  the 
southeastern  corner  of  the  reserve.  Besides  these  two 
great  rivers,  there  are  several  large  streams  that  water 
the  holdings  of  the  fortunate  redmen,  among  the  princi 
pal  ones  being  the  Owl  creek,  which  forms  the  northern 
border  of  the  reservation,  the  North  Fork,  the  Big  and 
Little  Popo-Agie,  Beaver  Creek,  Muddy,  Mill  Creek  and 
Dry  Creek,  the  latter  being  one  of  the  innumerable 
feeders  of  the  Big  Wind  river. 


96  WYOMING  INDIANS  OF  TO-DAY. 

* 

Statistics  from  the  Interior  department  place  the 
total  number  of  Indians  on  the  Shoshone  or  Wind  River 
reservation  at  1,819.  Of  these  978  are  Arapahoes  and 
841  are  Shoshones.  Of  the  former,  there  are  215  male 
adults  and  269  women,  233  male  children  and  261  fe 
male  children;  while  of  the  Shoshones  there  are  212 
men,  252  women,  203  male  children  and  174  female 
children.  From  these  figures  it  is  easy  to  see  that  the 
fear  of  an  Indian  outbreak  in  Wyoming  is  very  slight 
if  the  question  be  considered  from  the  Wyoming  Indian 
standpoint.  Such  a  contingency  could  only  arise 
through  the  joining  of  the  turbulent  Sioux  on  the  east 
and  the  Crow  on  the  north  with  the  Arapahoes  on  the 
Wind  River  reservation,  and  even  such  a  move  would 
be  hard  of  consummation  by  reason  of  the  watchfulness 
over  the  Arapahoes  on  the  part  of  their  ancient  foes, 
the  Shoshones. 

Washakie,  chief  of  the  Shoshones,  is  reputed  to  be 
over  ninety  years  of  age,  and  delights  in  the  boast  that 
he  has  always  been  the  firm  friend  of  the  white  man  ; 
that  he  has  never  lifted  his  hand  against  his  pale-faced 
brother  or  allowed  his  blood  to  be  spilled. 

This  grand  old  man  is  probably  the  best  preserved 
Indian  on  the  Wind  River  reservation.  His  footstep  is 
as  light  and  every  movement  of  his  body  as  graceful  as 
that  of  a  young  girl.  There  is  nothing  awkward  about 
him.  Washakie  is  over  six  feet  in  height  and  weighs 
nearly  250  pounds.  His  head  sits  proudly  on  a 
short,  full  neck,  and  his  shoulders  are  broad  and  slightly 
tapering.  He  stands  as  erect  as  a  giant  oak.  His  fore- 


WYOMING  INDIANS  OF  TODAY.  497 

head  is  broad  and  high  and  but  slightly  wrinkled  with 
age,  while  his  steel  gray  eyes  are  as  bright  and  full  of 
fire  as  those  of  the  mountain  eagle.  His  hair,  which 
hangs  in  profusion  over  his  shoulders,  is  white  as  the 
spotless  snow. 

Altogether  this  remarkable  savage  furnishes  an  ideal 
object  for  the  student  of  Indian  character.  His 
word  is  law,  and  no  man  of  his  tribe  dare  rebel  against 
it.  His  bravery  is  beyond  question,  and  his  hospitality 
is  as  large  as  the  glowing  heart  which  beats  within  his 
bosom. 

Sharp  Nose,  the  head  chief  of  the  Arapahoes,  hates 
this  mighty  man  with  all  the  venom  of  his  treacherous 
nature.  Years  ago,  in  battle,  these  two  warriors  met  in 
single  combat.  It  was  breast  bared  to  breast  against 
that  terrible  weapon,  the  hunting  knife.  The  contest  was 
witnessed  by  the  warriors  of  both  the  chiefs.  It  was 
long,  terrific  and  bloody,  and  Sharp  Nose  has  never  for 
gotten  or  forgiven  the  magnanimous  foe  who  overcame 
but  spared  him.  From  that  hour  to  the  present  day  the 
head  chief  of  the  Arapahoe  nation  has  exerted  an  influ 
ence  over  those  alone  who  were  his  immediate  followers 
in  his  former  conflict  with  the  Shoshones  a«id  the 
sharers  in  his  hatred  of  Chief  Washakie. 

Some  years  ago,  when  what  is  now  the  city  of 
Lander  was  a  hamlet,  Washakie 's  oldest  son,  in  com 
pany  with  half  a  dozen  other  young  Indians,  left  the 
Shoshone  reservation  for  Lander,  and  finding  the  moth 
er  of  Isaac  Axe  (a  woman  over  sixty  years  of  age) 
alone  in  the  home  of  her  son,  attempted  to  commit  a 


498  WYOMING  INDIANS   OF  TODAY. 

brutal  outrage  upon  her.  The  house  was  a  log  affair 
consisting  of  one  room,  the  single  apartment  being  di 
vided  in  the  center  by  curtains.  The  rear  portion  was 
used  as  the  living  room.  The  screams  of  the  old  wo 
man  attracted  the  attention  of  her  nine-year-old  grand 
son,  Allie  Axe,  who,  unknown  to  the  Indians,  was 
amusing  himself  in  the  back  yard.  The  boy  hurriedly 
entered  the  house  by  the  rear  door,  and  peeping 
through  the  curtains,  saw  his  aged  grandmother  strug 
gling  with  half  a  dozen  young  Shoshone  fiends.  Tak 
ing  his  father's  repeating  rifle  from  its  place  against 
the  wall,  the  boy  began  pumping  leaden  objectors  into 
the  body  of  the  old  lady's  assailants.  The  first  shot 
gave  young  Washakie  a  mortal  wound,  and  his  com 
panions  hurriedly  carried  him  from  the  house,  placed 
him  on  his  horse  and  started  for  their  home  on  the 
reservation  in  hot  haste,  young  Washakie  dying  before 
he  could  be  carried  to  the  lodge  of  his  father. 

The  tragic  death  of  this  young  buck,  a  general 
favorite  with  his  tribe  and  in  direct  line  as  his  fath 
er's  successor  to  the  chieftaincy  of  the  Shoshone  na 
tion,  created  the  wildest  excitement  on  the  reservation, 
and  it  was  but  a  short  time  before  a  large  war  party 
was  organized  to  go  to  Lander  and  wreak  vengeance 
upon  the  people  for  the  death  of  the  Shoshone  favorite. 

When  old  Chief  Washakie  heard  of  this,  he  sent 
for  the  leaders  of  the  movement,  and  said : 

"If  tibo  (white  man)  come  to  Indian  tepi  and 
outrage  Indian  squaw,  kill  him ;  if  Indian  go  to  tibo's 
tepi  and  outrage  white  squaw,  kill  him  ! " 


SHARP  NOSE,  CHIEF  OF  THE  ARAPAHOES. 


WYOMING  INDIANS   OF  TODAY.  499 

Deep  and  bitter  as  was  his  grief  over  the  loss  of 
his  boy,  his  savage  sense  of  justice  shone  out  even 
brighter  than  his  parental  affection,  and  his  people,  un 
used  to  disobeying  the  commands  of  their  revered  chief, 
laid  away  this  grand  old  chieftain 's  son  and  buried 
their  hatred  and  cry  for  vengeance  in  the  boy's 
sepulchre. 

Strange  as  it  may  seem,  the  eastern  "  Lo,  the  poor 
Indian "  societies,  tried  in  every  way  imaginable  to 
hound  young  Allie'  Axe  into  state  prison  for  life  for  his 
heroic  defense  of  his  aged  grandparent,  but  they  met 
with  very  poor  success. 

At  the  time  of  the  massacre  of  Ouster's  command 
on  the  Little  Big  Horn,  Sharp  Nose,  and  a  dozen  other 
Arapahoe  cutthroats  were  participants  in  that  butchery, 
and  sneaked  back  to  the  reservation  in  the  same  manner 
they  had  stolen  away  from  it. 

Sharp  Nose,  the  head  chief  of  the  'Kaps,  has  one 
of  the  most  villainous  countenances  imaginable.  His 
eyes  are  black  and  piercing,  and  his  lips  are  thin  and 
indicate  the  utmost  cruelty.  His  gait  is  very  peculiar. 
Although  lamed  from  a  wound  received  in  battle,  this 
fact  does  not  at  all  interfere  with  the  serpentine  glide 
that  characterizes  his  movements.  He  is  an  expert 
horseman,  and  a  man  of  remarkable  powers  of  endur 
ance.  He  has  not  a  single  trait  to  redeem  his  natur 
ally  low  and  groveling  nature,  and  in  the  summer  season 
travels  over  the  reservation  roads  with  several  degraded 
squaws,  disposing  of  their  wares  to  a  class  of  whites  as 
degraded  as  themselves. 


500  WYOMING  INDIANS   OF  TODAY. 

When  the  first  white  men  went  into  the  Popo-Agie 
valley  to  find  homes  the  country  was  wild  and  full  of 
danger.  Half  a  dozen  immigrants  camped  on  the  spot 
where  Lander  was  afterwards  built.  It  is  one  of  the 
most  beautiful  and  picturesque  locations  for  a  city  in 
the  world,  the  center,  too,  of  a  rich  agricultural  section. 
Two  young  and  handsome  women  —  wives  of  two  of  the 
immigrants  —  were  in  the  party  of  newcomers,  and  one 
day  they  were  left  alone  in  camp  while  the  men  folks 
prospected  the  valley.  No  pen  can  draw  a  picture  of 
the  horror  that  presented  itself  to  the  men  of  the  party 
when  they  returned  to  the  camp  in  the  evening.  One 
of  the  women  was  a  corpse ;  the  other  was  suspended 
in  mid-air  at  the  end  of  a  sharp-pointed  tepi  pole,  one 
end  of  which  had  been  thrust  into  the  unfortunate  wo 
man's  abdomen,  the  other  into  a  badger  hole.  Life 
enough  still  remained  in  the  young  woman's  body  to 
permit  her  to  tell  the  horrible  story  of  outrage  and 
murder.  Sharp  Nose  and  some  twenty-five  of  his  fol 
lowers  had  been  at  the  camp  in  the  absence  of  the 
white  men,  satisfied  their  lustful  desires  and  added  mur 
der  as  a  finale.  Yet  this  same  Sharp  Nose  was  per 
mitted  to  live,  and  to-day  is  head  chief  of  the  Arapahoe 
tribe! 

In  the  winter  of  1888,  a  man  named  William  E. 
Jewell  went  on  the  Shoshone  reservation  and  secured 
permission  from  the  agent  (Col.  Thomas  Jones,  of 
Georgia,  a  fine  southern  gentleman  and  a  very  humane 
man,  )  to  trade  for  horses  with  the  Indians.  Early  in 
the  spring  of  '89  his  body  was  discovered  in  a  bayou, 


WYOMING  INDIANS    OF  TODAY.  501 

under  the  floating  ice.  A  bullet  through  the  head  told 
the  cause  of  death.  A  coroner's  jury  sat  upon  the  case, 
and  returned  a  verdict  that  deceased  came  to  his  death 
at  the  hands  of  some  person  or  persons  unknown.  This 
was  eminently  satisfactory,  so  far  as  the  jury  was  con 
cerned,  but  not  to  the  author  of  these  pages,  who  was 
at  that  time  editing  the  Lander  Mountaineer.  For  three 
months  the  newspaper  man  devoted  his  time  to  the 
discovery  of  the  perpetrators  of  the  Jewell  murder, 
and  was  at  last  rewarded  by  finding  nearly  all  the  dead 
man's  possessions  in  the  tepis  of  Sharp  Nose  and  Gar- 
field  Wolf  (the  latter  a  graduate  of  the  Carlisle,  Penn 
sylvania,  Indian  school).  Warrants  were  sworn  out,  the 
suspects  were  arrested  and  remained  in  jail  awaiting* 
trial  for  nearly  a  year.  There  was  evidence  enough 
against  these  two  cold-blooded  assassins  to  have  hanged 
them  a  dozen  times  over ;  but,  as  in  the  case  of  Allie 
Axe,  the  eastern  sentimentalists  became  " interested"  in 
the  matter,  plenty  of  money  was  furnished,  clever  law 
yers  were  retained,  and  when  the  case  was  called  —  the 
Indians  were  turned  loose.  They  returned  to  the  reser 
vation  to  feast  on  dog  and  mock  at  the  white  man's 
" legal  formulas" 

The  last  congress,  however,  went  so  far  as  to  make 
the  case  of  Sharp  Nose  an  exceptional  one,  and  granted 
him  a  pension  of  twelve  dollars  a  month  ;  but  why  this 
was  done,  unless  to  reward  him  for  the  part  he  played 
in  the  Custer  massacre  or  to  set  this  sum  aside  as  a 
premium  on  crime,  would  be  hard  to  tell.  There  are 
hundreds  of  deserving  soldiers  whose  demands  for  pen- 


502  WYOMING  INDIANS   OF  TODAY. 

I 

sions  have  been  persistently  and  cruelly  ignored  by  the 
Government  —  men  who  have  sacrificed  health  and  limb 
in  the  service  of  the  nation.  To  the  man  who  keeps  in 

touch  with  national  legislation,  the  giving  of  a  good-sized 

i 
pension    to    Sharp    Nose,   in   whose    crime-steeped    bosom 

there  burns  nothing  but  the  fires  of  the  most  bitter 
hatred  against  the  whites,  and  whose  whole  life  has  been 
a  never-ending  chapter  of  savage  cruelty,  presents  a 
curious  commentary  on  the  boasted  justice  of  our  Gov 
ernment  to  the  men  who  sacrificed  everything  upon  the 
altar  of  country.  It  is  hardly  compatible  with  sound 
reason  and  good  policy  to  pension  the  criminal  savage 
and  ignore  the  deserving  patriot,  and  the  author  desires 
to  enter  his  most  emphatic  protest  against  such  unseemly 
and  un-American  procedure. 

There  is  a  broad  distinction  between  the  women  of 
these  two  tribes  —  the  Shoshones  being  susceptible  of 
rapid  advancement,  while  the  Arapahoe  is  lazy,  lecherous 
and  repelling.  Virtue  is  maintained  to  a  remarkable 
degree  by  the  former,  and  is  almost  totally  lacking  in 
in  the  latter.  Intelligence  among  them  is  on  about  the 
same  plane  as  that  upon  which  their  estimates  of  virtue 
stand.  Plurality  of  wives  is  not  sanctioned  or  practiced 
among  the  Shoshones,  while  the  Arapahoes  disregard  all 
marital  laws  and  every  parental  obligation. 

Black    Coal,  who  for  many  years  was    the  war    chief 
of    the  Arapahoes,  and    in    later   years    the  head    chief  of 
the    tribe,   died    in    1893.       He    was    known    among    the 
whites  as  a  very  good  and    kind-hearted  man,  though  his 
early  life  had  been  given  up  to  cruelty  and   the  warpath. 


BLACK  COAL,  WAR  CHIEF  OF  THE  ARAPAHOES. 


WYOMING   INDIANS  OF  TODAY.     .  503 

He  had  no  voice  in  the  naming  of  his  successor,  other 
wise  Sharp  Nose,  whom  Black  Coal  thoroughly  detested 
and  abhorred,  would  never  have  risen  to  the  head  chief- 
tancy. 

As  has  been  before  remarked  in  this  chapter,  the 
Arapahoe  is  not  a  progressive  nation,  and  little,  if  any, 
heed  is  paid  to  the  selection  of  head  men,  especially  now 
when  the  tribal  relation  has  been  so  broken  by  life  on 
reservations  that  it  is  but  a  memory.  For  these'  reasons 
it  was  easy  for  Sharp  Nose,  cunning  in  all  things,  to  se 
cure  his  election  as  the  successor  of  Black  Coal.  The 
Arapahoes  thought  a  great  deal  of  the  latter  chief,  and 
manifested  sincere  grief  at  his  death.  The  influence  of 
Sharp  Nose  does  not  amount  to  much,  at  best ;  but  he 
is,  of  all  the  men  of  his  tribe,  the  least  to  be  trusted 
with  authority. 


CHAPTER  Y. 


MULTUM    IN    PARVO. 

In  answer  to  a  letter  requesting  dates  and  facts  re 
garding  his  life  as  a  government  scout,  "Ben"  Clark, 
one  of  the  most  modest  and  brave  plainsmen  in  the 
country,  writes  Grouard  as  follows: 

FORT  RENO,  O.  T.,  June  20,  1894. 

DEAR  FRANK  :  — Your  letter  came  all  right  and  I  was 
glad  to  hear  from  you.  I  have  no  more  pictures  on  hand 
except  one  which  was  copied  from  an  old  one  taken  in 
April,  1869,  at  Camp  Supply,  when  I  was  on  the  point 
of  starting  to  take  a  company  of  the  Tenth  Cavalry 
'cross  country  to  Fort  Lamed.  It  was  taken  by  a  clerk 
in  the  .Post  Trader  store,  who  was  taking  pictures  for  fun. 

I  left  Fort  Leavenworth  on  the  2d  of  June,  185T, 
and  drove  team  to  Fort  Bridger,  enlisted  in  battalion  of 
IT.  S.  volunteers  at  Bridger  on  December  3d,  1857,  was 
mustered  out  at  Camp  Floyd  on  13th  of  August,  1858. 
Camp  Floyd  was  in  Cedar  Valley  about  sixty-five  miles 
south  of  Salt  Lake  City.  I  served  three  years  and  six 
months  in  the  war  in  the  Sixth  Kansas  Cavalry.  Was 
guide  for  Gen.  Sully  in  summer  and  early  fall  of  1868 
in  the  Indian  campaign.  Was  chief  guide  and  scout  for 


BEN  CLARKE,  A  BRAVE  MAN  AND  CLEVER  SCOUT. 


MULTUN  IN  PARVO.  505 

Ouster  from  October,  1868,  until  Gen.  Sheridan  took  the 
field  in  person.  After  that  was  Sheridan's  chief  guide 
until  the  close  of  the  war  in  spring  of  1869.  I  was  as 
signed  to  Camp  Supply  by  Gen.  Schofield  in  May,  1869, 
as  post  guide  and  interpreter.  Was  transferred  to  Fort 
Reno  in  October,  1876,  by  order  of  Gen.  Pope;  have 
belonged  here  ever  since,  though  I  have  been  away  a 
good  deal  on  detached  service  under  special  orders.  I 
was  chief  guide  for  Gen.  Miles  in  the  summer,  autumn 
and  winter  of  1874.  You  remember  of  my  being  attached 
to  Gen.  Crook's  command  in  1876  on  the  Crazy  Horse 
trip. 

The  above  is  a  brief  record  of  my  service,  and  I  may 
add  that  I  have  plenty  of  proof  in  the  way  of  discharges 
and  so  on  to  satisfy  anyone  as  to  the  truth  of  it.  You 
know  there  are  lots  of  Commanche  Bill's  and  Buffalo 
Joe's,  and  such,  with  long  handles  to  their  names,  whose 
records  are  manufactured  principally  out  of  lies. 

Well,  Frank,  wishing  you  success  and  good  luck,  I 
remain,  Yours  very  truly, 

B.  M.  CLARK. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

» 

AN  OLD  TIMER'S  STORY. 

O.  P.  Hanna,  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  was  born  in 
Metamora,  Illinois,  May  10th,  1851.  At  eighteen  years 
of  age  he  packed  his  "grip,"  and  started  west  on  the 
llth  day  of  August,  1869.  He  landed  on  the  headwaters 
of  the  Yellowstone  river,  Montana,  where  Livingston  now 
stands.  It  was  then  a  wild,  unsettled  country,  inhabited 
only  by  Indians  (the  Crow  tribe).  He  had  an  anxiety 
for  a  wild,  frontier  life,  and  he  soon  found  a  party  of 
hunters  who  made  their  living  hunting,  bear  trapping  and 
poisoning  wolves. 

His  history  is  quite  interesting,  and  is  given  below 
in  his  own  words  : 

In  a  short  while  I  could  handle  a  gun  with  any  ofi 
them,  and  at  the  end  of  our  hunting  and  trapping  expe 
dition  I  could  show  as  fine  a  lot  of  furs  as  any  of  them. 
I  could  write  pages  describing  my  adventures  during  the 
six  years  I  spent  on  the  headwaters  of  the  Yellowstone; 
but  be  it  enough  to  say  that  I  was  with  Professor  Hay- 
den  (Geographical  Surveyor),  who  explored  and  surveyed 
the  National  Park  to  see  if  it  was  a  suitable  place  for  a 
national  reserve,  and  it  was  on  his  repo'rt  that  Congress 


O.  P.  HANNA,  FIRST  SETTLER  IN  SHERIDAN  COUNTY. 


AN  OLD    TIMER'S  STORY.  507 

passed  the  bill  to  reserve  that  portion  of  Wyoming  as  a 
National  Park.  That  was  in  1870.  In  1872  I  was  scout 
for  Col.  Baker's  expedition  down  the  Yellowstone,  and 
was  with  him  when  he  had  the  fight  with  the  Sioux  at 
Baker's  battle-ground,  near  where  Billings  now  stands.  I 
was  with  Gen.  Custer  on  one  of  his  expeditions  in  the 
Yellowstone  country.  I  was  also  with  the  noted  Bode- 
man  expedition,  which  consisted  of  one  hundred  and 
forty-five  old  hunters,  trappers  and  prospectors,  that  stood 
off  from  eight  hundred  to  two  thousand  Sioux  Indians, 
and  fought  their  way  to  civilization  for  a  distance  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  miles. 

In  the  spring  of  1875,  six  of  us  hunters  and  trappers 
built  flat  boats  near  Fort  Benton  on  the  Missouri  river, 
loaded  them  with  furs  and  buffalo  robes,  and  started 
down  the  river  for  St.  Louis,  a  distance  of  three  thousand 
five  hundred  miles.  We  arrived  safely  in  Omaha  in 
about  seventy  days,  and  there  disposed  of  our  robes.  We 
had  many  .adventures  on  the  way  down  the  river,  and 
were  attacked  by  the  Indians  several  times  ;  but  the 
piles  of  robes  on  our  boat  offered  good  protection. 

After  spending  the  winters  of  '75  and  '76  at  my  old 
home  in  Illinois,  the  spring  found  me  in  Denver,  Colo 
rado,  dead  broke,  and  longing  to  be  with  my  old  comrades 
on  the  headwaters  of  the  Yellowstone,  but  having  no  way 
to  get  there  unless  I  walked.  I  found  a  party  of  English 
men  that  wanted  a  hunter  and  guide.  After  giving  suffi 
cient  proof  that  I  was  an  old  hand  at  the  business,  I 
made  a  deal  with  them,  and  I  was  soon  in  the  mountains 
again,  and  happy.  I  put  in  the  summer  of  '76  in  the 


508  AN   OLD   TIMER'S  STOEY. 

mountains  of  Colorado.  In  the  spring  of  1877  I  started 
from  Denver  with  pack  animals  for  the  Black  Hills. 
When  I  arrived  in  Cheyenne  an  expedition  was  organiz 
ing  to  take  one  hundred  and  twelve  wagons  with  four 
hundred  and  fifty  work  oxen  (wagons  all  loaded  with  In 
dian  supplies)  to  Pine  Ridge  Agency  on  White  river. 
There  were  eighty-five  men  in  the  expedition,  and  I  soon 
got  a  situation  as  hunter,  there  being  plenty  of  game  in 
the  country  which  we  had  to  travel  through.  We  got  as 
far  as  Red  Cloud  Agency  (where  Crawford  now  stands), 
and  there  we  learned  that  the  Indians  at  Pine  Ridge  were 
on  the  warpath,  and  we  were  ordered  by  the  Interior  De 
partment  to  lay  up  at  Red  Cloud  until  we  had  received 
further  orders.  We  stayed  there  for  eight  months. 
Finally  the  Indian  trouble  was  settled,  and  we  pulled  down 
White  river  and  turned  the  outfit  over  to  old  Chief  Red 
Cloud. 

Out  of  a  job  again,  with  a  rigging,  horse  and  pack 
horses,  myself  and  a  little  fellow  by  the  name  of  Fergu 
son  started  early  in  1878  for  my  old  camping  ground, 
Bozeman,  or  the  headwaters  of  the  Yellowstone.  It  was 
only  seven  hundred  miles  across  an  uninhabitable  coun 
try,  but  that  little  distance  to  travel  on  horseback  was 
nothing  in  those  days.  In  about  three  weeks  from  the 
time  we  started  we  camped  on  Clear  creek,  northern 
Wyoming,  where  Fort  McKinney  now  stands. 

There  were  several  companies  of  soldiers  camped 
there.  They  were  laying  out  the  grounds  for  the  new 
fort.  As  we  had  traveled  over  three  hundred  miles, 
without  seeing  anyone  or  hearing  any  news,  it  was  a 


AN  OLD   TIMEtfS  STOBY.  509 

treat  to  talk  with  some  one  besides  ourselves.  We  laid 
over  there  for  two  days.  Met  Frank  Grouard,  the  scout, 
there;  and  when  he  found  that  I  was  with  the  noted 
Bodeman  and  other  expeditions  on  the  Yellowstone  when 
he  was  with  the  Indians,  we  had  quite  an  interesting 
time  talking  the  matter  over. 

On  the  morning  of  August  10th  we  packed  up  and 
started  on  our  journey  for  Bozeman.  When  pulling 
down  onto  the  Piney,  where  old  Fort  Phil  Kearney  used 
to  stand,  Ferguson  says,  "  By  thunder!  Hanna,  I  believe 
there  is  a  woman."  Looking  ahead,  sure  enough,  there 
was  a  woman.  On  arriving  at  the  cabin  we  found  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  T.  J.  Foster.  As  we  hadn't  seen  a  woman  in 
two  months,  you  can  imagine  <what  a  treat  it  was  to  sit 
down  to  a  nice  clean  meal,  cooked  by  a  woman,  and 
enjoy  her  company  while  eating  it. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Foster  had  a  nice  garden,  and  they 
insisted  on  us  helping  ourselves  to  all  the  green  gro 
ceries  we  wanted.  After  laying  over  there  a  day  we 
went  on  our  journey.  As  we  pulled  across  Massacre  Hill 
and  along  the  head  of  the  Prairie  Dog,  I  thought  it  was 
the  prettiest  country  I  ever  set  my  eyes  on.  The  grass 
was  knee  high,  and  nothing  to  eat  it  but  wild  game. 
When  coming  down  into  Little  Goose  Creek  '  valley, 
•where  Big  Horn  City  now  stands,  it  was  a  grand  sight, 
and  I  said  to  Ferguson: 

u  Charlie,  there  is  a  future  for  this  country.  This 
land,  in  a  few  years,  will  be  valuable.  I  am  goi-ng  to 
•drive  my  stake.  ' 

He  looked  around  and  said: 


510  AN  OLD   TIMER'S  STORY. 

"  My  God,  man,  are  you  crazy?  What  will  you  do 
here  2 " 

"  Take  up  a  ranch  and  quit  running  arc-und,  ': 

"Yes,  take  up  a  ranch  and  get  killed  by  the  In 
dians,  "  was  his  response.  Although  he  did  not  approve 
of  the  idea,  he  finally  consented  to  stop  with  me  for  a 
while,  anyway. 

The  next  two  days  we  looked  the  country  over, 
and  found  there  was  but  one  cabin  partly  finished  in 
what  is  now  Sheridan  County.  We  learned  later  that  it 
was  built  by  road  agents  and  horse  thieves.  Quite  a 
number  of  suspicious  characters  called  at  our  camp.  In 
the  course  of  ten  days  I  had  located  my  ranch  just 
above  Big  Horn,  and  had  constructed  a  neat  little  cabin 
about  ten  feet  square — large  enough  for  me,  though. 

The  next  question  was,  how  were  we  going  to  make 
a  living  ?  But  I  soon  solved  that  question.  I  went 
over  to  Fort  JVIcKinney  (forty  miles  south)  and  found 
that  the  soldiers  had  to  depend  on  getting  wild  meat 
or  go  without,  as  there  were  no  cattle  nearer  than  two 
hundred  miles  of  the  fort.  I  soon  closed  a  contract 
with  the  commanding  officer  to  furnish  three  thousand 
pounds  of  elk,  deer  and  other  wild  meat  every  week. 
I  got  a  hunter  by  the  name  of  White,  as  he  had  two 
mule  teams  and  wagons,  to  go  with  me.  We  got  two 
men  to  drive  the  teams  and  deliver  the  meat  to  the 
fort,  and  while  he  and  I  did  the  hunting.  Game  was 
so  plentiful  that  we  would  often  load  down  both 
wagons  in  half  a  day.  Bear  was  plentiful.  I  killed 
eight  the  first  two  months  I  was  hunting.  Fishing 
was  fine  ;  could  catch  forty  or  fifty  pounds  daily. 


AN   OLD   TIMER'S  STORY.  511 

In  the  fo  re  part  of  the  winter  there  was  a  mail 
route  established  from  Rock  Station  on  the  Union 
Pacific  railroad,  by  way  of  Fort  McKinney  and  Fort  Cus- 
ter,  to  Junction  Station  on  the  Yellowstone,  a  distance 
of  five  hundred  miles.  It  was  a  weekly,  and  Ferguson 
and  I  took  the  sub-contract  to  carry  it  from  Fort  Mc- 
Henry  to  Fort  Ouster.  As  mail  pouches  were  scarce,  he 
generally  put  the  letters  in  his  pocket.  The  weekly 
gathering  of  mail  consisted  of  three  or  four  letters.  We 
carried  it  on  horseback.  Ferguson  did  most  of  the  rid 
ing,  and  when  he  would  reach  the  ranch  he  wonld  lay 
what  he  called  the  United  States  mail  on  the  mantel 
shelf  for  a  day  or  two  and  go  with  me  and  have  a  hunt. 
A  man  by  the  name  of  Fisher  had  the  contract ;  had 
taken  it  very  cheap ;  went  broke  and  Ferguson  never 
got  anything  for  his  services.  He  was  held  up  several 
times  by  the  road  agents.  They  would  examine  the  con 
tents  of  the  letters  to  see  if  there  was  anything  of  value. 
If  there  wasn't  anything  to  pay  them  for  their  trouble 
they  would  warn  him  that  the  next  ,time  they  caught 
him  on  the  road  with  the  mail  without  something  of 
value  they  would  "  shoot  his  light  out." 

The  spring  of  '79  Patrick  brothers  secured  the  con 
tract  and  got  it  increased  to  a  daily  ;  put  on  backboards 
and  went  flying  through  the  country,  although  I  could 
have  carried  all  the  mail  at  the  time  in  my  coat  pocket. 
They  got,  so  I  understood,  about  ninety  thousand  dollars 
a  year.  It  was  one  of  the  great  Star  Route  swindles- 
Bat  it  was  a  good  thing  for  the  country.  It  helped  to 
develop  it. 


512  AN  OLD    TIMERS  STORY. 

In  the  fall  of  '78  a  merchant  by  the  name  of  A. 
Trabing,  from  Laramie  City,  put  up  some  log  buildings 
on  Crazy  Woman,  and  laid  in  a  stock  of  general  mer 
chandise.  Trabing  had  gone  back  to  Laramie  and  left  a 
man  by  the  name  of  Bowman  as  manager.  One  evening 
there  were  four  or  five  men  in  there  talking,  when  they 
heard  the  command  at  the  door,  "  Hands  up."  Looking 
toward  the  door,  they  found  double-barreled  shot  guns 
staring  them  in  the  face.  They  were  being  held  up  by 
the  road  agents.  The  men  in  the  store  were  all  ordered 
to  stand  facing  a  bi-g  pile  of  flour,  and  one  fellow 
guarded  them  while  the  leader  of  the  gang  (said  to  be 
Jesse  James )  took  over  one  hundred  dollars'  worth  of 
goods,  bade  the  manager  good-  night,  told  him  he  had  a 
very  nice  stock  of  goods,  and  that  he  could  count  on 
him  as  one  of  his  regular  customers. 

Two  days  after  the  robbery  of  Trabing  I  was  hunt 
ing  up  Little  Goose  creek.  I  had  wounded  a  deer  and 
was  trailing  it  through  the  brush,  when  I  ran  into  a  camp 
in  the  thick  brush.  It  belonged  to  this  same  gang  that 
had  gone  through  Trabing's  store.  The  thieves  were 
looking  the  goods  over.  I  tried  to  step  back  without 
them  seeing  me  ;  but  they  saw  me  and  were  up  with 
gun  in  hand  ready  for  defense  in  a  moment.  As  soon 
as  I  found  they  had  seen  me,  I  walked  towards  camp, 
looking  as  innocent  as  I  could,  with  a 

"  Halloo,  boys,  you  have  a  nice  camp.  Did  you  see 
anything  of  a  deer  go  through  ?  I  wounded  one  and 
trailed  it  into  the  brush  here." 

I  was  very  careful    to  keep  my  back    on  the  pile  of 


AN  OLD  TIMER'S  STORY.  513 

new  clothes  and  groceries.  It  was  a  tough  gang.  They 
had  ditched  a  train  on  the  Union  Pacific  railroad  in  the 
fall  for  the  purpose  of  robbing  it,  and  a  posse  of  men 
followed  them  and  laid  for  them  in  Red  Canyon,  when 
the  holdups  killed  two  deputy  sheriffs.  The  Union 
Pacific  railroad  offered  a  big  reward  for  their  capture. 
They  were  known  to  be  in  the  Big  Horn  country.  I 
had  written  down  to  the  authorities  on  the  Union  Pacific 
road  and  got  a  description  of  all  the  gang,  and  was  also 
getting  paid  for  reporting  anything  in  regard  to  them. 
If  they  had  examined  my  pockets  they  would  have  found 
a  description  of  the  whole  party,  consisting  of  seven.  I 
would  not  have  lasted  long  if  they  had  done  so.  But  I 
played  it  so  well  that  I  got  out  all  right  without  their 
suspecting  me,  though  they  warned  me  not  to  tell  anyone 
where  they  were  camped. 

That  night  I  went  to  Fort  McKinney  and  sent  a 
dispatch  to  Laramie  that  I  had  found  the  camp  of 
the  whole  gang.  I  then  went  back  to  my  ranch, 
and  that  night  Big  Nosed  George,  one  of  the  gang,  rode 
up  and  wanted  to  know  if  I  had  any  liniment,  as  his 
horse  had  fallen  on  him  and  hurt  his  knee.  I  gave  him 
some  liniment.  He  stayed  all  night.  There  was  a  three 
thousand  dollar  reward  for  him  and  I  knew  it,  and  could 
have  arrested  him  easily,  but  had  no  place  .to  take  him. 
There  were  about  twenty  men  left  Laramie  shortly  after 
I  notified  them  where  this  gang  was.  They  rode  night 
and  day,  but  the  gang  got  wind  of  it,  and  when  they  got 
into  the  country  the  gang  had  flown  to  the  Yellowstone. 
Before  they  left  they  held  up  the  Trabing  store  the  second 


514  AN  OLD   TIMER'S  STOEY. 

time,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  manager  kept 
guards  around  the  store  night  and  day. 

The  Union  Pacific  Railroad  authorities  wanted  me  to 
follow  the  gang  to  the  Yellowstone,  but  I  did  not  want 
any  more  of  it ;  wouldn't  have  lasted  long  if  they  had 
caught  me  on  their  trail  in  that  country. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  T.  J.  Foster  were  held  up  during  the 
winter.  The  gang  hung  Mr.  Foster  up  by  the  neck  until 
he  was  almost  dead,  to  make  him  tell  where  his  money 
was,  as  they  thought  he  had  quite  a  boodle.  They  also 
held  up  old  Tony  Yetzer's  ranch  on  Big  Goose  creek,  and 
took  what  they  wanted.  The  stage  was  held  up  regularly 
at  what  is  now  known  as  "  Hold-up  Hollow,"  north  of 
Fort  Fetterman.  They  went  through  the  mails.  I  had 
written  a  letter  to  the  detectives  on  the  Union  Pacific. 
The  robbers  got  the  letter.  Shortly  after  this  I  got  a 
picture  of  a  man  hanging  by  the  neck  and  a  notice  giv 
ing  me  twenty-four  hours  to  leave  the  country.  I  sent 
them  word  that  I  was  not  going,  and  if  I  caught  any  of 
them  around  my  cabin  they  would  get  a  "  darn  warm 
reception."  That  night  I  dug  a  hole  under  the  hill  in 
front  of  my  cabin  and  moved  my  bed  there.  For  the 
next  month  I  never  sat  down  to  a  meal  without  my  gun 
across  my  lap. 

I  learned  later  that  a  gang  of  them  met  one  night 
for  the  purpose  of  stringing  me  up  if  I  didn't  leave  the 
country;  but,  as  I  was  known  to  be  one  of  the  best  shots 
in  the  country,  the  wise  heads  in  the  gang  concluded  it 
was  a  rather  dangerous  undertaking,  and  so  decided  to 
leave  me  alone. 


AN  OLD   TIMER'S  STORY.  515 

In  the  spring  of  '79  I  desired  to  put  in  a  small 
crop  on  my  ranch.  I  had  no  seed  nor  plow,  and 
Cheyenne  was  the  nearest  point  where  I  could  procure 
them.  I  got  me  a  light  wagon,  hitched  up  a  couple  of 
ponies,  and,  the  last  of  February,  started  for  Cheyenne. 
I  was  gone  about  six  weeks;  traveled  altogether  about 
seven  hundred  miles;  camped  out  all  the  time,  but  ar 
rived  safely  at  my  ranch  in  April,  with  the  first  plow 
that  ever  broke  sod  in  Sheridan  County.  I  also  bought 
six  hundred  pounds  of  oats  and  some  garden  seeds. 
Charley  Farwell  was  in  Big  Horn  then.  He  had  a  large 
team  and  helped  me  do  the  plowing.  I  got  in  about 
seven  acres  of  oats  and  garden  during  the  summer. 
Cattle  and  cattlemen  poured  into  the  country  from  all 
sections,  and  the  horse  thieves  and  road  agents  had  to 
take  a  back  seat.  I  raised  a  fine  garden  and  had  a 
ready  market  at  my  own  price.  In  the  fall  I  flailed 
out  about  three  hundred  bushels  of  oats  and  sold  them 
at  ten  cents  per  pound,  or  a  seamless  sack  full  for  ten 
dollars. 

In  December,  1879,  I  received  a  letter  from  my 
old  friend,  Jim  White,  the  buffalo  hunter,  saying  he  had 
found  a  good  place  to  hunt  buffalo.  It  was  on  the 
head  of  Sundy  creek,  on  the  Yellowstone,  in  Montana. 
Although  it  was  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  miles 
away,  snow  deep  and  very  cold,  I  decided  to  go  to  him. 
I  packed  a  pony,  and,  with  a  good  riding  horse,  set  out. 
I  was  ten  days  making  the  journey.  The  weather  was 
very  cold,  and  I  never  saw  a  soal  for  the  first  two 
hundred  miles.  When  I  got  to  White's  camp  I  found 


£16  AN  OLD  TIMEffS  STORY. 

him  with  three  men  building  a  "  shack"  out  of  buffalo 
bides  to  live  in.  He  was  expecting  me,  as  we  had  an 
understanding  before  he  left  Goose  creek  that  if  he 
found  a  good  camp  I  was  to  come.  Buffaloes  .were  very 
plentiful.  We  hired  six  skinners  and  went  to  work.  In 
two  months  we  had  twenty-five  hundred  hides,  and  were 
killing  from  forty  to  sixty  animals  per  day,  and  clearing 
at  least  fifty  dollars.  Notwithstanding  we  made  money 
so  fast,  it  was  not  our  luck  for  good  fortune  to  last. 
Although  it  was  in  a  hostile  country,  we  had  thus  far 
seen  no  signs  of  Indians. 

On  the  10th  we  had  killed  about  sixty  buffaloes,  and 
about  sundown  White  said  if  I  would  go  in  and  get  sup 
per  he  would  help  the  skinners,  as  they  were  behind  with 
their  work.  We  had  eleven  head  of  horses  and  mules, 
and  they  were  grazing  just  above  camp.  I  went  into 
the  "dugout"  and  started  a  fire.  After  starting  the 
fire  I  went  out  and  looked  in  the  direction  of  the  horses 
and  saw  about  twenty  Indians  after  them.  I  fired  several 
shots  after  them,  but  to  no  purpose.  They  got  away 
with  every  hoof  of  stock.  Well,  we  had  a  ured  hot"  time 
from  then  on  to  protect  our  hides.  The  snow  was  so  deep 
we  couldn't  get  them  to  Miles  City  to  market,  so  we  had 
to  stay  there  and  guard  them  for  six  weeks.  We  finally 
got  them  to  Miles  City  and  sold  them,  and  after  paying  all 
expenses  we  were  losers;  but  later  we  got  our  mules  back. 

In  May,  White  and  I  came  back  to  the  Big  Horn 
mountains.  I  rented  my  ranch  to  a  man  by  the  name  of 
Benefield.  White  was  killed  in  the  mountains  that  season 
by  a  man  named  Miller  who  was  hunting  with  him.  They 


AN   OLD    TIMER'S  STORY.  517 

had  some  whiskey  and  got  into  a  drunken  row.  There  is 
no  doubt  but  that  White  had  killed  more  buffaloes  than 
any  man  in  the  world.  Killed  sixteen  thousand  Nin  seven 
years  in  Texas  alone. 

In  July  '80  I  got  a  letter  from  Richard  Frewen  of 
Powder  river  wanting  me  to  guide  a  party  of  English 
lords  from  London  on  a  bear  hunt  in  the  mountains.  I 
went  down  there  and  made  a  bargain  with  them  at  eight 
dollars  per  day.  I  went  out  with  several  parties  during 
the  summer.  We  had  killed  thirteen  large  bear  during 
the  season,  and  the  last  one  gave  me  a  terrible  shaking 
up.  I  was  out  hunting  with  a  lord  by  the  name  of  Wise. 
We  had  wounded  a  large  grizzly  and  had  trailed  it  to  a 
brushy  swamp.  The  Englishman  wanted  to  trail  it  into 
the  brush,  but  I  wouldn't  go,  as  I  knew  we  would  be 
taking  desperate  chances,  and  I  was  satisfied  the  bear 
would  be  on  the  fight.  I  told  the  Englishman  to  go 
around  the  brush  one  way  and  I  would  go  the  other,  and 
we  would  try  and  get  a  shot  at  bruin.  The  Englishman 
did  not  go  far  until  he  saw  the  brute/  He  gave  it  a 
shot  and  the  bear  made  for  him.  The  Englishman  beat 
a  hasty  retreat  with  the  bear  at  his  heels.  I  was  stand 
ing  about  fifty  yards  away.  I  got  in  a  shot  just  in  time 
to  save  the  Englishman.  The  bear  would  have  had  him 
in  another  jump.  The  bear  fell  when  I  shot,  and  the 
Englishman  had  time  to  get  behind  a  bunch  of  brush, 
out  of  its  sight,  but  I  was  in  plain  view.  With  one  roar 
that  made  the  mountains  ring,  it  made  for  me.  I  got 
another  cartridge  in  my  gun,  and  when  the  bear  was 
within  about  fifteen  feet  of  me  I  let  him  have  it.  I 


518  AN  OLD   TIMERS  STORY. 

then  wheeled  and  ran  and  tried  to  reload  my  gun,  but 
caught  it  in  a  sage  brush,  and  it  flew  out  of  my  hands. 
I  reached  to  get  it,  and  here  the  bear  came  again.  I  did 
not  have  time  to  get  my  gun,  but  I  had  a  good  six- 
shooter  which  I  pulled  out,  and  just  then  I  fell  over  a 
sagebrush,  and  in  an  instant  the  bear  was  on  me.  I  fired 
six  shots  into  him  with  my  six-shooter,  and  he  rolled  off 
of  me  dead.  The  Englishman  was  shooting  at  him  all 
the  time.  Just  as  liable  to  hit  me  as  the  bear,  though. 
I  had  a  very  heavy  buckskin  shirt  on,  and  it  protected 
me  some,  but  I  was  bleeding  from  head  to  foot  when  I 
got  on  my  feet.  I  finally  got  to  camp  and  laid  there  for 
twenty  days,  not  able  to  get  up  without  assistance.  The 
Englishman  gave  me  the  best  care  he  could  ;  stayed  with 
me  night  and  day ;  said  that  I  saved  his  life,  and  he 
couldn't  do  too  much  for  me.  I  have  not  hunted  bear 
much  since ;  came  to  the  conclusion  that  a  man  was 
foolish  to  take  the  chances. 

During  the  summer  of  '80  the  country  settled  up 
rapidly.  Over  fifteen  thousand  head  of  cattle  were  driven 
in  during  the  summer.  In  the  spring  of  '81  a  few  others 
and  myself  organized  a  town  and  called  it  Big  Horn 
City.  It  was  the  first  town  laid  out  in  Northern 
Wyoming.  We  also  took  steps  toward  organizing  Johnson 
County.  I  was  foreman  of  the  first  grand  jury  in  John 
son  County,  and  we  were  in  session  six  days. 


[  Mr.  Hanna  is  one  of  Sheridan's  ( Wyo.)  most  pros 
perous  business  men,  and  is  the  present  postmaster.  He 
is  identified  with  the  growth  of  Sheridan,  and  holds  a 


AN  OLD    TIMER'S  STORY.  519 

warm  place  in  the  affection  of  her  people.  The  picture 
of  this  gentleman  found  in  these  pages  is  an  excellent 
reproduction  from  a  photograph  taken  quite  recently. 
Not  being  old  (except  in  adventure)  he  has  settled  down 
to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his  early  labors,  and  fortune  hav 
ing  favored  him,  he  leads  a  life  of  contentment  within 
easy  distance  of  his  old  haunts  —  "  The  headwaters  of 
the  Yellowstone." 


>•< 


CHAPTER   VII. 


A    SAMPLE   "  ONE-HORSE    HOLDUP." 

To  show  what  exasperating  conditions  confronted 
the  early  settlers  of  Northern  Wyoming,  the  following 
letter  is  published.  Mr.  Foster,  the  writer,  is  Kegister  of 
the  United  States  Land  Office  at  Buffalo,  and  still  "  holds 
down"  the  ranch  he  took  up  on  the  advice  and  with  the 
assistance  of  Frank  James  : 

BUFFALO,  WTO.,  August  24,  1894. 

FRIEND  DE  BARTHE: — Your  favor  of  the  18th  instant 
received  today,  and  in  compliance  with  your  request,  in 
regard  to  our  (  my  and  wife's)  Wyoming  history,  will  say 
as  follows  : 

We  came  from  Idaho  in  the  summer  of  18T6  to 
Laramie,  Wyoming,  where  shortly  afterwards  I  began  the 
occupation  of  a  freighter,  on  a  small  scale,  which  I  con 
tinued  until  the  spring  of  1878,  when  we  took  up  our 
line  of  travel  for  a  location  in  the  Big  Horn  country, 
leaving  a  point  about  thirty-five  miles  northwest  of  Chey 
enne  on  the  10th  of  April  of  that  year.  We  arrived  on 
Clear  creek,  in  what  is  now  Johnson  county,  and  near 
the  present  site  of  Buffalo,  on  May  6th,  when  we  were 
met  by  a  man  with  whom  we  had  been  acquainted 


MRS.  T.  J.  FOSTER,  THE  FIRST  NORTHERN  WYOMING  LADY  SETTLER. 


A  SAMPLE  "ONE-HORSE  HOLDUP."  521 

during  the  previous  spring,  and  who  insisted  upon  our 
going  to  the  site  of  the  abandoned  Post  of  Phil  Kearney, 
instead  of  looking  for  a  location  in  the  Clear  Creek 

valley,  as  we  had  about  concluded  to  do.     As  there   was 

t 
not  yet  an  actual  settler  between  Powder   river  and  Fort 

»r» 

Custer,  we  had  the  selection  of  a  location  in  our  own 
hands,  with  the  whole  northern  Wyoming  to  choose 
from;  and  it  was  considered  advisable,  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  the  Post  of  Fort  McKinney,  then  on  Powder 
river,  was  on  the  point  of  removal  to  its  present  location 
on  Clear  creek,  and  the  probability  of  a  reservation  of 
uncertain  dimensions  being  declared,  to  act  upon  the 
advice  of  our  former  acquaintance,  and  at  least  see  some 
of  the  fine  country  to  the  north. 

Accordingly,  on  the  8th  of  May  we  passed  to  the 
site  of  the  old  Post  of  Phil  Kearney,  and,  concluding  it 
was  good  enough  to  camp  on,  we  did  so,  inspecting  the 
surrounding  country  the  next  day,  and  fully  deciding  to 
remain. 

Our  life  for  the  initial  year  was  uneventful,  although 
prosperous;  and,  by  the  way,  our  prosperity  seemed  in  a 
fair  way  to  become  our  ruin.  For,  although  during  our 
first  year's  residence  on  the  Piney  we  did  fairly  well, 
enjoying  the  benefit  of  a  monopoly  of  the  truck  trade 
of  the  new  fort  (McKinney),  raising  the  first  garden 
between  Colorado  and  the  Yellowstone,  selling  every 
thing  at  a  little  more  than  the  Irishman's  "one  per 
cent  profit,"  we  readily  acquired  a  reputation  as  cap 
italists,  arousing  the  cupidity  of  certain  gentlemen  of 
the  road,  who,  to  the  number  of  three  the  following 


522  A  SAMPLE  "ONE-HORSE  HOLDUP." 

spring  —  April  17,  1879  —  made  a  descent  upon  our  little 
log  mansion  (built  for  a  hen  house)  while  no  one  but 
myself,  wife  and  little  boy,  the  latter  but  four  years  of 
age,  was  about,  presented  their  little  guns  (forty-five  Colts) 
with  the  injunction  "  Throw  up  your  hands,"  which  order 
was  promptly  obeyed. 

They  then,  after  securely  tying  my  hands  behind  me 
and  facing  us  all  to  the  wall,  proceeded  to  ransack  the  house 
for  any  surplus  cash  which  might  be  lying  around  loose. 
In  this  they  were  only  partially  successful,  obtaining  but 
fifteen  dollars,  including  what  was  in  the  little  boy's 
safe  (a  cigar  box),  it  containing  money  to  the  amount  of 
seven  or  eight  dollars. 

Not  being  satisfied  with  the  extent  of  the  enterprise, 
and  feeling  certain  that  we  were  the  possessors  of  "untold 
wealth,"  they  then  marched  me,  bound  and  blindfolded, 
to  the  barn,  a  log  structure,  and  proceeded  to  administer 
what,  ^in  their  [minds,  would  be  an  antidote  for  my 
reticence  in  regard  to  the  location  of  my  supposed  < 'cache," 
which,  they  maintained,  must  exist  in  the  immediate 
neighborhood.  Placing  a  rope  they  found  in  the  barn 
around  my  neck,  they  pulled  me  up  and  allowed  me  to 
remain  long  enough  to  pass  over  the  "big  divide,"  which 
I  did  to  all  intents  and  purposes. 

Upon  regaining  consciousness,  after  what  seemed  but 
a  few  minutes,  they  again  demanded  to  know  the  where 
abouts  of  my  hidden  wealth,  and  emphasized  their  de 
mands  by  a  series  of  kicks  and  blows  upon  my  person, 
which  I  was  helpless  to  avoid  or  mitigate  in  the  least. 
Upon  being  told,  as  soon  as  I  was  able  to  speak,  that 


A  SAMPLE  "ONE-HORSE  HOLDUP."  523 

they  had  already  secured  all  that  was  available,  and 
finding  that  threats  were  productive  of  no  results,  they 
again  pulled  on  their  little  rope,  but  through  their  fear 
of  carrying  the  matter  too  far,  as  I  heard  expressed  by 
them  in  the  first  instance  before  my  complete  recovery, 
they  did  not  allow  me  to  remain  suspended  long  enough; 
for  complete  loss  of  consciousness,  but  instead,  employed 
all  their  "  eloquence,"  and  not  a  little  muscle,  finally 
cocking  a  revolver  with  the  threat  to  "  croak "  me  "  any 
way,"  in  order  to  persuade  me  to  "give  away  the 
cache." 

Finally,  with  the  remark  that  I  was  "a  good  one," 
we,  "the  jolly  four,"  returned  to  the  house,  where 
the  chief,  not  being  satisfied  with  the  former 
search,  conducted  by  the  other  two,  began  a  sys 
tematic  hunt  on  his  own  account.  Failing  to  unearth 
anything  further  in  the  form  of  lucre,  we  were  informed 
that  if  we  would  kindly  prepare  supper  for  them  they 
would  quit  us,  to  which  proposition  we  very  readily 
agreed,  and  in  due  time  a  very  elaborate  frontier  spread 
was  being  enjoyed  by  the  worthies,  which,  being  com 
pleted,  they  proceeded  to  possess  themselves  of  our 
horses,  three  in  number,  with  saddle  and  accouterments, 
the  principal  part  of  my  best  clothing,  all  the  provisions 
they  could  take  (of  which  we  had  a  good  supply),  with 
all  the  firearms  in  the  house — three  or  four  pieces — 
when,  about  midnight,  they  bid  us  a  fond  adieu. 

By  the  way,  I  must  not  omit  to  mention  that  the 
"former  acquaintance"  who  piloted  us  from  Clear  creek 
t-;  the  old  fort,  was  no  other  than  Frank  James,  the 


524  IA  SAMPLE  "ONE-HORSE  HOLDUP." 

notorious  Missouri  bandit,  of  which  fact  I  had  no  sus 
picion  until  informed  by  the  man  himself,  after  two  or 
three  months  of  the  most  pleasant  acquaintance.  For  a 
time  we  entertained  some  doubt  as  to  his  being  the  ver 
itable  Frank  James,  -but  from  our  minds  all  doubt  has 
since  been  removed.  He  has  passed  from  our  personal 
knowledge  since  the  following  fall,  but  we  hold  him  in 
kindly  remembrance  for  the  kindnesses  shown  us  during 
our  short  acquaintanceship.  He  never  advised  any  one 
to  follow  in  his  footsteps,  and  was  never  known  to  en 
gage  in  any  one-horse  holdups.  He  was  after  bigger 
game— feared  not  to  take  the  chances,  and  would  have 
been  an  invincible  ally  in  our  case  of  robbery,  had  he 
been  present. 

I  cheerfully  enclose  photos  of  myself  and  Mrs.  Foster, 
taken  nine  or  ten  years  ago,  and,  if  I  thought  it  neces 
sary,  would  make  the  use  of  her  picture  a  condition  of 
the  use  of  mine.  She  is  the  pioneer  woman  settler  of 
northern  Wyoming. 

I  probably  may  have  been  more  successful  in  the 
matter  of  length  than  interest  in  this  account,  and  will 
say,  if  the  former,  it  is  easily  abbreviated,  while  if  less 
complete  you  could  not  readily  add  to  it.  Abbreviate 
and  season  to  taste.  No  fiction  in  it. 

With  the  wish  for  the  greatest  success  in  your  enter 
prise,  I  remain,  Yours  very  truly, 

T.  J.  FOSTER. 


CAPT.  JOHN  SMITH,  ONE  OF  THE  "HORSESHOE  FIGHT"  HEROES. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  HOUSE  SHOE  CREEK. 

TRABING,  WYOMING,  December  20,  1893. 
FRIEND  DE  BARTHE: — I  herewith  enclose  (as  per  your 
request)  a  true  statement  of  the  u  Horse  Shoe"  fight, 
which  occurred  in  this  immediate  vicinity  in  1868.  I 
have  written  it  out  in  my  own  way,  explaining  details  as 
well  as  I  can  remember  them.  A  quarter  of  a  century 
is  a  long  while,  and  old  people's  memories  fail,  you  know. 

Tours  respectfully, 

(Capt.)  JOHN  K  SMITH. 


The  attack  was  made  on  the  morning  of  March  19th, 
1868,  the  fight  lasting  three  days. 

At  about  8  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  date  given, 
Chief  Crazy  Horse,  with  his  band  of  Ogallala  and  Minne- 
conjou  Indians,  numbering  sixty-seven,  came  to  our  ranch, 
where  Marion  Thornburg,  Bill  Worrell,  Bill  Hill  and  my 
self  were  living.  Our  place  was  known  as  the  Horse 
Shoe  road  ranch,  formerly  kept  by  the  notorious  overland 
stage  agent,  Slade,  who  was  afterwards  hanged  in  Mon 
tana.  The  Indians  secreted  themselves  behind  a  butte 
some  four  hundred  yards  from  the  house.  The  first  warn 
ing  we  had  that  anything  was  up  was  given  by  the  dogs, 


526  THE  BATTLE  OF  HORSE  SHOE  CREEK. 

who  scented  the  Indians,  there  being  a  stiff  breeze  blow 
ing  at  the  time.  Thornburg  and  myself  volunteered  to  go 
to  the  top  of  the  butte  to  see  what  was  up.  Worrell 
and  Hill  were  to  stay  at  the  house  and  watch  while  we 
were  gone.  The  dogs  went  along  with  us,  and  at  once 
scampered  up  the  butte.  The  Indians,  anxious  to  see 
what  effect  the  barking  of  the  dogs  would  have  on  those 
at  the  house,  stuck  up  their  heads  so  the  boys  in  the 
house  could  see  them ;  but  we  were  far  enough  under 
the  butte  to  miss  the  signals  our  companions  were  trying 
to  give  us  to  return. 

Seeing  a  coup  stick,  I  told  Thornburg,  and  he  gazed 
at  it  with  the  remark,  "Yes,  and  it  did  not  grow  there." 
Just  then  the  dogs  raised  the  top  of  the  butte,  and  the 
Indians  jumped  to  their  feet  and  came  rushing  toward 
us,  yelling  and  shooting  as  they  ran.  Thornburg  and  I 
retreated  toward  the  house  until  we  got  down  to  the  flat, 
stopping  there  and  returning  the  Indians'  fire.  They  split 
up  into  two  parties,  then,  one  going  around  the  house  in 
one  direction,  the  other  in  another.  We  made  a  run  for 
the  house,  and  made  it,  opened  the  port  holes,  barred  the 
door  and  got  ready  for  a  siege.  The  fight  was  pretty 
warm  for  the  rest  of  the  day,  the  Indians  losing  two  men 
an4  having  two  wounded.  We  had  plenty  to  eat,  but 
nothing  to  drink  except  Red  Jacket  bitters,  and  we  took 
a  good  many  drinks  to  the  ill-health  of  old  Red  Cloud, 
whom  we  thought  at  that  time  was  leading  the  attack. 

We  finally  had  to  have  water.  The  Indians  had  set 
the  stockade  afire,  and  the  well  was  inside  this  en 
closure.  So  we  drew  lots  to  see  which  one  would  go  for 


THE  BATTLE  OF  HORSE  SHOE  CREEK.  527 

the  water.  It  was  settled  in  this  way,  that  Worrell  and 
Hill  should  draw  the  water,  while  Thornburg  and  myself 
were  making  a  rush  at  the  Indians,  most  of  whom  were 
in  hiding  behind  a  pile  of  telegraph  poles  "across  the 
road.  But  when  we  made  the  charge,  we  discovered  that 
the  Indians  had  left  their  place  of  hiding  and  concen 
trated  behind  the  stockade,  so  that  when  Worrell  and  Hill 
made  the  attempt  to  draw  the  water,  they  opened  fire 

on  them,  and  we    had    to  retreat    to   the    house    in    quick 
>•. 
.time.       Then    the  red  devils    set    fire  to    the    stables   and 

killed  two  of  our  horses  and  one  mule,  badly  wounding 
a  third  animal.  When  night  came  the  Indians  drew  off 
to  Twin  Springs,  three  miles  from  our  ranch,  where  they 
secured  food  from  old  man  Muso,  Bill  Harper  and 
George  Harris,  who  were  keeping  a  road  ranch  at  the 
Springs. 

They  did  not  come  back  to  us  until  after  dark,  but 
did  not  show  themselves  in  the  light  of  the  fires,  which 
were  still  burning,  but  got  off  some  little  distance  and 
barked  like  coyotes  and  hooted  like  owls  to  draw  us  out. 
Their  cunning  tricks  did  not  work,  however.  We  put  in 
a  long  and  tiresome  night.  When  daylight  came  it 
showed  in  sight,  now  and  then,  black  heads  peeping 
from  hiding  places.  We  soon  opened  up  the  fight 
again.  About  10  o'clock  Lieutenant  Norton  of  the 
Second  United  States  Cavalry,  came  up,  accompanied  by 
"  Doc "  Mathews,  Crow  Indian  agent,  with  annuities. 
The  Indians  left  while  they  stopped,  which  was  only  a 
short  time,  and  when  they  passed  on  out  of  sight  the 
redskins  returned  and  engaged  us  for  the  balance  of  the 


528  THE  BATTLE  OF  HORSE  SHOE  CREEK. 

evening  to  the  queen's  taste.  They  felt  on  all  sides  and 
ends  of  the  house  and  got  all  the  port-holes  located  after 
dark  came  on. 

Along  about  10  o'clock  at  night  they  crept  up  to 
the  house  and  commenced  building  a  fire  between  the 
port-holes,  which  began  to  put  us  to  thinking  and  plan 
ning.  Knowing  the  house  would  be  in  flames  in  a  short 
time  we  made  up  our  minds  to  crawl  down  into  our 
little  fort,  which  was  dug  in  the  ground  ;  a  sod  wall  was 
built  up  around  it  on  top  of  the  ground  about  three  feet 
high,  making  it  high  enough  to  stand  up  in  and  room 
enough  for  four  men.  The  walls  being  eighteen  inches 

thick,  a  ball  would  not  penetrate  it.      We  had  some  four 

i 

or  five  port-holes  in  it.  We  had  a  dug  way  to  it  which 
led  from  the  floor  of  the  kitchen,  some  ten  or  twelve 
feet  from  the  walls  of  the  house.  After  entering  the 
tunnel  we  took  a  shovel  and  filled  the  entrance  with  dirt 
After  we  all  got  into  the  fort  the  house  was  well 
under  headway  burning.  The  house  was  built  of  pitch 
pine,  and  it  was  not  long  until  the  roof  was  tumbling 
in.  The  roof  was  dirt  covered,  and,  being  very  heavy, 
smothered  the  fire  to  a  considerable  extent,  so  that  it  did 
not  make  much  light.  Our  plans  were  soon  laid.  When 
it  got  dark,  we  took  our  shovel  and  commenced  cutting 
the  sod  wall  down  sufficiently  to  get  out,  which  we 
quietly  did,  while  the  red  devils  were  dancing  and  howl 
ing  with  glee  to  think  we  were  burning  up.  In  slipping 
out,  we  got  hold  of  the  horse  which  had  been  wounded, 
and  put  what  extra  clothing  we  had  on  the  animal,  under 
the  shadow  of  a  bluff  near  the  east  side  of  the  ranch. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  HORSE  SHOE  CREEK.  529 

The  Indians,  all  being  on  a  bluff  west  of  the  house,  could 
not  see  us. 

Then  we  started  for  Twin  Springs  to  join  George 
Harris  and  Bill  Harper.  I  forgot  to  state  that  Muso, 
after  the  Indians  had  visited  him,  took  his  half-breed 
family  and  went  to  Fort  Fetterman  the  previous  day 
with  Lieut.  Norton's  train,  so  we  were  six  strong 
when  Harper  and  Harris  joined  us.  We  then  com 
menced,  all  hands  'round,  to  talk  over  our  situation. 
We  thought  it  was  quite  dangerous  to  stay  there  and 
fight,  as  we  felt  that  we  might  have  to  fight  until 
our  ammunition  was  exhausted  before  a  train  would  come 
along  so  that  we  could  get  away.  However,  we  came 
to  the  conclusion  to  dig  a  hole  down  under  the  mid- 
die  of  the  house  and  cache  all  the  ranch  property,  or 
goods,  such  as  flour,  sugar,  coffee,  tea,  canned  goods  and 
some  wet  goods  (in  the  shape  of  a  ten  gallon  keg  of 
whiskey.)  We  worked  like  beavers  and  when  daylight 
came  we  had  our  cache  completed. 

We  reconnoitered  to  see  if  the  Indians  were  near 
about,  but  could  not  see  any.  We  had  decided  that  night 
to  burn  the  ranch  house  down,  and  when  the  dirt  roof 
fell  in  it  would  hide  all  traces  of  our  cache.  This  was 
the  third  morning  since  the  attack,  and  a  beautiful,  morn 
ing  it  was.  We  lit  a  fire  in  the  house  and  closed  every 
crevice  and  opening  so  the  flames  would  be  confined. 
This  action,  we  calculated,  would  give  us  time  to  get  quite 
a  ways  off  before  the  Indians  discovered  the  fire.  We 
decided  to  go-  to  Fort  Laramie,  thirty-six  miles  to  the  east, 
and  started.  On  the  road  we  would  come  to  the  one 


530  THE  BATTLE  OF  HORSE  SHOE  CREEK. 

intervening  ranch  kept  by  Bill  Wilson  and  Jim  Bellamy, 
which  was  situated  on  the  Big  Cottonwood,  eleven  miles 
away.  We  had  put  all  our  clothing  on  the  two  horses 
and  one  mule  we  still  possessed.  One  of  the  horses  be 
longed  to  George  Harris  and  the  mule  was  the  property 
of  Bill  Harper.  Harris  and  Harper,  not  having  been  in 
the  previous  two  days'  fight,  had  plenty  of  ammunition, 
but  the  rest  of  us  had  but  little.  About  eleven  o'clock 
we  met  a  man  on  the  road  named  David  Dampier  (a 
Frenchman  who  had  been  in  the  employ  of  the  Hudson 
Bay  Fur  Company),  to  whom  we  related  our  experience. 
He  informed  us  that  he  was  on  his  way  to  Twin  Springs 
to  hunt  his  horse,  which  was  running  on  the  Platte  river 
at  a  point  called  Bull's  Bend,  some  three  miles  (as  we 
informed  Dampier)  from  where  Crazy  Horse  and  his 
renegades  were  camped.  When  the  Frenchman  heard  this 
he  remarked  that  he  didn't  want  any  horse,  and  started 
back  with  us.  We  trudged  along  until  we  struck  the 
foothills  on  the  west  side  of  Little  Bitter  Cottonwood. 

Looking  back  from  this  point  over  a  level  plain,  we 
discovered  a  band  of  sixty-three  Indians  coming  from  the 
direction  of  Bull's  Bend.  They  were  about  three-quarters 
of  a  mile  away,  and  were  coming  for  us  as  fast  as  their 
ponies  would  carry  them.  Our  party  of  seven  looked 
rather  small  beside  this  big  crowd.  The  Indians  were 
well  armed  with  guns  and  bows  and  arrows,  and  had 
plenty  of  ammunition.  We  made  for  the  foothills,  but 
were  soon  entirely  surrounded.  When  the  Indians  made 
their  charge,  their  yelling  and  shouting  stampeded  our 
horses,  and  the  animals  departed  with  all  our  worldly 


THE  BATTLE  OF  HORSE  SHOE  CREEK.  531 

effects.  What  money  had  been  in  the  possession  of  the 
crowd  had  been -given  to  me,  some  five  hundred  dollars, 
and  I  had  placed  this  money  in  the  pocket  of  a  pair  of 
pants  which  had  been  put  in  the  pack  on  one  of  the 
horses.  Later  on  I  saw  these  pants  (with  the  unmention 
able  part  of  them  cut  out)  on  one  of  the  Indians,  so  I 
suppose  he  fell  heir  to  the  money. 

By  12  o'clock  things  had  become  pretty  warm.  I 
had  stopped  among  some  rocks  and  pine  to  get  a  shot 
at  Chief  Crazy  Horse,  the  rest  of  the  party  going  to  the 
top  of  a  knoll,  sparsely  covered  with  small  pines.  One 
of  the  Indians  crept  up  the  hill  and  took  a  shot  at  me, 
the  ball  passing  through  my  clothing,  grazing  the  skin 
over  my  heart,  and  flattening  itself  against  the  rock  be 
hind  me.  As  I  could  not  get  a  chance  to  shoot  the  sav 
age,  I  moved  my  position  with  considerable  haste,  join 
ing  my  companions  on  the  knoll.  As  I  reached  this 
spot  Bill  Harper  turned  and  faced  me,  with  the  spear 
of  an  arrow  almost  buried  in  his  right  eye.  He  pulled 
the  spear  out  with  his  own  hand,  and  the  contents  of 
the  eye  followed  it;  and,  with  the  blood  running  down 
his  cheek,  he  remarked,  "I  will  fight  that  much  harder. ?> 

During  this  time  we  were  being  surrounded,*  with  the 
exception  of  a  small  space  to  our  southwest,  and  the  In 
dians,  getting  well  located  in  the  rocks  and  pine  timber, 
had  a  great  deal  the  best  of  it.  I  made  the  remark  to 
Bill  Worrell  that  we  had  better  get  out  of  that  onto 
lower  ground,  so  we  started  southwest — the  weakest  por 
tion  of  the  Indian  lines — and  cut  our  way  through  to 
get  up  to  some  high  cedar  badlands,  or  brakes,  on 


532  THE  BATTLE  OF  HORSE  SHOE  CREEK. 

\ 

the  top  of  which  was  a  large  level  plain.  The 
Indians,  being  afoot,  it  gave  us  quite  a  little  start  while 
they  were  getting  their  horses  to  follow  us  up;  but  we 
were  trapped  in  the  cedar  brakes,  the  Indians  beating  us 
to  the  top  of  the  hills  and  cutting  us  off  from  the  level 
plain.  Our  chances  were  bad,  then,  for  getting  on  any 
kind  of  ground  to  give  them  a  fight,  so  we  had  to  take 
shelter  in  a  deep  washout,  a  waterfall,  rather,  where  they 
completely  surrounded  us. 

We  had  done  but  little  execution  up  to  this  time. 
As  far  as  we  could  discover  we  had  disabled  but 
few  of  the  savages.  We  made  a  fight  in  this  position 
for  about  two  hours,  during  which  time  they  got  a 
chance  to  locate  us  and  shoot  arrows  into  us.  Many 
gunshots  were  fired  by  the  Indians,  bat  piles  of  ar 
rows  were  fired  into  this  washout  and  rocks  were  thrown 
in  on  us.  We  kept  up  a  hot  fire  most  of  the  time 
the  rocking  melee  lasted.  Bill  Harper  got  hit  over  the 
left  eye,  the  flesh  being  shaved  down,  and  covering  the 
eye  completely,  which  disabled  him.  We  were  getting 
badly  used  up.  I  was  watching  to  get  a  shot  at  an  In 
dian  about  twenty  feet  from  where  we  stood,  who  had 
thrown  a  stone  and  hit  the  side  plate  on  my  Winchester 
and  almost  disabled  it.  The  gun  worked,  but  hard. 
While  watching,  I  saw  him  throw,  or  saw  his  hand  come 
in  sight,  and  a  rock  larger  than  my  two  fists  came  over 
and  hit  me  in  the  forehead,  cutting  a  terrible  gash  and 
scruffing  the  skull  up  and  knocking  me  half  senseless. 

During   this    time    all  of    us    were    getting    pounded 
more  or  less  over  the  body,  and  while  George  Harris  and 


THE  BATTLE  OF  HORSE  SHOE  CREEK.  533 

m}^self  were  lying  close  together  at  the  lower  end  of 
,  the  washout,  an  arrow  was  shot,  passing  through  Harris's 
coat  sleeve,  also  going  into  my  coat  sleeve  at  the  elbow, 
scraping  the  hide  off  my  arm  for  about  six  inches,  and 
pinning  Harris  and  myself  together.  Things  were  now 
getting  k' hand  to  hand."  The  Indians  set  the  cedar 
timber  on  fire,  and  the  smoke  was  nearly  suffocating  us. 
I  suggested  the  idea  of  cutting  our  way  back  to  the  hol 
low  a  few  hundred  yards,  and  then  quitting  the  hollow 
and  going  west  a  couple  of  miles,  which  would  put  us 
on  level  ground  near  what  is  known  as  the  Cheyenne 
Cut-off  road.  The  suggestion  was  agreed  to,  and  I,  being 
at  the  lower  end  of  the  hole,  was  to  make  the  break, 
which  I  did  ;  and  when  I  raised  up  to  run,  I  went  to 
shooting  as  fast  as  I  could,  as  there  was  plenty  of  red 
game  to  shoot  at.  I  made  it  through  the  line  of  In 
dians,  with  the  balance  of  the  boys  following.  Bill  Har 
per  came  last,  with  one  hand  holding  the  mangled  flesh 
up  out  of  his  left  eye,  so  he  could  see.  As  I  stated 
before,  he  had  his  right  eyeball  shot  out  by  an,  arrow, 
and  he  could  not  see  how  to  get  along  very  fast.  While 
we  were  running  and  fighting  and  driving  the  Indians 
off  of  Harper,  I  think  we  did  more  execution  than  we 
had  all  the  rest  of  the  day,  for  they  crowded  on  us 
close. 

The  first  to  fall  was  poor  Bill  Harper,  and  a  part 
of  the  red  devils  stopped  to  finish  and  mutilate  him. 
Worrell  and  I  stopped  and  fired  a  few  shots  as  the  In 
dians  had  bunched  up  around  Harper,  and  we  got  our 
work  in  in  good  shape,  getting  some  of  them.  I  turned 


534  THE  BATTLE  OF  HORSE  SHOE  CREEK. 

to  run  and  catch  up  with  the  boys,  and  got  shot  through 
the  right  arm  with  an  arrow.     I  pulled  the  arrow  out  of^ 
my  arm  and  caught  up  with  Harris,  Thornburg,  Dampier, 
and  Bill"  Hill,  when  Worrell  came  up  behind  with  an  ar 
row  through  his  left  foot,  severing  all  the  tendons  on  the 
top,  side  and  back  of  his  toes,  crippling  him  badly.-    Just 
as  we   got    together    the    Indians    were    leaving    Harper, 
having  finished  him.     They  then  made  another    rush    on 
us  with  bows    and  arrows,     one    arrow    hitting    Bill    Hill 
in  the  back  of  the  head.      At  this  time  we  were    leaving 
the  hollow  to  the  west  for  level  ground,  and  Dave  Dam- 
pier  yelled: 

"I  am  be-damned  if  I  go  any  further!" 
At  that  instant  a  ball  struck  him  in  the  back,  and 
he  never  spoke  again,  but  started  and  ran  to  a  blown 
down  pine  tree  distant  about  twenty  steps,  and  fell  under 
it.  Our  party  was  then  reduced  to  five,  with  three  of  us 
wounded.  Marion  Thornburg  and  myself  took  Hill  be 
tween  us  and  started  to  reach  the  level  plain  a  mile  away. 
While  the  Indians  were  running  back  to  get  their  horses 

and  s6me  had  stopped  to  scalp  Dampier,  we  go.t  off  from 

i 

under  fire  as  much  as  a  half  a  mile,  where  we  had  to  leave 
Bill  Hill.  He  had  bled  so  much  from  his  wound  that 
he  was  about  gone,  being  too  weak  to  walk  any  further. 
He  begged  us  to  shoot  him,  but  we  couldn't  do  it.  After 
we  had  gone  perhaps  forty  yards,  I  looked  back  to  see 
if  the  Indians  were  coming,  and  I  saw  the  smoke  from 
a  small  Colt's  five-shooter  which  Hill  had  on  him.  The 
poor  fellow  had  ended  his  misery  by  blowing  the  whole 
top  of  his  head  off.  The  Indians  soon  got  to  him,  where 
they  all  stopped  to  scalp  him. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  HORSE  SHOE  CREEK.  535 

That  gave  us  sufficient  time  to  get  out  on  the  flat, 
where  we  waited  for  them  to  come.  They  came  up  to  a 
dry  sand  creek  where  we  had  crossed,  and  stopped  in  the 
bed  of  this  gulch,  about  four  hundred  yards  from  us. 
We  could  see  when  they  came  up  out  of  the  gulch  that 
they  were  not  all  there,  and  could  see  some  of  them 
packing  their  dead  and  wounded  off  down  to  Bull's  Bend 
on  the  Platte  river.  After  they  saw  our  position  and 
knew  there  were  but  four  of  us  left,  they  (over  forty  in 
number)  formed  in  line  and  charged  us.  We  repulsed  and 
split  them,  but  they  circled  around  us  with  a  great  deal 
of  whooping  and  yelling.  This  move  was  repeated  three 
times  before  they  gave  it  up.  We  stood  our  ground 
without  a  quiver.  We  felt  that  the  position  we  held  was 
the  one  we  had  been  trying  to  get  all  day,  and  as  we 
had  it  we  would  hold  it  to  the  last.  So,  with  seven  of 
their  number  killed  and  one  almost  dead,  making  eight  in 
all,  the  Indians  concluded  to  give  the  fight  up,  satisfied, 
seemingly,  in  making  a  treaty  with  us,  which  was  done 
right  then  and  there. 

We  maneuverd  with  them  until  we  got  to  talk  with 
one  of  them,  he  going  back  and  forwards  three  times. 
Chief  Crazy  Horse  finally  came  up  and  we  told  him  what 
we  would  give  him  out  of  what  we  had  cached  back  four 
or  five  miles  at  the  Twin  Springs  ranch.  We  were  all 
feeling  pretty  well  played  out.  The  excitement  dying  out, 
we  began  to  realize  that  our  ammunition  was  about  ex 
hausted.  I  had  then  nineteen  rounds  left  (out  of  three 
hundred  and  seventy-five  in  the  three  days'  fight),  and  the 
rest  of  the  party  were  in  about  the  same  boat.  We  were 


536  THE  BA  TTLE  OF  HORSE  SHOE  CREEK. 

glad  to  talk  treaty.  The  Indians  were  sometime  consid 
ering  our  proposition,  but  finally  the  chief  came  up  and 
said  it  was  "  Washta." 

"You  four  brave  men.  We  kill  three  of  you.  We 
don't  want  to  fight  you  any  more,"  remarked  Crazy  Horse. 

This  Indian  could  talk  fair  English.  He  further  said 
their  last  supper  was  no  good,  and  they  would  go  back 
with  us.  We  told  Crazy  Horse  to  fetch  three  men  with 
him  and  keep  the  rest  back;  we  would  go  back  to  the 
Twin  Springs  ranch  with  them  and  give  them  the  grub. 
The  sun  was  then  getting  low,  perhaps  two  hours  high, 
when  we  started.  We  walked  as  fast  as  we  could.  We 
were  very  thirsty,  having  been  without  water  all  day. 
At  last  we  came  to  the  great  springs,  and  all  the  Indians 
came  up  also.  I  remember  one  Indian  carrying  an  old 
black  coffee  pot.  He  put  it  down  while  he  bent  over 
to  drink.  I  picked  the  coffee  pot  up  to  dip  up  a  drink. 
I  looked  in  it,  it  being  heavier  than  it  should  be,  and 
discovered  the  three  scalps  from  Hill,  Dampier  and  Har 
per.  I  quietly  laid  it  aside,  and  lay  down  beside  the 
Indian  that  claimed  the  coffee  pot  and  its  contents  and 
drank. 

Business  then  began.  First  in  order  was  for  one 
man  to  get  behind  the  sod  wall  of  an  out  building  as 
picket;  next  was  for  the  Indians  to  unstring  their  bows 
and  stack  guns,  bows  and  arrows  up  at  the  old  hitching 
rack;  next  was  to  put  the  Indians  in  a  half  circle  with 
the  chief  in  the  center,  with  one  of  us  to  watch  them 
while  the  other  two  of  us  were  digging  the  dirt  off  the 
cached  goods.  After  awhile  we  got  everything  in  order 


THE  BATTLE  OF  HORSE  SHOE  CREEK.  537 

and  banded  the  stuff  out  to  them.  They  divided  it  out 
to  the  rest  of  the  warriors.  When  I  came  down  to  the 
ten-gallon  keg  of  whiskey  (it  was  in  behind  a  blacksmith's 
bellows),  I  turned  the  faucet  and  let  the  greater  part 
of  it  run  out  in  the  bottom  of  the  pit,  and  the  Indians 
knew  nothing  about  it;  but  when  the  savages  who  were 
helping  us  lift  out  the  grub  saw  the  keg,  they  told  the 
Indians  who  were  sitting  in  the  half  circle,  and  they 
all  made  a  rush  with  cups  and  old  cans  —  anything  they 
could  get  to  hold  the  fire-water.  But  we  fooled  them 
and  would  not  let  them  drink  it  there,  and  gave  it  to 
their  chief  to  take  to  their  camp  on  the  Platte  river. 

The  Indians  then  left  us,  four  or  five  of  them  taking 
a  parting  shot  at  us  before  going  away.  We  had  what 
we  called  a  fort  at  the  ranch  —  a  hole  dug  in  the  ground 
about  four  feet  deep,  protected  by  a  stone  wall,  full  of 
port  holes.  Into  this  fort  we  went,  after  securing  a  keg 
of  water  and  dressed  our  wounds.  We  managed  to  save 
some  crackers  and  cheese  from  the  cache,  and  so  we  were 
not  entirely  supperless.  I  was  almost  sure  the  red  devils 
would  come  back  again  and  it  wasn't  long  before  I  heard 
them  signaling  to  each  other  with  eagle-bone  whistles. 

lifter  we  had  made  sure  they  were  coming  back 
again,  we  went  to  planning  how  to  get  away.  My 
proposition  was  to  light  a  candle  for  each  port  hole  and 

set  it  up  in  the  hole,  so  as  to  make  them  think  we  were 

P 
in  the  fort;  then  slip  out  into  a  deep  draw  and  start  for 

Fort  Laramie,  as  our  supply  of  ammunition  was  not  suf 
ficient  to  carry  us  through  another  battle.  So  we  left 
the  fort  after  lighting  the  candles,  myself  and  Thorn- 


538  THE  BATTLE  OF  HORSE  SHOE  CREEK. 

burg  helping  Bill  Worrell  along,  as  his  foot  was  about 
played  out  'and  swelled  so  we  had  to  cut  his  boot  off 
and  wrap  the  foot  with  bandages  made  from  wagon  sheets. 
We  made  eleven  miles  straight  in  that  way  (or  about 
fifteen  miles  the  way  we  had  to  go  to  get  around  the 
.country  where  the  dead  men  lay,  as  the  Indians  had  set 
fire  to  the  cedars).  We  got  to  Bill  Wilson's  and  Bel 
lamy's  ranch  about  half  past  two  o'clock  that  night. 
They  took  us  in  and  provided  us  some  coffee  and  sup 
per,  which  we  certainly  relished. 

Jim  Bellamy  started  at  once  for  Fort  Laramie,.  made 
the  ride  before  daylight,  and  reported  to  General  Slimper 
(who  was  in  command  of  the  Post  at  that  time).  He 
sent  E  Troop  of  the  Second  United  States  Cavalry,  com 
manded  by  Captain  Dueese,  who  came  to  Cottonwood  by 
noon  the  next  day.  He  gave  Thornburg,  Harris  and 
myself  a  horse  apiece,  and  instructed  us  to  proceed  with 
the  troop  to  the  field  of  battle,  bury  the  dead,  and  bring 
back  what  signs  of  Indians  could  be  picked  up,  to  prove 
to  the  Post  Commander  (General  Slimper)  that  it  was 
Indians  whom  we  had  been  fighting.  On  our  arrival  on 
the  battlefield,  two  or  three  hours  by  sun,  we  found  the 
dead  men.  v 

The  first  body  recovered  was  that  of  poor  Dampier. 
It  was  lying  under  the  old  tree  where  he  had  fallen 
when  shot,  i  The  fietids  had  scalped  him  after  firing  six 
"bullets  and  many  arrows  into  his  body.  We  buried  him 
where  he  fell  and  went  in  search  of  the  others.  Bill 
Harper  had  fourteen  bullet  holes  in  him,  and  fourteen 
arrows  were  sticking  in  his  body.  His  scalp  had  also 


THE  BATTLE  OF  HORSE  SHOE  CREEK.  539 

been  taken.  His  ears  had  been  cut  off  and  there  were 
five  long  gashes  in  his  nose.  We  laid  him  to  rest  where 
we  found  him.  Bill  Hill's  body  had  not  been  mutilated, 
except  being  scalped.  It  was  about  the  cleanest  bit  of 
scalp  work  I  ever  saw,  as  there  actually  was  not  a  single 
hair  left  on  the  dead  man's  head.  A  grave  was  made 
for  him  on  the  spot  where  his  body  was  discovered. 

The  soldiers  gathered  many  trophies  of  the  fight, 
such  as  bullet  pouches,  powder  horns,  bloody  blankets 
and  arm-loads  of  arrows.  That  night  we  camped  on  the 
Big  Cottonwood  creek,  and  the  next  day  the  troops  re 
turned  to  Fort  Laramie.  We  four  were  in  such  a  des 
perate  condition  that  they  had  to  haul  us  in  the  ambu 
lance.  It  was  ten  days  before  I  got  out  of  the  hospital, 
as  I  had  one  wound  in  my  head  and  another  in  my  arm, 
the  latter  wound  having  been  made  with  a  poisoned 
arrow,  and  it  proved  a  bad  one.  The  other  boys  were 
in  bad  shape,  too,  each  one  of  them  being  wounded  in 
several  places. 

In  counting  up  our  loss  we  found  we  were  out  about 
sixteen  thousand  dollars  in  ranch  property,  goods,  hay, 
stock,  horses,  mules  and  work  cattle,  thirty-six  head  of 
the  latter  having  been  taken,  not  to  say  anything  of  the 
five  hundred  dollars  in  cash  that  had  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  Indians.  I  served  four  years  and  seven 
months  in  the  civil  war  and  was  in  some  hard  battles, 
and  I  have  been  in  several  fights  with  the  Indians,  but 
I  never  had  as  hard  a  time  as  I  experienced  in  the 
three  days'  engagement  with  Crazy  Horse  on  Horse  Shoe 
creek.  I  cannot  begin  to  tell  half  the  incidents  of  this 


540  TEE  BATTLE  OF  HORSE  SHOE  CREEK. 

fight.  It  took  place  twenty-five  years  ago,  but  I  remem 
ber  the  main  features  of  it  very  distinctly.  It  pauperized 
us  all,  and  we  had  nothing  to  do -but  u  begin  life  over," 
as  the  saying  goes. 


[The  author  might  add  that  Captain  John  K.  Smith 
was  one  of  the  first  settlers  of  northern  Wyoming,  and 
that  he  is  at  present  a  prosperous  ranchman.  He  has 
passed  through  many  vicissitudes  and  has  a  fund  of 
anecdotes  probably  as  great  as  any  man  in  the  west.  His 
account  of  the  battle  of  Horse  Shoe  creek  is  correct  in 
every  particular,  and  the  marvel  of  it  is  that  any  of  the 
men  who  stood  off  Crazy  Horse  and  his  warriors  for  the 
three  days  referred  to  ever  lived  to  reach  Fort  Laramie, 
much  less  tell  the  story  of  the  fight.  The  photograph 
published  in  these  pages  of  Captain  Smith  is  an  excellent 
likeness  of  the  original.] 


CHAPTER    IX. 


"THE   BATTLE   OF  BY   CRIPES." 

When  the  future  historian  writes  of  Fremont  county, 
Wyoming,  his  story  will  not  be  complete  if  he  omits  the 
famous  "Battle  of  By  Gripes."  The  participants  in  that 
conflict  are  among  the  first  settlers  of  Lander  ( formerly 
Camp  Brown),  and  have  stayed  with  the  country  and 
become  some  of  the  best  known  and  most  highly  re 
spected  citizens.  The  following  account  of  the  "Battle 
of  By  Gripes"  was  furnished  by  one  of  the  participants, 
and  was  written  out  by  Mr.  Winfield  S.  Collins,  U.  S. 
Court  Commissioner,  of  Bonanza  ( Big  Horn  Basin), 
Wyoming  : 

On  the  night  of  the  23d  of  April,  1875,  some 
Sioux  and  Cheyenne  Indians  from  the  Red  Cloud 
Agency,  stole  ten  head  of  horses  from  Lander  and  vicinity. 
A.  A.  Conant,  nicknamed  "Pap,"  Joe  Coenett,  Frank 
E.  Coffee,  "Doc."  Curry,  Herman,  Harry  Burke,  Tom 
O'Neal,  Pete  Anderson,  Charlie  Baldwin  and  John  Mc- 
Collum  started  from  Lander  on  the  morning  of  the  24th 
after  them.  They  followed  them  all  day  and  all  night. 
The  trail  led  down  the  Popo-Agie  river,  ten  miles  below 
Lander,  then  struck  across  Beaver,  to  about  four  miles 


542  "THE  BATTLE  OF  BY  CRIPES." 

above  its  mouth.     At  daybreak,  they  found  the  Indians  on 
Muskrat  creek,  about  sixty  miles  from  Lander. 

There  were  fifteen  Indians  in  the  party.  They  had 
with  the  ten  stolen  head  about  fifty  head  of  other  horses. 
Charlie  Baldwin  and  Harry  Burke,  whose  horses  had 
played  out,  were  behind  some  four  hundred  yards.  In 
the  charge  that  followed,  Joe  Coenett,  Frank  E.  Coffee, 
"Doc"  Curry  and  Herman  cut  all  the  horses  out  but 
one,  and  ran  them  off  about  half  a  mile  from  the  scene 
of  the  battle.  Pap  Conant,  Tom  O'Neal,  Pete  Anderson 
and  John  McCollum  stayed  behind  to  keep  off  the  Indians. 
One  Indian  put  on  his  war  bonnet,  mounted  the  one  horse 
left  them,  rode  out  and  took  the  bunch  away  from  the  four 
men.  In  the  meantime  the  four  men  who  were  holding 
back  the  Indians  had  three  of  their  horses  shot,  and 
were  being  hotly  pursued  ;  and  had  not  Charlie  Baldwin, 
who  had  fallen  behind  in  the  charge,  carne  up  from  a 
gulch  behind  the  fighting  crowd  and  held  the  Indians 
at  bay,  the  four  men  would  all  have  been  killed. 

As  it  was,  they  were  compelled  to  fall  back.  Mr. 
Conant,  who  had  his  horse  killed  at  the  first  fire,  was 
shot  through  the  body  in  the  beginning  of  the  battle,  but 
kept  on  fighting  until  the  battle  was  over.  Three  Indians 
were  killed.  It  was  an  evenly-contested  battle,  both  sides 
mutually  withdrawing  from  the  fight. 

The  party  of  whites,  with  Mr.  Conant  almost  helpless 
from  a  supposed  mortal  wound  through  the  bowels,  and 
three  horses  killed  (leaving  the  Indians  in  possession  of 
the  stolen  horses),  started  back  toward  their  homes. 

When  guyed  about  his  bravery,  "Doc."  Curry,  whose 


"THE  BATTLE  OF  BY  CRIPES."  543 

pet  expression  on  the  occasion  of  the  fight  was  "By 
Gripes,"  said  about  the  lone  Indian  brave  in  the  war 
bonnet  who,  on  the  Indian  pony,  took  the  whole  bunch  of 
horses  away  from  the  four  guards,  "And  did  you  see  his 
horns  ?  By  cripes !  and  what  signifies  a  poor  cayuse  to  a 
man's  life  ?" 

From  Curry's  expression  the  skirmish  took  the  name 
of  "The  Battle  of  By  Cripes." 

It  was  a  slow,  toilsome  journey  of  two  days  back  to 
Lander,  part  of  the  men  being  on  foot.  Mr.  Conant  suf 
fered  much,  his  only  relief  being  in  a  constant  change  of 
horses,  the  different  gaits  of  the  animals  furnishing  change, 
if  not  relief  from  pain. 

One  of  the  Lander  men,  who  was  mounted  on  a 
magnificent,  grain-fed  stallion,  hurried  ahead  into  town, 
secured  assistance  and  met  the  party  out  fifteen  miles 
with  a  light  spring  wagon,  to  which  Mr.  Conant  was  im 
mediately  transferred.  Mr.  Conant  finally  recovered  from 
his  wound,  and  remained  in  the  Lander  valley,  since 
which  time  he  has  acquired  quite  a  competence.  "Doc." 
Curry  has  held  many  positions  of  honor  and  trust  in 
Fremont  County,  and  is  one  of  the  most  popular  men  in 
northwestern  Wyoming.  He  never  mentions  the  battle 
above  referred  to,  nor  does  he  ever  lose  a  chance  to  get 
in  his  favorite  expression  of  "By  cripes."  ..  The  other 
members  of  the  party  are  still  alive,  and  reside  at  or 
near  Lander. 


CHAPTER  X. 


SCOUTS. 

Grouard  has  never  had  any  but  the  most  kindly 
feeling  for  the  many  scouts  he  met  and  served  with 
while  campaigning  with  Crook  and  other  generals. 
Among  them  all  he  especially  esteemed  Ben  Clarke,  Big 
Bat  (Baptiste  Fourier),  Little  Bat  (Baptiste  Gaunier)  and 
Yankton  Charlie  (the  Sioux).  He  had  always  been  a 
great  admirer  of  Charlie  Reynolds  (one  of  the  scouts 
who  perished  with  the  Custer  column),  although  the  two 
men  had  never  met.  As  he  tells,  all  through  the  pages 
of  this  volume,  stories  of  the  scouts,  it  is  not  the 
author's  purpose  to  enlarge  upon  the  facts  he  has  already 
stated,  but  to  recall  a  few  incidents  that  have  escaped 
ttte  body  of  the  narrative. 

Grouard  says  that  Little  Bat  was  the  greatest  hunter 
he  ever  met,  and  that  he  could  outrun  the  fleetest  horse 
in  a  long  distance  contest.  He  has  known  him  to  start 
out  after  a  band  of  elk,  shoot  them  as  he  ran,  and  fol 
low  them  until  he  had  killed  the  very  last  one  in  the 

band.     He  was  an  excellent    shot,   and  never  wasted  am- 

,  < 

munition.  ^  Cool  and  brave,  he  made  a  dangerous  enemy, 
but  a  royal  good  friend.    Little  Bat  is  still  a  Government 


SCOUTS.  545 

scout,  and  is  stationed  at  Fort  Robinson.  He  has  a  fam 
ily,  who  reside  midway  between  the  Post  and  Crawford, 
Nebraska. 

Of  Charlie  White  (Buffalo  Chips)  Grouard  has  al 
ready  spoken,  and  also  of  California  Joe.  He  was  very 
proud  of  Ben  Clarke,  because  he  did  not  pose  as  the 
slayer  of  all  "good  Indians,"  nor  did  he  wear  his  hair 
streaming  over  his  shoulders  for  effect.  Clarke  is  still  in 
the  Government  employ. 

Baptiste  Fourier  (Big  Bat)  was  with  Grouard  a  great 
deal,  and  the  two  men  were  fast  friends  from  their  first 
meeting;  but  Bat  has  already  received  attention  in  pre 
ceding  pages.  He  lives  on  Wounded  Knee  creek,  not  far 
from  the  Pine  Ridge  Agency,  where  .he  has  a  fine  farm 
and  quite  a  large  herd  of  cattle.  He  is  not  at  the  pres 
ent  time  in  the  employ  of  the  Government.  He  is  an 
elegant  sign-talker,  and  has  had  a  great  deal  of  experi 
ence  with  the  Indians.  He  accompanied  the  Sibley  Scout 
to  the  Big  Horn  range,  and  was  the  man  that  Grouard 
sent  ahead  with  the  troop  when  the  retreat  from  the 
battlefield  begun,  a  move  which  required  nerve  and  cau 
tion,  and  one  which,  had  it  been  perceived  by  the  enemy 
would  have  led  to  the  massacre  of  the  entire  command 
under  Lieutenant  Sibley. 


